The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 22, 1932, Page 4

Daily, Published by the Comprodatly Publishing Co., Inc., daily exexept Sun 13th St., New /N.¥. Telephone ALxonquin 4-7956. Cable “DA . Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. Y. Yorker Porty U.S.A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: Ome yesr, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Borough ef Manhatian and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. | The Fascist Blow Against the German Masses NEW stage stage in the frontal attack of the German ex- ploiters upon the workingclass was reached in the de- claration by the Van Papen Junker Government of martial Jaw, the ousting of the Prussian Government and the estab- Nshment of a virtual fascist dictatorship. This action follows the steady drive against the rights of the workers initiated some period back and grown especially severe during the period of the Bruening Government fol- lowed by the Van Papen cabinet of Junker Princes and black reactionaries. The action of the German exploiters is in- tended to smash the growing resistance of the German work- ingclass to fascism, to destroy the Red United Front headed by the.Communist Party, whose rapid spread has thrown consternation into the camp of fascism. The object of the decree which wipes out the political rights of the workers, is to speed up the relentless attack on the living standard of the masses, to abolish social insurance, to suppress all revolutionary labor organizations and above all the Communist Party; in short, is a declaration of civil war against the working class. It was President Von Hindenburg who issued the “em- ergency decree” appointing Chancellor Von Papen federal commissioner for Prussia with full authority to depose its government headed the social-democrats, Otto Braun, premier, and Dr. Carl Severing, minister of the interior. by This government of Hindenburg and Von Papen, this government of murder and terror, is also driving toward that one solution that the whole capitalist world is coming to embrace as its last hope—imperialist war. In pursuit of this the Von Papen government has, from the day Hinden- burg brought it into existcnce, pursued a policy of trying to bring about an alliance with the French ruling class—the Paris clique that has played the leading role in sabotage, wrecking, bribery, focc soisoning and war and intervention against the Soviet Union. In bringing about the present situation in Germany the best agents of the big capitalists Were the German social- democratic leaders. It was these leaders who have tirelessly worked to split the ranks of the workers, to prevent a solid working class front against the capitalist offensive, At the very time the former government, that of Bruening and Hin- denburg was doing all in its power to pave the way for fas- cism, the treacherous leaders of the German social demo- cracy supported these elements under the slogan of “vote for Hindenburg as a means of combating fascism.” It was this action, combined with the previous activity of the social- democratic leaders in ‘sabotaging the united front fight nst the capitalist offensive, that helped the finance cap- italists bring about the precise situation existing today. That there are no limits to the infamy of which the social democratic leaders are capable is again proved by their action now in trying to prevent the working class re- sponding to the Communist call for a’ political strike. They now try to prevent united mass action of Communist and social democratic workers by stating that they will be in favor of a mass strike if the Reichstag elections, set for July 31st, are not held. Thus they strive to help the capital- ists gain time and further consolidate its forces inside the country. 1 ba announcement of the dictatorial decree does not settle the question of Fascism in Germany. The masses of German workers are being heard and will yet be heard from in decisive actions. The last weeks have seen the growing anti-fascist actions of the Communist and Social-Democratic workers. The call of the Communist Party issued eight beeks ago to beat back the offensive of the exploiters by deeds has found a ready echo in the ranks of the million-fold pro- letariat. Over the heads of the treacherous socialist leaders, the workers have formed red defence corps, in factories and in the unemployed exchanges, in the cities and countryside the red united front is being organized. This militant front against Fascism is at the same time a revolutionary front against capitalism. The German working class is marching into battle. Under the leadership of the Bolshevik Party of Germany, the working class will make the challenge hurled by Comrade Ernst Thaelmann a reality. German tyrants, “You will break your teeth on the granite millionfold front of the anti-fascist campaign. The heel of the marching workers battalions will btamp out the Fascist murder fiends!” But this fight of the powerful German proletariat must not be made alone. The American working