The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 2, 1932, Page 4

itt! age, FOUR DAILY WORKER, NEW YO! UK, RUESDAY, , AUGUST. 2 2, 1932 18th St. New York City, N.'¥. Telephone ALxonquin 4-7956. Cable “ Address and mali cheeks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., SUBSCRIPTION RATES: } By mail, everswhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; Borough of Manhattan and‘Bronx, New York City. Foreign: ene year, $8; i] six months, $4.50 y two months, Published by the Comprodaity Publishing Co., Inc., daily exexept Sun: The Red Advance in Germany the Communist Party, decline_of the Social Democracy | mation of the Fascist Party—such is the summary of returns Reichstag election in Ge: The five votes for the s @ quarter mi n the Reichstag elections are struggle for power, are votes for the revolutionary way out s of capitalism. They prove that in the face of martial law r tablishment of a fa dictatorship by the Von Pappen t the Communist Party was able to exceed all previous elec- hows that the infamy of the Social Democratic leaders ot despicable rt as social-fascists, aided in pushing on the road to fascism have exposed to large masses of their rank and file followers their real role as the worst enemies of the king class. The Communist gains are almost in direct ratio to the decline of the Sccial Democratic votes. Winning of the social democratic workers to the revolutionary standard is accounted for not only by the self-exposure of the Social-Democratic leaders, but primarily by the correct Bolshevik tactics of the Communist Party of Germany whose call for united action to beat back the offensive of capitalism met with tremendous response frem the workers. The repudiation at the polls of the Social Democratic leaders only registered in the form of votes the stormy advance of the mililonfold front of the anti-fascist drive. The powerful German prole- tariat, steeled in three revolutions, is, under the leadership of the Com- munist Party, moving toward the counter-offensive against capitalism. A long step is made on the road to winning the majority of'the working class fer proletarian revolution. The fact that Hitler's fascist party was unable to increase its vote with the aid of the fascist Von Papan government also shows that the sledge-hammer blows of the anti-fascist united front has counteracted the frantic offensive of the whole finance capital gang. Fascism, however, still remains a great menace which the proletariat will have to crush under | the iron heel of the anti-Soviet battalions. Not only is the election in Germany a victory for the working class and its vanguard, the Communist Party. It is at the same time a defeat to the social democrats, the followers of Trotsky of Brandler and Thal- heimer—a defeat of the social-fascists and renegades. The Socialist Party of America, in pursuit of its policy of trying al- ways to sow defeatist illusions among the masses in an effort to paralyze their action and thereby aid the capitalist offensive here, also reels under the blow of the German elections. How now will Norman Thomas explain his wail in the New Leader of July 30 (one day before the German elec- tions) that: “News from Germany is pretty nearly as bad as it could be. The spirit of Hitlerism seems to be triumphing.”? What of the despicable counter-revolutionary Trotsky and his mis- erable echoes in the United States who systematically slander Comrade 'Thaelmann and the German Communist Party leadership because of their fight against social-fascist tveachery? What of Brandler in Germany and his echo here, the Lovestone rene- sades who, like the Tret:kvist-Cannon group, deny that Social Democracy les degenerated into social fascism? Ml these elements—Thomas, Cannon, Lovestone—are unable to see | aing but defeat and disaster for the working class. All of them grovel | 2 awe before every violent act of the capitalist class and interpret the | very desperation of the defenders of decaying capitalism as a sign of | strength. Against all these the elections in Germany are a staggering blow which they will, of coutse, attempt to meet by new floods of counter- revolutionary lies and slander. The results in Germany will alarm and enrage the whole capitalist world. It will spur to more violent attempts to find a capitalist way out of their crisis at the expense of the toiling masses. Just as the German masses were able to advance through the Red United Front against fascism, so here in the United States, in the election struggle we must apply and build the fighting front against the attacks on the workers’ standards of life, against the increased terror and war campaign of the | Wall Street government. We must display the same fighting spirit in rallying the workers in the day to day fight. In direct proportion as we show our ability to lead the daily struggle will we be able to register increased strength on election | day. The German elections should spur the working‘ class of the whole world to