The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 25, 1932, Page 4

: we DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, JULY 25, 1932 Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily exoxept Sunday, at 50 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cab! Address and mail checks te the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mati everywhere: One year, 36; six months, $3; two months, $11 excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. Vets--Don’t Be Fooled by the Generals has backed water in view of the steely The order of July 21 to the the next day, The threats lism’s time-honored ent—military force—melts away in file decision to “stand their ground.” The Wall twice and turn somersault on its force would arouse the vets through- is to do the evicting? Are the ngton say that marines n called into action against ned and marched hink the capitalist politicians. It Hoover government ation of the bonus ma evacuate by August 4 was to use capi’ k and er ment has had to t the veterans. And then Pei the country. again: ma not work The Hoover and Wall government fell back on the policy of Again they are relying veterans’ forces. J nd.of the profes- 1, Wate! the distrust of the men is government, the latter is push- ince ‘al Glassford and Smediey Butler, to take comma the veteran’s army know that Glasford, chief who pretends of police. The vets must friendship for e veterans, has been steadily working to prevent the suc- cess of the bonus fight. While Hoover's role has been one of direct assault on the bonus marchers, Glassford has tried to kill them with kindness. E s been the role of soft in phrase and strong in deed. When the veterans threatened to assert their mass power and compel the Congress p in session to pass ne ponUes| his police arrested Pace and other ter in defeating the toilers he of orders”. But this is Smedley Butler, an old hsnd at serving Wall Street, the butcher of d Santo Domingo peoples, has also come forward as a frietid s. And if the vets are distrustful of Glassford, perhaps they he veterans have no friends in the generals that st world war. The demagogy the rank and file should fool e capitalists. of the wil of Smedley “Butler, his no one. He is a tried and true friend of The a rank and ile leadership, demccr nd militant, capable of fight- ing succe: ington and rallying the vets and unemployed to their support throughout the country. This leade! p is to be found in the fighters of the Workers Ex-servicemen’s League Hollywood’s Intervention, Propaganda ILORIFICATION of racketeers, police thugs and the kept ladies of the capitalist class is sinking into a minor place in the repertoire of the Hollywood talkie producers. The scenery is shifted from New York and Chicago to Moscow and Leningrad, as Hollywood responds to the demands of the imperialist war mongers to become a propaganda machine in for- warding the campaign of war and intervention against the Soviet Union. Decaying capitalism, facing its greatest economic crisis, can no longer He convincingly about the superiority of living conditions in its world as compared to conditions in the Soviet Union. Hence it tries to sow the illusion that Socialist construction in the Soviet Union is being realized at the sacrifice of all the so-called finer things of life. Recently there has been on exhibition one of these anti-Soviet pictures callcd “Forgottetn Commandments,” in which the Bolsheviks are accused of practicing all the vices to which the capitalist class is addicted. These producers try to create the impression among the millions who view such pictures that the virile revolutionary proletariat, the clean-living, devoted, self-sacrificing, heroic men, women and youths engaged in Socialist con- struction in the Soviet Union are as depraved as the vicious and degenerate ruling class in this period of capitalist decline. Hollywood stories about life in the Soviet Union are no more reliable than “news” from Riga or Warsaw—and are put forth for the same reason: a part of the imperialist drive toward war and intervention. This increased propaganda should spur every worker, every working- class organization, to more determined struggle against imperialist war and in defense of the Soviet Union. August First, International Fighting Day Against Imperialist War, must be a smashing reply to the whole drive of the war-mongers. All out in mass demonstrations, August First! The Judas Endorsment ip bamaa could not live without the service of a host of betrayers of the working class, all posing as friends of the toiling masses. ‘Today especially, when the ranks of the working class are closing against capitalism, the decaying system makes full use of the socialist reformers and renegades from Communism in an effort to sidetrack the workers and knife the revolutionary working-class movement. ‘The renegade groups in the United States—the Lovestone and Cannon groups—fight the Communist Party, the revolutionary vanguard of the working class on every issue. They unite with the social-fascist leaders of the Socialist Party in inciting Tammany police to smash Communist meetings. They align themselves with the most brazen reactionaries in the trade unions to betray strikes and stem the movement toward the revolutionary left wing. They join hands with the white