class suffering the blows of the capitalist offensive must set up their united front to beat back the capitalist attacks, the growing fascist actions of Wall Street imperialism. They must line up with the German workers in a common fight against Fascism. Down with the German Fascist dictatorship! Down with the Fascist attacks upon the workers’ rights! Hail the Red United Front of the German masses under the leadership of the Communist Party! Forward to the struggle in defense of the Soviet Union. Forward to the fight against Fascism and War! + All out August 1~*! * ™ CLASS WAR.IN GERMANY * re reo 3 nae ee — Von Papen Preparing Fascist Dictatorship in Germany EDITOR’S NOTE:—In view of the establishment of martial law in Germany by the Van Pappen government which means a big leap toward fascism by the German bourgeoisie this article is particu- larly timely. es ee RUENING was overthrown ~be- cause the rate of Fascisation no longer sufficed the bourgeoisie in order to safeguard the capitalist dictatership, As a result of the sharpening of the économie crisis, the bourgeoisie must proceed to a monstrous. attack on the standard of living of the proletariat and all toiling sections of the population. The bourgeoisie demand increas- ed fascist. terror against the prole- tariat and in particular accelerated measures against the proletarian Class organizations, against the an- ti-fascist organizations, against the | Young Communist League and he- fore all against the Communist Party of Germany. The bourgeoisie can solve the task of fitting the Fascist mass or- ganizations into the capitalist state apparatus only by means of an outspokenly Fascist government. The Bruening government was overthrown as a result of the as- sault of the East Elbian big agra- rians, who, supported by the Fas- cist mass organizations and their terror, haye made increasingly in- solent claims upon the state funds, and who by means of the Papen government wish to have their rights and privileges restored more rapidly. FIGHTING TRADE UNIONS While the methods of the Bruen- ing government aimed at carrying out all the attacks upon the stand- ard of living of the proletariat and the toiling population in jmmedi- ate collaboration with the reform- ist and christian trade union lead- ers, who were partly directly repre- sented in this government, the bourgeoisie now consider the time come to adopt a position of open fight against the trade unions and the social insurance, The composition of the Fascist vonPapen Cabinet of junkers, bar- ons, counts, etc,, is not the result of chance. Hindenburg’s nomination of ministers who are personally and Politically most closely connected with the royal families which were driven out by the revolu- tionary revolt of the people in the year 1918, must be considered as a sign of the advance of the old aristocratic caste which ruled in the time of the Hohenzollern monarchy, and is now eager to take over again, in one form or another, their “traditional right” to rule over the people. ‘They are now attempting by means of Schleicher, Hindenburg and Hitler, by a regency of a mem- ber of the Hohenzollern family, or by open efforts, to restore the monarchy in Prussia and in the Reich, to regain the old rights and privileges they have lost. Thanks to the policy of the So- cial-Democratic leaders, who, in the service of finance capital and out of fear of the proletarian reyo- lution, made use of the old officer corps in order to smash the revolu- tionary advance-guard of the pro- letariat, under the leadership of the Spartacus group, the princes called “drittes Reich” of exploita- tion and suppression. Ear ‘HE proletariat, the whole of the toiling people, must realise the serious danger of a greater enslave- ment of the German people by the gang of princés lusting for power ; and luxury and basing themselves upon the murder organizations of the National-Socialists. The proletariat must not allow itself to be confused for one mo~ ment by the tactics of the Social- Democratic leaders, who attempt to conceal the close connection be- tween the Monarchist efforts at restoration and the Fascist dic- | tatorship of finance capital by ; making the “Monarchist danger” the main question and by sabotag- ing the real fight against the Fas- cist measures of finance capital. Three-class franchise, unbound-.