more determined action on all fronts against the capitalist offensive. Hoover’s Deception Will Not Work \N THE HEELS of the heroic and valiant veterans driven from Wash- ington by fire and sword of Hoover's federal soldiers, there cames from the White House a pompous announcement of a new program to spur recovery. Couched in terms of official optimism and cheerfulness, this latest emanation from the pen of Hoover is calculated to cover up his infamous: attack on defenseless veterans. As befits the alleged constructive mind of this engineer-statesman, this program, like all previous ones, is nicely enumerated in points—this time nine points. The Reconstruction Finance Corporation, which was established exclusively for the “relief” of the big bankers, the railroads and industrialists, is again dressed up for service. This time we are told it is to be used as a job-giving and production-reviving institution. It is obvious that further treasury looting is to be earried out to salvage ven- tures that nave reached the precipice of bankruptcy, or to pay dividends to stockholders in banks and corporations. It is to be used to “extend ieredits,” which means to place at the disposal of the finance capitalists new issues of currency on the basis of the inflation rider that passed during the closing sessions of congré Already the effect of this infla- ‘tion has been price ‘increases for necessaries of life—which means further beating down of the miserable standards of life of the toiling masses, Not one unemployed worker or impoverished farmer got anything out of the billion and a half distributed during the first period of the exist- lence of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. This latest period of ithe venture will be at the direct expense of the masss in the form of a {higher cost of living. Hoover's pompous words are only to conceal the real nature of his proposals and to try to stem the rising tide of furious protest against the murderous attack upon the veterans at Washington. Another point that is definitely aimed at the part-time workers living now on starvation wages is that which advocates shorter hours—a continu- ation of the infamous “‘stagger system,” which means a still further reduc- tion in money wages. The federal government pragtices it against the federal employees in the form of vacations without pay. Hoover sets the pace for wage reductions. Already the New England capitalists have held a conference where they, with the aid of the leaders of the A. F. of L., Gssued the slogan of a “flexible labor day,” which means extending the stagger system to all workers who toil for them. ‘Tie new move of Hoover is intended to stem the rising tide of struggle a the unemployed, the vets and shop workers. This it will not accomplish. seem | The fight for the bonus is not ended. It enters a new stage—it be- comes more than ever bound up with the class fight of the workers, un- employed and part time for unemployment and social insurance at the expense of the government and the employers. It is bound up with the fight against capitalist terror and for the political rights of the workers. ‘The struggle of the veterans for the bonus must now draw in the veterans throughout the land. Their ranks must be united under militant leader- ship. And together with the workers the fight must go on . In the fire at Anacostia, on the banks of the Potomac was forged the foundation for a closer unity of worker-veterans and the great mass of jorkers that will make the capitalist terrorists pay dearly for their Bloody Thursday. Not all of Hoover's pompous talk about new programs can avail against that unity. The capitalist government may claim “victory” for its bestiality on the Potomac last Thursday, but they at best only won & battle—indeed a costly battle. This battle unmasked American democ- sacy and exposed its tyrannical face to millions of toilers. The class war yoes on and this victory brings the capitalist class nearer the day when imag battle will be fought that will solve the crisis of capitalism in one way that will benefit the masses of toilers—the revolutionary way. | Chamber of Commerce, | against Freq Sexauer, HIDING THE By BURCK For God, Calvin Coolidge, and the Law of Supply and Demand By ISRAEL AMTER (Israel Amter, Communist candi- date for Governor of New York, and the author of this article, is at present on a campaign tour of the industrial and agticultural sec- tions of the state.) 