The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 8, 1932, Page 4

“Liberal” Judge Brandeis = cud DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, AUGUST.8, 1932 "> 1 Party USA, Published by the Comprodally Publishing , daily exexept, Sunday, at, 56:5, 13th St., New York City, N.Y. Telephone, Aigosaein, 44-7956. . Cable.“ DATWORK.”” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50'E. 18th'St.,‘New York,"N."¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mall everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: ene year, $8; six® magiths.’ $4.50. and the Berkman Case IN TRUE “liberal” fashion, Justice Brandeis of the United States Supreme Court refused to hear the case of young Edith Berkman, indomitable leader of the National Textile Workers Union. This modern Pilate delivered the case into the bloody hands of Doak, the deportation Sectétdry, who will dispose of it by deporting Edith Berkman to fascist Poland unless the workers of the United States stop him’ through militant mass action. Edith Berkman was arrested in connection with the struggle of the textile workers in Lawrence and held for deportation in Boston. Secre- y Doak, through his worthy subordinate, Inspector Tillinghast of ssachusetts, subjected Edith Berkman to a relentless persecution. During her illegal detention and in consequence of the special “atten- tion” paid Her by Mrs. Tillinghast, on special instructions from Secretary Doak, Berkman contracted incipient tuberculosis, an illness which prompt and proper medical care could have prevented. But Berkman did not receive either prompt or proper medical attention. Judge Brandeis’ refusal to hear Berkman’s case is the latest develop- ment in the struggle for the immediate release of this young organizer. ‘Fear the.Gag.@ff! RushRunds! jf The Former Singer Sewing Machine} Plant Near Moscow (Yesterday’s installment intro- duced Feodor Tretanoy and An- drew Boudnikov—two old workers who told of the old days and how Singer’s man, Dixon, ran both plant and town, They began telling us of their development as revolution- ary workers and we continue with this today.—Ed.) PART Uf. By MYRA PAGE Our Correspondent in the Soviet Union. Feodor and his small group of comrades would meet in different, workers’ homes, secretly, studying, preparing themselves. They or- ganized a small librar: In the plant among the workers they were agitating, raising their bread-and- butter issues, and all the while enlightening them on _ political questions. Much work was like- wise done among the peasantry in the villages close by. Small tea shops were opened up, where lit- skyscraper accumulated? ‘AS prices rose and food grew scarce, the revolutionary mood of | Russia’s masses kept rising. After] a week's strike in 1915, Dixon was forced to raiso wages by seven per cent. At the end of the next| year the factory was again struck.| Conditions grew worse each mont that the war continued. While Podolsk’s workers sweated by th machines, their wives and children{ had to stand in queues all day, in| order to get. bread. Demonstrations | for bread, and against e autos y, grew: strikes increased, The r-ore active than ever, tare | ried on openly propaganda through ’ study and dramatic cireles. At the front there w: ferment. Feodor and Andree knew that. soon something must happen, THE FIRST REVOLUTION BREAKS February 1917, For four days not a newspaper in Podolsk. The at the Singer plant hened. Everyone was | erature as well as tea was dis- tense, waitin Far into the night ] Justice Brandeis is supposed to be a “liberal,” but his refusal a la tributed and much propaganda | the Party c T | Pilate to stay the deportation of Edith Berkman shows that liberalism carried on. | ing, preparin; is an agent of capitalist reaction. The same “liberal” judges refused to Dixon, getting reports from. t were to stay the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti. Their liberalism was the most spies on Feodor, called him in and elopments. Substantial aid given to capitalist “justice” in its thirst for the blood of fired him. “You've aes @ group cades going up in the proletarian two innocent workers. of workmen around you,” he told districts of Moscow. The sm: had at ken! ey ic = ‘The workers of the United States must draw a fresh lesson from him. And Feodor felt ial to get broken! Hurrying bac! Te Justice Brandeis’ refusal. The lesson is that the workers cannot nourish any illusion about the “justice” that so-called “liberal” and “broad- minded” judges will administer to those who dare organize the workers and lead them in their struggles. To fight successfully aganst capitalist reaction it is absolutely essen- tal to unmask its “liberal” agents; it is necessary to show that it is not ‘from the “liberalism” of capitalist judges that the workers can receive justice. Only the most determined fight on the part of the workers can force these judges to release those who fall. in the clutches of capitalist “reaction. ‘The workers must mobilize the widest and most effective support to the fight against the deportation of Edith Berkman, This young organizer must not be allowed to become a victim of Doak’s deportation campaign.. _.. The struggle in defense of Edith Berkman is a struggle in defense of all foreign-born workers, a struggle in defense of the entire working class. ? —"~ The capitalists use this deportation campaign as one of the “best Ways” of dividing and terrorizing the workers into passivity in the face of the capitalist offensive of wage-cuts, speed-up, et cetera, ‘The workers must rally around the Communist Party and its. stan- dard bearers. Only the Communist Party leads the fight against the | capitalist offensive. A vote for the candidates of the Communist Party in the coming election will be a blow against the persecution of foreign- born workers, against capitalist reaction. Intensify the struggle for the release of Edith Berkman! munist in the coming presidential election! manger and reaction! Vote Com- Defeat Hoover's policy of Trotskyism and theWorld Congress Against War appeal of Romain Rolland and Henry Barbusse for the World : plied with machinery, clothing, | than was provided for in the plan? | Surplus products. They have a | “learn how to trade,” the basis of Congress Against War to be held in Paris on August 21 has found | pousehold goods, and all the wares | On the contrary, the decision re- | Much more fundamental import- | trading was the produce of the @ welcome response in the ranks of the workers, toilers, intellectuals and | ynich come from the factires. Can | garding grain follows from the fact | ance. By diverting a large pro- | individual peasant and the kulak. all sincere fighters against imperialist war. Undoubtedly, many of those ‘who are supporting ‘the Congress are affected by pacifist illusions. Many bourgeois pacifists will find their way to this Congress, Many dishonest elements as well will come to the Congress, not to support the aims of the initiators, but to sabotage the fight against imperialist war. How, it will be asked, can the Communists support 4 Congress in which pacifists will participate? How can the Communists who, in the fight against imperialist war make the struggle against pacifism one of their major tasks, join in a Congress with such elements? The answer is clear. The Communists are participating in this Congress in order to Bain access to new masses of the toiling people, who hate war and want By W. M. HOLMES qe how to trade.” This Piece of advice was given by Lenin to the Bolsheviks in the ear- ly years of the revolution. Its value is still recognized by his fol- lowers today. In the course of constructing Socialist society, the whole structure of private trade, with its foundations in profiteer- ing, must necessarily be destroyed. That is clear. But what is equally clear is that this system, revolving round the individualistic middle- man, must be replaced by a new one, centred on collective trading. Not private profit, but the com- mon good must be the object of the new system. But, first of all, it must work. The workers in the factories must be fed. The peas- ants on the farms must be sup- socialist construction, in this pres- ent stage, provide a machine which ly, and to the satisfaction of all demands? When the NEP Was Introduced ‘The capitalist, and the petty- bourgeois who live by trading for profit, cannot conceive any system of trade which has not private gain can carry on this process efficient- | Capitalists Repeat Old Song That “Bolsheviks | Abandon Socialism” Soviet Trade Methods Means Advance In Pro-| duction and Distribution fund, ‘the collective farms and farmers have the right to sell grain in shops and in their own collec- tive trading groups. Fourth, the original plan for the supply of meat to the state “fund” | has been reduced by one-half, as | far as the last three-quarters of | this year are concerned, Follows From Success of Collec- tivization Does this mean that the supplies available or anticipated are less that the collectivization of agri- culture, the introduction of the tractor and other machinery, the | use of fertilizers, and the general application of agricultural science, although still in relatively early stages, have greatly increased the quantity of grain available for the | market. Further, the production of grain by the state farms, the “grain factories,” is increasing year created, and is extending. The throwing open. of marketing facil- ities, therefore, follows, not