imperialists in the fight against the right of self-determination of the Negro masses in the Black Belt. They aid the war preparations against the Soviet Union , by slandering the Soviet Union, and especially its Communist Party. Their organs serve as information bulletins for the capitalist press’ with which to attack the Communist International and especially its American section. i In practice these renegade groups stand opposed to every plank in our Communist election platform. Yet, in face of this record these two groups state in their publications that they “endorse” the Communist candidates for President and vice- President. Studied deception could go no further. ‘These groups of renegades only “endorse” our candidates in words in {the hope of getting a hearing from radicalized workers who are moving toward our Party. The Brandlerites in Germany played the safne sort of debased game when in the recent elections they “endorsed” Comrade aelmann, the candidate for President, but fought the Party. Such “endorsement” was scorned in Germany and the authors of it exposed as ‘agents of capitalism in the ranks of the workers. The followers of Brandler and Trotsky in America are serving the capitalist class in its attempts to find a way out of its crisis through the Hoover hunger and war program. They “endorse” our candidates only in order better to carry out their counter-revolutionary opposition to the program of the Party and ite standard-bearers, and repudiates this Judas “endorsement.” Revolu- sonar ih roe : *“ THEIR LAST STRONGHOLD! THANIEL BUCHWALD ni. IN THE matter of fighting revolutionary sentiments of the masses with demagogic phrases the Democrats are. nob. alone in. the field.’ There is a.third party of capitalism, the Socialis, “Party, which specializes in this very thing. Algo thé Socialisié are preoccupied with the question of whether capi- talism can survive, and like the “major” capitalist parties the So- cialist Party bends all its efforts toward saving capitalism from rev- olution. Of necessity the vocabu- lary of the Socialists differs from that of the Democrats and Repub- |licans. The very nature of its task of misleading the radicalized and partly class - conscious workers makes it necessary for the Socialist Party. to speak the language of “radicalism” and to defend capital- ism in concreto by condemning it abstractly. The Milwaukee con- vention of the Socialist Party fur- nished quite an assortment of such “revolutionary” utterances—against the class struggle and for the main- tenance of the capitalist system. There is a fine sense of charlatanry in the following passage from Hill- quit’s keynote speech: Class Struggle “Ugly” To Socialists “In all these ugly class struggles we stand unreservedly with the workers (oh, yeah?) but it is our unswerving principle to do away with all classes and class antag- onism and to create a classless cooperative commonwealth based on social and economic equality.” You will notice the order in which Hillquit marshals his “ideal”: first to do away with class antagonism, with those “ugly” revolutionary | strikes and demonstrations and hunger marches, which offend the good taste of every good “socialist” and then, in the distant future (the more distant the better—Victor Ber- ger once said one thousand years) to establish the “classless coopera- tive commonwealth.” Surely Hoover will agree to that much. While Norman Thomas, Presiden- tial candidate of the Socialist Party, speaks of “peaceful revolution, which is the greatest cause. that man has ever esponsed,” Hillquit concretizes it by the statement that “what America needs is a radically Temodeled, new, sane and equitable social and economic order,” which is another way of saying, patched- up capitalism, restoring - capitalist stability. At that, there is not much to patch up, for Hillquit as- sures us that “we are politically free but economical slaves, and we demand the restoration of the étolen property to the people of this country.” All that has to be “done, then, is to “restore” a condi- tion that supposedly existed before ‘we fell upon these evil times. Com- Pare this with Roosevelt pledge “to restore America to its own people” and you will see a kinship not only of demagogic souls but also of demagogic phraseology. Platform Sold To Petty Bourgeoisie ‘The Socialist Party has succeeded in a measure in “selling” its pro- gram to the petty bourgeoisie and also in gaining favor with the ruling class as @ useful agency that stands between capitalism end revolution. Ths ts myeh siewigespee in the the <=> The Saal Between Two World Syston As Seen In the Conventions of the Republican, | Democratic and Socialist Parties compliment paid the Socialists by the Republican keynoter, Mr. Dick- inson: “Socialists and Communists of- fered their solution for our diffi- culties. Some are inspired by a real, if misguided, patriotism, others are merely headline seekers.” Surely the compliment of “pa- triotism” does not apply to the Communists, and we can only con- gratulate the patriotic “socialists” upon the recognition they gain in the high places of American capi- talism. But the American Socialists are of no earthly use to American capi- talism unless they can make the workers safe for the capitalist sys- tem. The job of the Socialist Party is to win over the workers and