The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 14, 1932, Page 4

H i DAIL WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JULY 14, 1932 Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily exexept Sunda 13th St., New York City, N.Y. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DATWORK. Address and mall ehecks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Borongh of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8 six*months, $4.50. Birds of a Feather THE Leag for pendent Political Action, under the Jeadership of 4 Professor John Dewey, Professor Paul H. Dc id the publisher Oswald G has finally endorsed date for president their advances. among the Wash- ed them; ven whom. they reject ked their “organ ington politicians for months them: Broc eated them with in Towa With a perfect; up the decaying cs ion sought in + Of cow know w tion’s a rep! proval Borah scorned after his defeat wants to patch r Independent Political to head a third hing else rman Thom: nd the Socialist for all favors received. 1e social-fascists. They are bourgeois tem. They good liberal reforr pitalist system, the L ticke be te of Thomas? the capitalist these liberals that endorse ch means that they & therto operated within the two old parties. Today they are try- ing to play a more independent political role. They are trying to crystal- he widespread mass discontent of today around a capitalist reform am. In pursuit of their aim of building up a third party of capital- ism, these liberals have endorsed the Socialist Party presidential can- didate. The socialist platform can satisfy any bourgeois reformer. This was indeed acknowledged by Villard, who said that only the question of the name of the Socialist Party prevented the leaders of bourgeois liberalism flocking to it. There is no fundamental difference between the Dewey- Douglas-Villard group and the Thomas-Hillquit-Hoan combination. The one calls it socialism, the other calls liberalism. Both are concerned. only with defending the decaying capitalist system from the blows of the working class that is fighting with increased determination against the hunger and war program of capitalism an@-for bread and jobs. And it is precisely because the Communist Party is utilizing this elec- tion campaign to mobilize ever larger masses ef workers and farmers to struggle for these demands; it is because our Party opposes to the cap- italist solutions the revolutionary solution of the crisis that Professor Dewey launched a tirade against us. In introducing the main resolution of the conference, Dewey, national chairman of the League, launched a special attack against the Communist Party and echoed the vile slander of the Socialist Party leadership that its purpose was to “disrupt any movement in which it could get a foothold. This tirade was evoked be- cause even in that assemblage the question of Communism and its pro- gram could not be passed over in silence. Many bankrupt middle class elements, particularly large numbers of the younger intellectuals (2,000,000 of whom were graduated from colleges and universities the past year) are losing faith in the vitality of the capitalist system. In the growing social conflicts ever larger numbers perceive that the one class that is more and more taking the center of the stage is the working Class which, under the leadership of its revolutionary vanguard, the Communist Par- ty, has the sole program for solving the crisis in the interest of the over- whelming majority of the people. It is this fact that accounts for the 20 pgr cent vote even in this “specially conducted” conference (which the Communist Party opposed) in favor of supporting Communist candidates as against the proposals to support the Rev. Norman Thomas. Greater concentration of industry and government by, following a policy of “collectivism instead of radicalism” is the main point in the liberal program. In words the trend in America toward fascsim is de- nounced, while the platform itself favors greater concentration of state power under capitalism, a policy that every avowed fascist will applaud. On that point, as on all others, the liberal conference in Cleveland was in complete accord with the social fascist leaders of the Socialist Party. In substance the liberal-socialist combination is for the purpose of combatting the spread of Communist influence among the masses and helping capitalism try to weather the storm of its own worst economic crisis. Capitalism, in addition to using increased terror against the revo- lutionary movement, is employing its own vile demagogy and at the same time is building up the Socialist Party in order better to sidetrack the Struggles of the masses and to use those reformists as a reserve against the revolutionary masses. The increased services of these elements are especially necessary as an aid to the capitalists today in putting over their ‘war conspiracies. The rabid hatred of our party displayed by these bourgeous reformists and their alliance with the strikebreaking Socialist Party only helps to expose them. Illusions which they have tried to foster that they are friends of the