'HE capitalist politicans are wor- ried. They knew that not only the workers, but also the farmers in this country are turning Red. They know that the toiling farmer who is starving, is unable to meet his taxes and interest, is losing his | farm, and is going to the city, re- presents a revolutionary force that they will have to deal with. They know that conditions on the farms of this country are getting intoler- able for the poor farmer, and therefore, they invoke God and St. Calvin to frighten the farmers. Sham Fight In Buffalo there is a man by the name of Robert Elmes, of the italist is carrying on a sham fight $40,000 a year president of the Dairymen’s League. This is no real fight, but has the aim on the one hand of entrenching the bankers still more in the lead of this organization, and of making the toiling farmers of the state believe that Sexauer is a fighter in their interests. What is the situation of the farmers of the United States and more explicitly of the State of New York? The farming population has dropped 5.2 per cent in a decade— from 26.6 per cent to 21. 4 per cent, and today numbers only slightly over 26,000,000. More than 200,000 farms were abandoned in the past ten years. Farm property dropped from a value of 80 billion to 57 bil- lions, representing a loss of 23 bil- lion dollars. Farm income in 1931 declined 9 billion dollars, while the worker wages went down to 15 bil- lions in the same time (10 billions in 1930). Farm mortgages have mounted to 15 billions. Farmers Hungry Farm produce was never so plen- tiful as today—but the farmers are hungry. In the middle west and the south, the farmers march to the cities demanding and taking relief. The federal Farm Board Red Cross are furnishing the farm- ers with wheat. This is not a result of a flood or drought—it is the result of the production of TOO MUCH food. The Federal Farm Board, created to “stabilize the price of grain,” promised to hoard again, take it off the market, so as to keep prices up. They promised dollar-a-bushel wheat —today it Sells at 42 cents, or at less than the farmer.can produce it. Farmers are so poor that they cannot send their children to school for want of clothes and shoes. Poor farmers have asked the farm banks —tfor loans, but they get none, for they cannot furnish paper security, They are saddled with mortgages; they cannot pay taxes or interest. They cannot sell their grain—so they use it for fuel. This is the result of the Hoover- Wall Street solicitude for the farm- ers, which is so admirably expressed in the Republican Party piatform. But the same Wall Street’ Govern- ment has given billions to the rail- road and banks, is spending billions for war, has loaned billions to bankrupt European governments, has raised a high protective tariff This cap- | | Bosses Try to Cover Up Responsibility for | Starvation Conditions of Farmers on commodities that the farmer does not suffer competition from. j The Garner Relief bill, with its | amendement in the committee, | would give loans out of a fund of $1,500,000,000 to the banks and cor- porations—but nothing to the poor farmers. Worse in South I nthe South, the situation is even desperate. When the small cotton farmers—sharecroppers and tenant farmers—white and Negro are told not only to limit produc- tion, but to STP production; and when in the state of Louisiana, they are forbidden to raise cotton for one year—it means STAR- VATION. In the state of New York, there are close to 700,000 rural popula- tion. The farmers of New York Taise_mainly chickens, cattle for milk, fruit. New York City fur- nishes the market. This city is im- portant for the farmer, the farmer is of tremendous importance to the city workers. The dairy farmer of New York is under the thumb of the milk trust—Borden Sheffield. ‘The New York farmers have their organizations—the Grange, Dairy- men’s League etc. They read all the capitalist farm papers and have radios; they listen to the chamber of commerce people, to their or- ganization leaders, But their mis- ery continues to grow. Workers pay in the city 12 to 14 cents for a quart of watery milk, whereas the farmer get one and three-fourths cent for a quart of milk of high fat content. Who gets the difference? The milk trust. Children cry for milk in the city, where their pa- rents cannot afford to buy it. The milk trust dumps tens of thousands of quarts daily into the gutter to ' Mass. Bosses Approval keep up the price. Farmers pro- duce first class eggs that they get litle in the city for. They raise fruit and vegetables, but have to let it rot on the fields because it does not pay them to pick, pack and ship them to the market, be- cause the workers have no money to buy it with. Thus the New York farmers, in the richest state of the country, with a big market in New York City, are in the same situa- tion as the farmers in the rest of the country. Enemies Rewarded Mr. Sexauer is the president of the Dairymen’s League. He receives $40,000 a year from getting the farmers 1 3-4 cents for a quart of milk! There are several directors of the league at $10,000° a year. These people are not only bankrupt as far as helping the farmers is concerned; they are tools of the Chambe rof Commerce, the bankers in the city, to keep down the con- ditions of the farmers, to fill them with bunk. The poor farmers in New York and throughout the country have not yet learnt that there are class interests also among the farmers; that the big rich farmers and bankers use the small, poor farmers to put through schemes of