- ed absolutism, odious court in- trigues, Byzantinism, unrestrained dictatorship of finance capital, brutal crushing of the workers’ most elementary rights—these are some of the features of an era in which the bourgeois-capitalist class state is governed by a monarchy. SEPARATIST TENDENCIES The separatist’ tendencies at present revealed reflect the serious contradictions in the camp of the bourgeoisie, The proletariat must clearly realize the underlying caus- es of these tendencies, ‘The efforts to loosen the connec- tion between the various German states are the outcome of the old contradictions which were appar- ent already in the Reichs policy conducted by Bismarck in the Ho- henzollern Empire. French imperialism is deliber- ately making use of these con- tradictions in ordeg to make Ger- many more dependent within the Versailles system. The so-called “South German fronde” of the states which are mostly under the influence of the Centre Party, is the outcome of the contradiction between the in- terests of South German industry and agriculture on the one hand and the East Elbian big agrarians and West German heavy industry on the other, The preferential treatment. ac- corded the East Elbian junkers by the “Eastern Relief” and other measures of the Reichs govern- ment, the preferential treatment of the West German heavy indus- try by means of subventions out of Communist Party Holds Aloft The Banner Of Fight For Socialism SOCIAL DEMOCRATS HELP CAPITALISTS By ERNST THAELMANN the state funds, have called forth the greatest opposition on the part of the South German capitalists. The junkers and barons who are now behind the Reichs government are threatening to nominate Reichs The junkers and barons who are now behind the Reichs govern- ment are threatening to nominate Reichs commissioners over the re- calcitrant State governments. It is only the Social Democrats who want to make out that this ERNST THAELMANN fight for economic and political interests within the camp of the bourgeoisie constitutes .an “anti- Fascist action” on the part of South Germany against the Papen Cabinet, as the “Vorwaerts” of June 21 maintains, No matter what forms this “fight” between the Reich and the federated States will assume, its result will be a further strengthening of the Fascist forces in the Reich and in the States for the defence of the gen- eral interests of German financé capital, Hence the Papen govern- ment is a government for the immediate establishment of the Fascist dictatorship, RA gS oe cc immediate aims which the von Papen government wishes to realize are, in the main: 1, Abolition of social insurance, of the last political achievements of the working class, abolition of unemployment benefit and the conversion of unemployment insur- ance into a charitable institution. Introduction of general compulsory labor service in order to reduce the standard of living of the whole toiling population, Letters from Our Readers PUBLICITY Chicago, Tl. T try 1n various ways to advertize | Dear Editor: |the Communist Party and the Daily | Worker. I print on sidewlaks where | traffic is heavy, “Vote Communist,” “Read the Daily Worker, ‘and “Vote for the Hunger Fighters—the Com- munists.” When I get into a street Workers with me, I opened up the Daily Worker wide while I stand in- side in the front of the car so that man people can see the paper.'I leave the paper in the car so that someone else may pick it up and read it. That is how I myself came to be a reader of the Daily Worker. Work is not to be had for love or money in Chicago. The only jobs advertized are fake jobs or work to now hope to establish a new so- ‘car I always have one or two Daily|'be paid for in fiat rent, Cray 2. Preparation and carrying out of the suppression of all revolu- tionary labor organizations. 3. Open inclusion of the Fascist terror organizations of the storm detachments in the capitalist state apparatus so as to ensure the mon- strous offensive against the toiling people with the aid of increased Fascist terror, Increased militari- zation, in particular of the youth (compulsory labor service, Fascist “sport” organizations, etc.). NAZI RESPONSIBILITY The National Socialists are whol* ly responsible for the policy of: the von Papen government, which is supported by a pact which Hitler and Goehring concluded with Gen- eral Schleicher for the carrying out of the Fascist emergency order policy against the toiling people. The Nazi press welcomed the yon Papen cabinet, Hitler-has openly declared that when he takes office he will not repeal the emergency orders, and that he is ready to pay the debt tributes which burden the people. ‘Thus the policy of the National Socialists, who are subsidized by finance capital, is a policy of the defense of the Versailles slavery and the double exploitation of the ; German people by German and foreign finance capital. The Na- tional Socialist leaders are the im- mediate supporters of the govern- ment, which is bargaining at the conference in Lausanne with the inexorable creditor powers’ over the price of Germany’s participation in @ war against the Soviet’ Union. The National Socialists. are supporting a government which makes no attempt to conceal its efforts to bring about a Franco- German war alliance against the Soviet Union and against the en- emy at home, i.e, against the revolutionary proletariat and its leader, the Communist Party. SOCIAL DEMOCRATS’ ROLE ‘The social democracy, which by tolerating the Bruening « govern- ment and by the election of Hin- denburg has created the prerequi- sites for the establishment of the dictatorship of the junkers, gen- erals and captains of industry, is, in addition to the Nazis who are the immediate support of this gov- ernment, the indirect support of the von Papen cabinet. is