to keep them away from com- munism, from revolutionary strug- gles, from the urge to emulate the workers of the Soviet Union. Hence, the Socialists must talk “revolution, with the emphasis on “peaceful,” and they are even obliged to con- | cede that communism may be a good thing—for Russia. With the frankness of a court jester, Hey- wood Broun stated at Milwaukee: “I think it is dangerous for the Socialist Party to be identified in the public mind as holding to everything in the Comunist pro- gram, but I think it is still more dangerous to have the public be- lieve that the Socialist Party has nothing in common with commu- nism.” Substitute for “public,” in the first instance the word “bourgeois,” and in the second, “workers,” and you will have a clear view of the “So- cialist” predicament. Heywood Broun belongs to the “militant” species of American “Socialists” (the sham left wingers at the con- vention), and he is willing to go the limit and concede the desirability of Communism in the United States. But— “I believe that we can achieve democratically the ends achieved by Russia in her own way.” The American Communists lead the workers along other than bour- geois democratic ways, therefore the Brouns and the Thomases want the workers to believe that the American Communists are no good and that the job of achieving com- munism in a “peaceful” way and “democratically” should be in- trusted to the “Socialists.” Stupid Slander Against Communists ‘These bitter enemies of Socialism and Communism are sailing under false colors. Propaganda against Comraunism and the revolutionary class struggle is the very backbone of the S. P. program. Some of the more stupid “Socialist” leaders, such as John C. Packard, chairman of the Socialist State Executive Committee of California, put it awkwardly and make themselves ridiculous by such exceptionally absurd charges as: “We Socialists offer the con- structive American way of bring- ing about what the Communists seek to accomplish by violence « « » SOME COMMUNISTS TO- DAY ARE PUBLICLY CAM- FAIGNING QB THE EMEC: | TION OF HERBERT HOOVER (our emphasis) to hasten the collapse of American life, with consequent revolution. Subtler Methods Of Incitement But the more astute among the “Socialist” politicians resort to subtler methods of inciting the messes against the Communists, here and everywhere.’ Norman Thomas, for instance, advances the argument, familiar in Europe but rather new in its application to the United States, that in fighting Communism the “Socialists” fight Fascism. At the annual conference of the League for Industrial Dem- ocracy Thomas did some spade work on behalf of an American policy of “lesser evil.” He said: “The United States has all the elements of a very strong Fascist movement . . . Once I would we seen in Communism some- thing of a check to Fascism. Now I think that the Communist em- phasis on the inevitability of vio- Jence and its glorification of dic- tatorship play into the hands of Fascism.” At the New York State conven- tion of the Socialist Party in Utica he’ carried the “lesser evil” propa- ganda a bit further by stating: “Our enemy is not either the Republican or the ,Democratic Party. It is Fascism, the last stand of capitalism, which sweeps on. with the aid of the old parties or despite them.” And since the Communists “play into the hands of Fascism,” it is clear that.the Communist Party is the chief enemy the Socialists must fight, and that the Republican and Democratic parties under the cir- cumstances constitute the “lesser evil.” Which is another way of Saying that the capitalists’ govern- ment, either Republican or Demo- cratic, should be supported in its persecutions against the Commu- | nists, for the fight against Commu- nism is also a fight against Fascism. Thus, while drumming for his own party, the S. P. spokesman suggests @ “good reason” why the workers should vote for Democrats or Re- publicans rather than Communists. At the same time we see here the workings of the Social Fascist— inciting Fascist actions against the workers under the guise of fighting Fascism. The Jewish Daily Forward slipped up a bit when it commented on the danger of Fascism in the United States. In an editorial entitled “Is Democracy Really a Failure’ and published on the same day when the press carried the statement by Norman Thomas at the Utica con- vention, the Forward states: “Also in America voices are heard to the effect that our polit- ical system does not work prop- erly. But to speak of a Fascist danger in the United States is simply ridiculous.” Yet the contradiction between ‘Thomas’ thesis and that of the Forward is not as great as it may appear; the Forward predicates its opinion upon the idea that the “democratic” framework of the- government in the United States is a bulwark against Fascism, while ip the sheeple eaminst Fesclamn the | One or the Other ® | ; institutions are being used to carry By BURCK “democratic” framework of the gov- ernment is useful and must be upheld. In their high praise of the “Dem- ocratic” institutions they are con- cealing the basic fact that these through the attacks on the workers, and daily is being more and more streaked with fascism: The social- ists, by raising fascism as a “fu- ture menace,” conceal the growth of fascism day by day and disarm the working class fight