advan- tages to the bankers and rich farmers. The poor farmers have not yet learnt to draw up their own program, form their own groups within these capitalist organiza- tions, have their own leaders and make a fight to throw out of power these capitalist anq their hench- men. This the Communist Party must do for them; give them pro- gram, policy and leadership, mak- ing them understand that Sexauer and all other representatives of Give Official of A.F.L. Look Upon Leaders to Discourage Strikes By ROBERT W. DUNN 'HE labor leaders of the A. F. of L, “should be called together to discuss these problems and form committees in their own interest and receive the assistance of the commercial and industrial organi- zations of the State in creating such support as the active leaders of labor find desirable for their con- stituency.” This is the recommen- dation of a report made for the Massachusetts Industrial Commis- sion, and called “A Brief Study of Industrial Massachusetts.” This survey of the industrial plight of that state pays special at- tention to textiles and looks upon the labor leaders, particularly those in the textile cities of the state, as a stabilizing force that will discour- age strikes and work for “better relations” with the employing class. The above recommendations were made after an unnamed “represen- tative of Organized Labor” appeared before the investigators and em- phasized the fact that: “Organized Labor in Massachu- setts has always maintained (a con- servative policy. . Organized Labor in Massachusetts has never attempted to extend its position to the control of industry; it is not a political organization bent upon capturing the reins of government. + . » It desires to establish relations of confidence and good will between itself and Industrial Management.” The entire implication of both the labor statement and the official report is that the A. F, of L. should be dealt with more closely by capi- talists or else “irresponsible. radical agitators” (mention is specifically made of them in Lawrence, New Bedford and Fall River strikes) will come in and organize the work- ers for militant struggle. would be bad for the capitalists and the labor leaders who support them and their industrial and_ political Policier PLSARS m {pSuetcon Ce 3 This! il COMMUNIST! ,” the bankers are NOT working in the interests of the poor farmers, but of the banks and the rich farmers. A “divine law” Mr. Robert Elms of the Cham- ber of Commerce of Buffalo, knows the discontent of the farmers—but he also knows that as long as he can invoke religion, God, etc. he will for a time continue to fight a winning battle. But when Elms declares that the law of supply and demand is a “divine” law, that it was designed by the “creator,” and that Calvin Coolidge was his great- est prophet on this field, then the limit of hypocriscy, Swindle and demagogy has been reached—or perhaps not. In a folder dis- tributed among the New York farmers, Elmes shows what the Republican regime has done for the farmers. But it just is what the Wall Street government has done for and to the farmers that has helped to bring them into their present plight. After stating that “the world cannot be forced to consume more wheat than it is now doing,” and that the “exchange value of farm produce for the goods which farm- ers usually buy is now only 50 per cent of the 1910-14 average”; after damning the veterans for demand- ing their bonus; and quoting Cool- idge’s veto of some legislation, Elms declares “To insure success for the farmer requires that we repeal the Creator’s natural law of supply and demand....That would? indeed be a mircale..,.This would upset the economic and spiritual law as established by the Creator expounded by that clear thinking Yankee, Calvin Coolidge. Supply and demand is one of the spiritual Jaws and our agricultural heaven cam be reached only by absolute complaince with it.” AMEN. ‘This is the answer of the.daemer who has ben suffering for 11 years and today is in the worst crisis. God St. Coolidge and the spiritual law of suply and demand! Using the farm organizations, the church, the radio and press, using the 4 H organizations among the youth, Wall Stret still manages to keep the poor farmers under its fist. What Do We Propose? _ In this crisis, the Communist Party puts forward its program of Struggle: Emergency relief for the impoverished farmers without re- strictions by the government and banks; exemption of impoverished farmers from taxes, and no forced’ collection of rents or debts. This is the platform for the election campaign. It is one of the planks in the program of struggle against starvation, misery and war which ; the Communist Party puts forward for the organization and mobiliza- tion of the workers and farmers for the revolutionary overthrow of the ‘capitalist system and for setting up a revolutionary Workers and Farm- ers Government, a Soviet Govern- ment in the United States. Only through this program will the “divine law” of supply