from shortage of supplies and the fail- ure of coliectivization, as the cap- italist press would have us believe, but from increase in production and the success of collectivization. Gives Socialist Trade Wider Basis The decisions of this year ex- tending market facilities are not intended merely to enable the pea- sant more readily to dispose of his portion of the grain and meat sup- Plies on to these markets, instead of handling them by the state dis- tributing organizations, the Soviet Government brings these markets into play as essential factors in the distribution of necessities. In other words, socislist trade acquires a@ much wider basis than dealing in vegetables and other atfticles whose sale is not regulated by the The New Developments in Soviet Trading , which are filled with shoes, cloth- trading must follow on the aboli- tion of private trading. And it is a movement in this direction which we are now seeing. This is the explanation of the appearance in Moscow of signs announcing “kolkhoz bazaars,” of the rapid as- phalting of waste pieces of land and the erection thereon of booths ing, household goods, sweets, etc., and the appearance of peasant carts filled with potatoes, straw- berries, Cabbages, eggs, milk and occasionally butter and cheese. But this does not mean that the problem of supply and demand has been solved. Far from it. It is only the beginning. But why have these new markets appeared now, and why is there this sudden stim- ulus to trade? When Lenin wrote, Now, the position is radically al- tered. The basis is now the prod- uce of the collective and state farms. The new marketing meas- ures are only possible because the kulak, the exploiting, rich peasant, as a class, has been eliminated. We are seeing a change in methods of marketing which is based on a change in methods of production, the change from individualism to off so lightly, and not to fe sent to Siberia as well. For three months he was unemployed, and his fellow-workers slipped food and help to Him and his family, on the side. The police, discovering them, gave him 24 hours to leave town. “And where’ll I go?” What of my family?” Feodor demanded. Finding work in Moscow, he traveled back on his free days, when he could afford it, to see his family, and keep contact with local comrades. Each time he came he had to report to the police, stating when he arrived, for how long and on what train he would leave. His wife, who at first had fully agreed with his revolutionary activities, | The revolution has begun! the going from factory to face ‘Comrades! Stop your work! Into i support of ‘the workers of M w and Petrograd! Every machine in the Singer and Zengor piants was stilled. By ten o'clock all were outside. This.was February 28th. With boxes brought from the factory yards, the first revolutionary tribunal was organ- ized. Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, non- Party workers, and even cazarist supporters mounted the improvised platform, presenting their ergu- ments and programs to the masses There was some confusion, many at first not being certain of which leadership to follow. But it was streets, in New mixers. Part of the modern Equipment for the new foundry ag Podolsk, U.S.S.R. unable to see the children suffering, now changed altogether. There were many bitter arguments, but Feodor never gave in. ' the Bolsheviks that showed them" what to do, calling upon them to organize themselves. Under their experienced guidance, the workers ‘ s for its basis. This is because they y ye'v i divided themselves according ’<to tb fight against it, and to turn their peace sentiment into revolutionary | Cannot understand any evstem ot | PY Year, and giving the state more | state. socialism, Se ee eae ee age danetmehiis /ehd? cisced Stee channels, to turn the sentiment for peace into a revolutionary struggle | production which is not founded and more supplies for the market. This is a clear development of While it is true that the gap | the factory's reading rooms, known | deputies to a city-wide council against imperialist w The Communists participate in the Congress in , the spirit of Lenin, “a mass sentiment for peace often expresses the beginning of a protest, an indignation and a consciousness of the reaction- ary nature of the war. It is the duty of social democrats (real Bol- sheviks) to take advantage of this sentiment. They (the Bolsheviks) will take part in every movement and in every demonstration made, but.. they will not deceive the-people by assuming that in the absence of a revolutionary movement it is possible to haveypeace. . . . Such deceptions. ‘would only play into the hands of the secret diplomacy of the belligerent countries and their counter-revolutionary plans. Whoever