As the social-democratic and re- formist trade union leaders ere still able to influence decisive sec- tions of the working class, to di- vert them from the fight and to weaken the working class by their permanent and intensified incite- ment against the Communist Party and the revolutionary united front and the Soviet Union, the social democracy is now, as before, the main *-cial support of the bour- geoisie, The Communist Party of Ger- many is sharply opposed to all bourgeois-capitalist parties, from the Social-Democrats to the Na- tional Socialists. The deeper the capitalist mis- management drives the toiling masses into misery, the more de- termined and the more courage- ously will the Communists, marching at the head of the masses, hold aloft the banner of - ee One or the Othes The Struggle Between Two World Systems | As Seen In the Conventions of the Republican Democratic and By NATHANIEL BUCHWALD. 1. A dooce and platforms of cap- italist party conventions are tra- ditionally bombastic and dull, but this year’s crop make godd read- ing, particularly if you read be- tween the lines. Despite their at- tempts at composure, the keynoters, spell-binders and platform makers of the capitalist conventions of 1932 betray much nervousness and anxiety over the otucome of the present crisis of capitalism. Over and above the details of shifting the burden of. the crisis upon the masses looms the ques- tion of the survival of the capital- ist system and—the spectre of its revolutionary alternative. Bourg- geois and social-fascist politicians alike are fully aware of the basic crisis in the history of the world today: the system of capitalism at grips with the system of socialism. which of the two ssytems will pre- vail? This is the question upper- most in the minds of these political spokesmen of capitalism. All their talk about fighting and overcoming the “depression” rings with over- tones of anguish—the anguish of the doomed. The fear of socialism has become the nightmare of the Political seers of capitalism. ONE FEAR WITH MANY NAMES Just as pious folk fear the men- tion. of the devil’s name, so these devotees of the profit system: use various round about ways to de- scribe the forces of revolt against, apitalism. But whether they call it “radicalism” or “wild radical- ism” (Roosevelt) or “emotional in- stability” (Dickinson) or “ugly class struggles” (Hillquit), they all mean the same thing: the revolu- tionary way out of the capitalist crisis, world-wide struggle for the abolition. of capitalism and the es- tablishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat as the way toward socialism, They have a choice col- lection of cuss words to designate the revolutionary movement and the spontaneous struggles against the system of plunder and oppres- sion. They call it “riots” and “bloodsheda” and “violence,” but in their own minds the spokesmen of capitalism are quite clear about the nature of the struggle, even if Some of them may pretend to be over-optimistic about its otucome. ‘The Republican keynoter Dickin- son sums up this alignment of class forces in the following words: “With courage and confidence in ultimate success we will strike ‘at the forces that strike at our social and economic ideals, our Political institutions.” Bearing in mind that capitalism is. generally called by its servants all kinds. of nice and caressing names, such as “our social and economic ideals,” “American cher- ished ideals and principles,” we can see that the keynote speech of Mr. Dickinson poses the quest- ion quite bluntly: class against class, capitalism against the for- ces that strike at its “ideals.” Senator Walsh, permanent chair- man of the Democratic conven- tion, went straight to the heart of the crisis in his notification speech: THE QUESTION THAT HAUNTS THE CAPITALISTS “An eminent American journal- ist, returning from Europe some months ago, said that while in America the question is asked: ‘when will the depression end?’, in Europe the question is asked: ‘can capitalism survive?’, mean- ing the prevailing economic sys- tem. If it can or does, it will be only by its more complete de- mocratization. If it totters now, it will be because of the abuses which have been developed in it.” Notice the uncertainty in the mind of the Democratic spokes- man: “if it can or does,” “if it totters.” The question tormenting the capitalists and their social- fascist hangers-on in Europe is also haunting the class for which Mr. Walsh speaks: can and will capitalism survive? Even the Republicans who at the risk of appearing ludicrous praised Hoover's “success” in fighting the depression, were forced to admit the widespread misery of the un- employed, the farmers and the pet- ty bourgeoisie. Their assertion that it might have been worse if not for Hoover may be intended as a publicity for the Republican candidate, but it certainly is a poor argument for capitalism, for those “ideals” that Hoover promulgated in his policy of starvation. Nor can the defend- ers of capitalism derive much com- fort from blaming the