against it. ‘Thus, the Socialist Party is at one with thé other capitalist par- ties in its preoccupation with fight- ing “wild radicalism.” While the other two parties may be vague about their specifications concern- ing “radicalism,” the socialists are quite clear and concrete; they set out to fight the Communist Party and the revolutionary struggles of the workers led by the Commu- nist Party. Here they are at one with Garner,or, Hamilton Fish, with Doak or with Palmer, with Hoover or Roosevelt. Like John Garner, Norman Thomas . knows that the spread of Communism is “the gravest possible menace” to capitalism. It is but a prerequisite to the downfall of capitalism, the system which all the capitalist can- didates are so anxious to protect against revolution. One or the Other In the platform of all the capital- ist parties everything else is sub- ordinated to this grave concern over the survival of capitalism. While in their concrete proposals these platforms advocate more of the starvation and war program that mark the capitalist way out of the crisis, and while this pro- gram still further undermines the chances of capitalism to survive in the fatal contest with revolution and socialism, the parties of capi- talism are aware of the fact that it is a question of one system ver- sus anotiter. And while the “ma- jor” political parties never once mentioned the Soviet Union in their official declarations, it is the existence of the Soviet Union, the success of the Five-Year Plan, and the up-building of socialism on one sixth of the earth’s surface, and the world-wide rise of the revolu- tionary movement that constitutes the nightmare of capitalism, Letters from Our Readers ‘New Orleans, La, Dear Editor: My dad was a Federal soldier dur- ing the Rebellion all his life. I fol- lowed in his footsteps, clinging to the Elephant emblem to this very day. But now Communism seems to be to be my only way out, and what hold good for me holds good for scores of thousands of my folks in this neck of the woods, We ne LIKES “DAYS WITH LENIN” Ossining, N. Y. Dear Editor: Days with Lenin! Can't find words to tell you how much I enjoy read- ing it. All the comrades here eagerly follow it every day. I believe if we could have a good’ following story every day in our Daily Worker it would be a good ides. See ee Ey a | ar Holland Greets Scottsboro Negro Mother By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL, OLLAND'S radio audience is served by two broadcasting sta- tions. One of these is VARA (United Labor Radio Association) controlled by the Dutch social- democrats. It was a far cry from the Scottsboro meetings forbidden, broken up b ythe socialist police in Germany, tot he socialist invitation to Mrs. Ada Wright in Holland to speak over their radio. Thus the Scottsboro appeal was broadcast through the air for the first time in Europe. Socialist Maneuver It is clear that this is a maneu- ver of the socialists in Hollang fol- lowed closely on the heels of the lead given by the chairman of the Second Socialist International, Em- ile Vandervelde, in opening his arms to the Scotsboro Mother in Brussels, and his heart to the cause of the Negro boys facing the elec- tric chair. Suddenly the columns of Het Volk (The People), central organ of the Social-Democratit Party of Holland began to burst with Vandervelde publicity, as if the former socialist premier of Bel- gium’s King Albert had taken over the Scottsboro campaign. Het Volk featured the Scottsboro case with Pictures but omitted mention en- tirely of the International Red Aid. Home Made Translations How deliberate this actually was became crystal clear with the translation of the Scottsboro Moth- er’s appeal over the radio, when the social-democratic translator pro- vided by the station itself and who had been given an advance copy of her speech, declared that it was the Socialists who had come to the aid of the Scottsboro Negro boys and were defending them and once More omitting all mention of the International Red Aid. ‘The basis for this campaign of deception was to be found in the tremendous mass support of the Scottsboro campaign in Holland as revealed in the demonstrations held in Rotterdam, Amsterdam, Delft, the Hague, and even in the farm- ing districts of Friesland, in north Holland, in St. Anna Parochic, Beets and Appelscha. 10,000 March. In Rotterdam the police denied the workers the right to demon- strate in the streets following the great mass meeting. The possibili- ties of such demonstrations became clear in Amsterdam, where fully 10,000 workers marched through the streets to the post office build- ing following the mass meeting in the great hall of the Diamond Ex- change. The meetings at Delft and the Hague were unprecedented. ‘The response that swept over Friesland, the northern agricul- tural district of Holland, however, was a revelation. Friesland was one of the seven original free states ef Holland. It is one-eleventh of the country with 400,000 popula- tion. As an independent free state it was the first to recognize the independence of the American col= onies following the war of inde- pendence against Great Britain, 1776. As an ingication of its gratitude the new nation sent a tablet which still rests in the wall of the capitol of Friesland, at Leeurwerden, bear- ing the inscription: “Memorial of