wishes to make a durable and democratic peace must be for civil war against the govern- ments and the bourgeoisie.” ‘The above was written by Comrade Lenin during the imperialist war. This line of attempting to turn the desire for peace into a militant struggle against imperialist war applies with’ full force today in the attitude of the Communists towards this Congress. on private ownership of capital, machinery, etc., and on the ex- ploitation of the working class. And so they say in their press that the Bolsheviks must fail—and are failing. When Lenin introduced the New Economic Policy, with its toleration, under control of the Soviet state, of private trading for profit, all the capitalists said the Bolsheviks were abandoning social- ism. By the way, it was not only the capitalists abroad, but the pri- vate trading elements in the Sov- iet Union also, who thought that the death knell of socialism had On the other hand, the output of manufactured goods for immediate use is increasing. Thus, the basis for development of exchange. of commodities between the collective farms and the factories, and the free sale of the surplus products, both of collective farmers and of individual peasants, has been Bolshevik policy. It was in May, 1931, that the Central Committee issued an appeal for an increase in the number of state and co- operative shops. It was then stated that the abolition of the private trader did not mean the abolition of all trading. On the contrary, @ general development of socialist (By a Worker Correspondent) paid a month’s rent or we would Show Need for Jobless Struggle, between supply and demand is still very wide, it has already been much reduced by collective farm- ing. The old fashioned small in- dividual peasant farm could never develop a very high rate of prod- uction for the market. Very often, the poor peasant actually failed to reproduce his seed and labor. But the collective farms have already shown a gigantic increase in the production of marketable produce. The two years of struggle for col- lectivization~a period of intense class struggle involving the elimin- ation of the kulak class — have as “Red Corners,” gi of the sory. ae) v o, and hear the PIE path 9 ITCHING our chairs around one end of a long reading table on which were spread numerous ma- gazines and papers—‘Soviet Union in Construction,” “Our Truth,” the plant’s daily paper, “Mastery of ‘Technique,” and the popular hu- morous sheet, “Crocodile”—Feodor and Andree continue their stories. | Dixon, (Soviet) right there in the yard, It was done quickly and easily. other administrators,..and the police were not to be seen. Every spy that was recognized was driven away. Since it was ‘cold, the workers asked to be allowed to go back inside the shops. This their newly- chosen allowed but cautioned them not to begin work, without first receiving directions from their de-. puties. The hundred and fifty deputies from the Singer and Zengor plants , The Communists in the preparation for the Congress, as well as in NEW YORK.—The following let-!have been put, out. immediately held a meeting in @ thé Congress itself, will unhesitatingly and boldly declare that only by the overthrow of capitalism can enduring peace be established. They wil} point out that only through revolutionary mass actions, combining the widest masses for struggle against the war preparations, can the aims of the warmongers be defeated; that at best, however, the mass ‘sections of the proletariat can only postpone the outbreak of war. They will state unequivocally that only through the proletarian revolution and the-overthrow of capitalism can the menace of war be done away with. At the Congress, as well as in its preparation, the Communists will expope the social democrats and reveal the true face of all those who upder the banner of pacifism are deceiving the masses, as well as the vee sabotagers of the fight against imperialist war. vAmong these sabotagers are to be included the renegades of the ‘united States, the Lovestone and the Trotskyist groups. The American Trotskyites attack this Congress from the “left.” They ‘would like the workers to believe that they stand upon the platform of ‘Lenin in the fight against pacifism. But in reality the Trotskyites are to the Congress not merely because they do not wish “to mingle pacifist elements,” but because they are sabotagers of the struggle the defense of the Soviét Union. This can be seen from the July 30th ‘igsue of “The Militant,” in which they attack the Paris Congress as being 2 pacifist Maneuver. In this article they state about the August First demonstrations, “When the August First demonstrations were first pro- lelaimed by the Comintern in 1929, they were deeply tinged with the spirit ‘of mad adventurism.” ‘The Trotskyites declare that these great gatherings of the proletariat ‘August First which demonstrated against imperialist war and exposed were “mad adventurism.” This statement is in line with the adopted by the Trotskyites with regard to the menace of im- war against the Soviet Union, which it is especially minimizing. Fe attempts to disarm the proletariat in its vigilance in defense. of, the t Union. Not long ago Mr, Trotsky in his famous syndicated interview with capitalist press stated that “Japan will not decide to take aggressive against the U. S. S. R.” and “that such a move cannot be a first plan of action of Japan.” Thus, we see that the “left” phrases and apparent purism of the Trotskyites are only a cover for their counter- olutionary stand with regard to the Soviet Union and the urgent task the revolutionary fight against imperialist war. ‘The Communists, in the struggle against imperialist war, must con- luet their fight on two fronts, against pacifism and its influences on one hand and against sectarianism which would isolate the Commu- st SS ee cen Peis SOU hy been sounded, and who rushed in joyfully to enjoy a brief riot of speculation. But it was brief, and these latter gentry, at any rate, now know -quite well who were then the masters in Russia, the capitalists or the working class. Decision of May 6 Again, when the Council of Peo- ple’s Commissars and the Central Committee of the Communist Par- ty issued their decision regarding new developments in trading, on May 6 and 10 of this year, the capitalists declared this to be a further departure from socialism. But, in truth, the extension of trading which is opened up by the new measures, is a sign that the power of working class rule has not weakened, but strengthened, since the beginnine of the period of collective farming. The facil- fities for direct trade, which are offered to the collective and in- dividual peasants, the state manu- facturing trusts and the co-oper atives, are a step on the road to the development of new socialist forms of circulation of commodi- ties. How is this? Let us sum- marize the measures and their theory, and see, First, the state has considerably reduced the proportion of grain to be contributed by the peasants to the state “grain fund.” Second, by dividing the grain- sowing plan according to districts, the sown area has been extended, and the supply available for per- sonal use thus increased. Third, after completing the grain collection plan and contributing their portion to the State grain unemployment insurance. Ni ‘ location are left out- a . Dear Miiss:— but for my family. my familiy. longer. thing and tell us: God's hands. try_to find some means of work. am leaving witihout a penny. If the month. in a few weeks. from you. j titute, (The worker) CoE ANOTHER LETTER (This letter is by a housewife wit! @ large family) Dear Miisis:— ‘The investigator . to go to the ho: say they have tal. ‘stata —rsshoneanal ters are typical of the type received by the Emergency Relief Buros and demonstrate the need of greater struggles for immediate relief and It is with tears that I make this last appeal to you, not in my name I have been waiting patiently for the slightest ray of hope and nothing more than mere bread and butter for I can’t stand it any The grocers overcharge for every- “you're getting charity, what are you hollering about?” I have pride and am a man. I am leaving my family in your’s and I must go away and don’t get work, I'll end it all, but Tl try until I can go on no longer. IT am enclosing the electric bill for In God's name help them. I am bound to get something T must. I have ap- plied and received nothing as yet | T hope that you will do something. The wife and family are left des- writier is a young married sy Was here Friday. She saig my husband has The doctors beds. A friend|in @ short time, The investigator brought $3.75. Why did you cut off a quarter? I haven't enough to support my chil- dren. You took off the electric and ket, . It would come out that I should take gas with my children? I would write you more but do you think I can get through a. week on $3.75? Please help. —A Mother. a a ie (By a Worker Correspondent) MADISON, Wis.