crisis in America upon “world conditions,” for those world conditions are also part and parcel of the capitalist system of which American capit- lism has been one of the main- stays. “INSTITUTIONS . . . PEOPLE TRUST NO LONGER Senator Barkley, keynoter of the Democrats, confessed the failure of capitalism in the following words: “We see... institutions which the people trusted no longer able to perform the duties for which they have been organized.” This goes not only for banks and factories, it goes for the entire cap- italist system, and its defenders Socialist Parties ize it, too, and it is this aspect a the crisis that worries the capital, ist politicians more than ai else. It is no mere jet that at the conventions of all the capitalist parties, the Socialist Par- ty included, “radicalism” was ay ominous theme. Dickinson could find no better praise for than his “concern...to maint social order.” It is here that Hi displayed his power of insight, ac, cording to Dickinson: j “With the knowledge that every major economic convulsion in the past had been attended by! strikes, riots, bloodshed and! death, President Hoover's mere concern was to maintain social! order, To'this end he summoned to the White House industrial leaders of the nation and ob- tained from them their promise to maintain existing wage scales as long as it was possible. On the same day leaders of organ- ized labor, sitting around the same conference table, gave their pledge that there would be no’ industrial wage disturbances,” HOOVER’S WAC CUT 4 CONSPIRACY Hoover's eulogizer now admits what the president and the “lead- ers of organizer labor” tried to conceal and what we have been Pointing out from the very begin- ning: that the conference “to maintain existing wage scales” was a fraud (notice the phrase: “to maintain existing wage scales as long as it was possible”) and a conspiracy for the purpose of disarming the workers against the vicious wage-cut offensiva. But apparently the Hodver- Green wage-cutting conspitacy succeeded only partly in “nfein- taining social order,” for at pree sent, three years after that cone ference, the watch-dogs of ae alism are worried more than) about the struggles of the misses against starvation. Governor Roosevelt took full cognizance of this condition in his speech of ac- ceptance, in the passage dealing with “wild radicalism”: LIBERAL IN TALK; REACTION- ARY IN FACT “The failure of the Republican leaders (read—“the fajlure’ of capitalism”—N.B.) to solve our troubles may degenerate into un- radicalism has made few con- | verts, and the greatest tribute that I can pay to my countrymen is that in these days of crushing want there persists an orderly and hopeful spirit on the part of the millions of our people who have suffered so much. To fail to offer them a new chance is not only to betray their hopes bu to ~ misunderstand their patience.” But Roosevelt himself is appar- ently not reassured concerning the extent of “wild radicalism” and in the next sentence he speaks about the danger of radicalism and the way to meet it: “To meet by reaction that dan- ger of radicalism is to invite dis- aster. Reaction is no barrier to the radical. It is a challenge, 2 provocation. The way to meet the danger is to offer a workable program of reconstruction, and the party to offer it is the party with clean hands.”(!) ‘One need not, of course, take sé- riously Roosevelt’s objection to re- action. An examination of his poli- cies in the state of New York will disclose enough reactionary mea- sures on behalf of the plutocratic corporations to satisfy any Wall Street magnate. ‘The fact that A, Mitchell Palmer, the noto- rious reactionary and labor-baiter of the Wilson administration, wrote the platform for Governor Roosevelt and his party, and the fact that the governor of Kentucky was among the most enthusiastic supporters of Roosevelt at the Chi- cago Convention are further eyi- dence of Roosevelt's reactionary inclinations. It was Roosevelt who Picked for his running mate an avowed reactionary, Speaker Gar- ner, after he had published his own program of repressive measures against the revolutionary workers modeled along the lines of Palmer- ism..In picking Garner for vice- presidential candidate Roosevelt speaker's thesis that S munism is the gravest possible menace. The government should tse every means within its power to prevent their further spread and they should recelve no en- couragement from any American citizen, high or low.” Yet Roosevelt knows whereof’ he speaks when he says by reaction alone the tide of revolt against the capitalist way out of the crisis can- not be stemmed. In addition to deportations, tear-gas and lynche ings, capitalism must employ means of “gentle persuasion” as well. ‘What the policeman’s club cannot accomplish, the politicians’ demas gogic phrase may. Hence the abe undance of high-sounding, if meane ingless, phrases about “restoring America to its own people” and “a new deal for the American people.” Hence the talk about a “workable automatically acquiesced in the I moe ~sme