and demand be upset, the poor’ farmers as well as the worker be freed from the power of Wall Street and of the leaders of the chamber of com- merce, farm and reactionary labor organizations. The farmer must organize to struggle together with the workers in the city, The Work of Trade Union Fractions From ihe Resolution c of the Presidium of the E. C: G.I. The following important short- comings are to be found at present in the activity of the trade unioh Communist fractions: a) The trade union fractions are not suitably instructed by the cor- responding Party Committees, but the leadership of the activity of the fraction is frequently carried out in a formal and mechanical manner—by sending circulars and general directives. The Party Com- mittees have not yet learned to Jead the everyday work of the trade union fractions, have not learned how to train the existing cadres of the revolutionary trade union or- ganizations in the spirit of the Party line and to strengthen them by attracting new and fresh forces. b) The Communists working in trade unions still very often in practice carry out the leading role of the Party by methods of com- manding and not by insistent work of conviction and by personal ex- ample inside the trade unions. As a result, the internal life is sup- pressed in the revolutionary trade union organizations ang they are converted into duplicates of the Party organizations, with approxi- mately the same memers and me- chancially repeating Party de- cisions. c) On the part of the Party Committees, there is very often to be observed an actual self-elimina- tion from participation in the dis- cussion and solution of the con- crete problems of trade union work, e. g. self-elimination from partici- pation in the various campaigns carired out by the revolutionary trade union organizations, and in Some cases even self-elimination from the question of the strike Struggle but more often in ques- tions of wage scales and social in- surance, etc., which is completely incorrect, They consider these to be mere trade union questions, which do not apply to the Party organizations, etc. In the near future, all Communist Parties must pay the greatest attention to the concrete tasks of carrying on the most insistent work for removing these shortcomings and weakness in the sphere of trade union work and for strengthening their positions in the trade union organizations. Hhe Presidium of the E. ©. C. I, indicates the following and most important of these tasks: Nine Vital Tasks Rapid Formation of T. U. Fractions 1. To bring about the formation of trade union fractions in trade unio norganizations of all kinds in the shortest possible time, contain- ing Party members (according to the decisions of the second inter- national organizational meeting). The C. C. of the Communist Parties must send experienced instructors and organizers to form strong and active Communist fractions in those trade union organizations where the Communist fractions either do not exist at all or where they exist but work badly and do not yet play any important role in the activity of these trade union organizations. Double Contact and Double Subordination 2. The VI Plenum of the E. C. C. I. confirmed the decisions of the second international organiza- tional meeting that trade union fractions should keep in contact not only with the coresponding Party committees but also between themselves, and the fraction of the higher trade union organizations should give authoratative directives to the fractions of the lower tade union organizations, so that each trade union fraction will be sub-, ordinated to two bodies—the cor-, responding Party Committee and the trade union fraction of the higher trade union organization. In practice this decision has very often not been carried out up to the present and is even questioned and quotations are frequently made from the experience of the C. P, S, U. in which the trade union fractions are not linked up among themselves but are subordinate only to the corresponding Party Committees. The Presidium re- quires all Communist Parties to carry into practice without hesita- tion the decisions of the VI Plenum of the E. C. C. I. on the double subordination of trade union frac- tions. For the Communist Parties of capitalist ang colonial countries with their weak apparatus, with the difficulties of contacts between the organizations, especially under circumstances of. whole or partly underground work, it is extremely necessary to have double contacts and double subordination of T. U. fractions, If the work’of the trade union fractions is properly guided by the Party Committee, every de- cision and instruction of the trade union fractions will, be previously coordinated along Party lines, and will thus be a direction of this Party committee for all Party members working in the given trade union organization. There- fore double contacts and the sub- ordination of trade union fractions will make it possible to improve the leadership of the