Gratitude from the United States of America to the State of Fries- land for Its Recognition of the In dependence of the United States 1785.” j “Send Tablet Back to U. 8.” All of the Scottsboro mass meet= ings held voted unanimously to send this tablet back to the United States government at Washington, ~ as the murderer and jailer of work- ers. The Scottsboro issue will be raised in the Dutch Parliament by the two Communist members, David J, Wynkoop and Louis De Visser. The parliament of Queen Wilhelmina’s government, headed by the Catholio Center and its coalition of Chris- tian parties, continues a sociale democratic opposition of 26 out of 100 members. It will be forced to take an open stand on this issue. Negro Workers Organize. It is significant that many of the meetings in Holland were organ- ized by the Negro worker, now liv- ing in Holland, but who had come from Surinan, the Dutch West In-" dian Negro colony. A native of Indonesia, the Dutch West Indian colony, also spoke at many meet- ings, thus bringing forward the bloody oppression of colored peo= ples in the golonies of ‘Dutch ime perialism. The Scottsboro Mother's visit 6 Holland coincided with the wave of indignation sweeping the working class masses of the country over the police. murder of the agricul- tural worker, John DeYonge, dur ing a demonstration against wage: reductions for agricultura§ workers. DeYonge was first wounded by-the’ polige. and then fatally stabbed through the heart by 4 police saber, Out of a town of 7,000 population © more than 3,000 came to the funeral, with delegations from Am- sterdam, Rotterdam, Haarlen and other cities. 1,000 Applications Pour In. Thus the workers of Holland, who feel’ the oppression at home, de~ velop closer unity with the out~ raged masses in the colonial coun4 tries, which brings the Scottsboré persecution to their very doors. During the meetings addressed by the Scottsboro Negro Mother more. than 1,000 applications for memi- bership poured in, the Amsterdam™ meeting alone yielding 350 mem=" bers. The Scottsboro Committee of liberals and intellectuals was also strengthened at a special meeting” presided over by Professor G. Mah- noury of the University of Amster. dam. A Worker I Won for Shop Organization - By D. K. K the shop where I work, Mere is a worker who had been a n: ber of the Workmen’s Circle for a great many years and had believed that it was the best organization. He would never listen to such a thing as shop organization. Divi- sion of work he called ‘Faking money out of his pocket,” as he is very quick. Furthermore, he was a strong believer of the American institutions, especially in the banks. “There’ will never be a depression in America,” he always used to say. Therefore, he worked very hard, skimped necessities from his wife and children, and put his savings in the bank and a little in “Wall Street.” He used to call us “Fools —look at me. I sit here and my money grows elsewhere.” ‘Case Goes to Jobless Council He would never consider the In- ternational Workers Order, for it is a radical organization and every- thing radical was “poison” to him. He asked me to take a raffle for the Workmen's Circle. Naturally, I answered that “I-do not aid any counter-revolutionary organization. That's the duty of the ‘Forward’ «te laughed but one ‘surprising’ day occurred what the Communists had forecast several years ago. First, came thé failure of the U. S. Banks and then the Wall Street crash. He lost everything he had saved and work became scarcer. Several weeks ago he received a dispossess for non-payment of rent. He did not seek aid of the organization of which he had been a member for several years, He came in the very long, we took him to the Un- employment Council and gave them the case. At first he wanted to go with us direct to the landlord, but we explained we must act in/an or- ganized way, otherwise the land- lord could send gangsters around or use other means to defeat us. So he went with us to the Unemployed but we told him he must Secg ts Coeepiered OOM He He went with thf and they to- gether visited all the tenants. Somé of the tenants are members of the Schlesinger’s Union and they would not believe we could accomplish anything, ‘but we persuaded them: by showing them facts from other houses where committees exist, They collected some signatures, formed a committee, a] the landlord, and the landlord did not even argue. He didn’t want any strikes or’ any trouble and would grant anything they wanted. Then Schlesinger’s group changed their attitude and when marty was collected for the Unemployed Couns cil, they were the first to donate. ‘yon Demands : The result was: 1. The landlord was forces t. grant one-month free rent. . - 2. The landlord was forced to reduce the rent $5 per month. 3. The landlord was forced to recognize the “House Committee.” g Hy i to left-wing affairs, attend onstrations, and also join our ganizations. And the helped is now 100 pet ce us. We have organized group in our shop and he the founders of the Lali. 1 2 43 2 a speak of prices? Let us the shop and the prices will we O. K.” Now he is leaving the- Workmen’s Circle. But before he) Jeaves he will take with him least 60 per cent of the worker of the Branch. ihe Comrades, this is an.example of . pegpetiarhinng striate ed with those employed shops i & a nara i