—Approval of the Unemployed Council's activities here was voiced by 350 workers at an open air meeting held at Regent and Park Streets, in the center of the working class district. Isabell Wal- ters explained the need for solidarity among the workers in order to force from the government even mimimum y|Telief. Elmer Lochner, candidate for I assemblyman on the Communist Party ticket, explained that the Communiist Party is the only Party whose platform calls for unemploy- ment insurance at the expense of the bosses and government. Meetings have been held the re- mainder of the week in the working class sections. + #6 (By a Worker Correspondent) ST, LOUIS, Mo—One thousand hickory sticks were purchased for the St. Louis cops to increase their effectiveness in beating unemployed workers who demand bread. The hjsticks were bought from William Hahn & Son ©o,, of 213 So. 3rd St. Also 100 Remington “Whippet” guns were given to the cops. These guns fire size three shot, which in- flicts minor wounds on large group a brought us to the point at which produce can be marketed and prices regulated without the inter- vention of the speculator or mid- dieman. This is not to say that the speculator or middleman is finally banished from the Soviet scene. He is still doing his best to gather enough pickings to live on. But certainly his days are numbered. The possibility of developing so- cialist trade without the aid of middlemen enables the Soviets to prohibit the opening of shops by private traders. The speculators, who fight to the last rather than submit to a life of honest toil, are thus driven underground. With wares illicitly obtained by fraud or robbery, they creep into the vil- lages, and try to sell to the peas- f ants, eager for manufactured goods, at thievish rates. An energetic campaign to rout them out of these retreats is proceeding. The quicker the development of the “kolkhoz bazaars,” the greater the amount of produce and manufac- tures thus placed at the disposal of the worker and peasant, the more enthusiastic support will be given to this rat-hunt of specula- tors. The success:ul conclusion of this section of the class struggle, the development of free socialist trade, will mean a rapid advance in pro- duction and distribution and, again, in reproduction, ‘Thus the standard of life will rise in the 9. 5, 8. R, These genuvalizations will, I hope, make ‘t er to rain some understandiog of the | new marketisg methods, al: Aroune us, in this Red Corner young workers are playing chess and reading. Some come over to listen in, for what do they know of the o]d days of want, oppression and terror? In the summer of 1913, Andree tells us, there was a big strike at the Singer plant, against the fresh wage-cut that Dixon was trying to put through. They also demanded the eight hour day minimum wages of one rouble a day for men and women, and that “the administra- tion and foremen act more civil toward the workers.” “All who had been fired for taking part in the First of May strike must be re- employed, and any worker who lost time through fault of the plant must receive full pay. It wasa strike, led by .Party memb-rs and lasting a full month, The Moscow Governor, from whom Dixon demanded troops, sent a full force tothe little town. Spies and provocateurs were active, Finally hunger broke the strike. Seventy- two workers were blacklisted, and many exiled, as earlier Feodor had been. Sighin, Andree pushes his fur cap toward his long nose, “So Dixon and the foremen treated us almost as hard as ever. But not quite, They didn’t dare. seeing our rising spirit.” Then came the im- perialist war, and Andree was drafted and sent to the front. The Singer plant began producing mu- nitions for the Czar—a very prof- itable business. Likewise, in Eliza~ beth, New Jersey, Singer converted his plant into a munition factory. Is this how fundaufor’his New York restaurant close by, deciding upon the next steps to be taken, and for stronger connections with Moscow. Again the workers were called out, and a great demonstration of 7,000 marched through the town, The question was how to disarm the” czar’s police, and win over to their side the seven hundred sol- diers stationed at the local muni+ tion factory. i: ‘The soldiers told the committee sent to learn their feeling, “We won't hinder you.” So the 7,000 workers set out for the police sta- tion, to disarm the force. Many soldiers joined in. “We also are. oppressed workers,” they said, “if they could send us to the front with guns, to defend the father" land, with the same guns we cat defend the revelution.” One mem- ber of the local police came toward the marchers. “Gentlemen,” he” cried, openly weeping, “for thirty=. ' five years I've been a fool, serving the czar. Now I refuse. Take my arms, and don’t bother me.” ‘ At the station there was a fierce ” but soon-ended battle, Disarming the police, the workers chose a revolutionary staff, and distributed. the erms among their ranks. Later, a mass funeral was given those who had fallen during the encounter. Yesterday's rulers stitfbacked rulers, frightened, came before the Soviet and mass meetings, Jaring, and join the people!” Among them — was Dixon, who called God De Sa (the at te revo | ‘ —atro BE o4 dees “We greet the revolutoin”