work of the frac- tions by the Party afd in addition will make it possible to improve the contacts betwen the higher and the directives handed on by trade union fractions of the highe trade union organizations to the fractions of the lower trade union organizations must reflect the line and the concrete directives of the higher Party committees which are sent out by the legal and semie legal channels of the trade unic organizations. The trade unio: fractions of the lower T. U. ore ganizations on receiving directives: from the higher fraction, will cos ordinate the forms of carrying, them out in practice with the cor- responding Party committee which directs the work of these lower trade union fractions. It is not correct to quote the experience of. the C. P. S. U,, because not a single! Communist Party in the capitalist! and colonial countries has such a strong influence on the trad unions and has such means of con- tact and control over the fulfilment of Party directives as the C. P, S. U. We should remember that in the past (until 1922), there were also two sided contacts ang double} subordination of trade union frac- tions in the C. P. S, U. Fractions Do Work {Through Nuclei 3. The resolution of the second international organizational meet- ing points out that trade union fractions in the factories are to carry out their work through the factory nuclei. The Presidium con- siders this indication of the second international organizational meet- } ing to be quite correct, and only | thinks it necessary to supplement it by the following explanation. In capitalist countries there may be, and usually are, members of several trad eunions—revolutionary,|reform- ist and others—in factories. Party members who are members of a trade union and who work in the factory must unquestionably be or- ganized in the factory fraction group of this trade union. Every such fraction group must keep in ' constant contact with the fraction of the corresponding trade union organization, inform it of what takes place in the factory, and in turn receive information through the fraction of the measyres and plans of the given trade union or- ganization. However, the fraction will not give any direct directives to its factory fraction group( if the | corresponding Party committee has 4 not been broken up by police re- pression), but these directives will be given by the Party committee through the factory nucleus. On the other hand, the factory frae= tion groups of the various trade unions represented |in the factory cannot carry on any special work in the factory along the lines of their union which is not known to the factory Party nucleus and which is not closely linked up with the everyday work of the factory nus 4 cleus. The factory nucleus must guide all the trade union work in the factory. This means that the factery fraction groups of the vari=" ous trade unions must Work under the direct leadership of the factory nucleus. At the same time, the factory nucleus must energetically utilize these factory fraction groups to penetrate from below from the factory into all the trade unions which have branches in the given factory, and thus strengthen the in- fluence of the Party in all these trade unions. For this purpose, it is particularly important that the lower Party Committees( lofal end district) should organize systematic joint meetings of the representa= tives of factory nuclei and fractio’ (local and district) of the corre= sponding unions to discuss the come crete questions of defending the everyday interests of the workers of the given factory, bring about the joint activity of the members of all the trade unions under the ideologi- cal and organizational leadership of the factory revolutionary trade. union groups. The Tasks of the Party Committee * °4. In cases when the revolution~ ary trade union organizations are faced with the questions which are of big political importance (putting © forward a program of immediate demands, preparing for |a strike, ete.), the corresponding Party Com- mittee must first discuss these ques-~ tions and must certainly bring into: this discussion the representative (or revrssentatives) of the fractions: and thus work out for the latter definite directives as to what they are to do, The Party Committee in such a case must, avoid the predes {termination of details, leaving con« cretization for the fractions theme selves, and demanding from the fraction the greatest initiative in this concretization and the most. 4 careful consideration of all pecliars ities of the work of the trade union organizations represented by them, If the circumstances of the time and place require the fraction to deviate from the directives of the Party leaders, the fraction must apply to the corresponding Party Committees for new directives. If for some reason it is impossible to ges these new directives from the, Party committee and it is ne to act without losing time, the frace _ tion must make a decision on own responsibility and give Party