working class are the more easily dissipated by these acts. The actions of this conference in Janding the capitalist liberals in the camp of the social fascists is to be welcomed. The workers can now see more clearly that the only real force fighting against capitalism and fer a revolutionary way out of the crisis is the Communist Party. men’s” Agreement 1 ha international uproar over the exposure of the “gentlemen’s agree- ment” among the European powers directed against the United States exposes the sharpening antagonisms among the imperialists arising out of the continued deepening of the most devastating economic crisis of all time. The Young Plan, which fastened a bloody yoke upon the Ger- man masses, was virtually shipwrecked by the waves of the crisis. The Lausanne “gentlemen’s agreement” among the powers in Europe is an attempt to postpone for the “period of the crisis” the collection of reparations from Germany, and to put definitely up to the United States ‘he question of postponing the collection of inter-allied debts, This the United States resists. It was in anticipation of what was .© be the outcome at Lausanne that Hoover made his arms cut proposals; \s much as said to the rival powers, particularly England and Japan: ‘Stop making naval vessels and pay interest on war debts and private lebts owing to Wall Street and its government.” ‘This was an endeavor to combat the attempts of the other imperialist powers to place the Am- wican imperialists in the position of being responsible for the blocking xf an agreement on the question of reparations and debts. American imperialism resists any attempt to force it to abandon its rful position as debtor, although the refusal to relinquish the claims tensifies the world economic crisis. It strives in every way to strengthen ‘ts position by using its financial power to line up other countries on the side of its own imperialist policy. It will grant concession on war lebts provided it can thereby make more secure the enormous private Investments of the Wall Street bankers, with J. P. Morgan in the lead. In pursuit of that policy Mellon holds the title of ambassador to Great Britain, while Stimson makes frequent visits to Europe. France uses its great financial power for similar political (and therefore, of course, wilitary) purposes. ‘The speech of MacDonald in parliament Tuesday that “we are out for Europe—not as a combination against America” was in no sense a denial of the existence of an agreement against the United States. It is certain, however, that any secret agreement between European powers would certainly contain points with which the United States im- perialists would be in full agreement; that is, plans for further aggres- sive action toward war and intervention in the Soviet Union. ‘With every downward plunge of the economic barometer all the an- tagonisms of the capitalist world express themselves in sharper strug- gles. All of the powers seek a way out and more and more the path of world war is regarded as the one remaining solution, The jackal powers of imperialism, fighting over reyarations, war debts, private debts and indulging in every form of diplomatic intrigue, all look greedily toward the Soviet Union, If only that vast territory now under the rule of the workers’ and peasants’ government which is building up Socialism could be brought back into the capitalist world many pressing ‘problems for capitalism could be solved think the capitalists. Let no one believe for one moment that the sharpening antagonisms between the imperialist powers lessens the danger of war and interven- {fon against the Soviet Union. On the contrary, this very intensification of these inner-imperialist contradictions makes more menacing the at- tack against the Soviet Union that is already under way in the Far East. It is imperative that we intensify the drive for mighty demonstra- Fighting Day Against ‘Impertalist War f 4 me ' Td movements against imperialist war on August 1, Inter- THE HOOVER-GREEN STAGGER SYSTEM! wage reduction. UN ETI PLoY hips INSURANCE ATLANTIC CITY, N. J., July 13.—William Green, president of the A. F. of L., proposed to the Executive Council that capitalists call a conference to “distribute availalable work among the largest number of employees,” under the pretext of a shorter working week, with consequent By CARL PRICE. Part Two Of course, in the agitation among the workers of the Pittsburgh dis- trict and nationally and in his Blue Shirt News and other publications, Father Cox keeps his demagogy to the fore. His speeches and news- papers are generously sprinkled with general statements regarding the crisis. Typical examples are such statements as — “a change must come, is coming, in America’s economic and industrial set-up and the people themselves must say how and when this change shall come.” “America is glutted with material aplenty while millions of children, women and men are starv- ing, while all around them are the ample means of subsistence,” A headline—‘Mellon Rule Saps Life of Nation”—‘Politital Industrial Monarchy Strangles Once Free Democracy” . . . Father Cox’s Blue Shirt News is—‘Pledged to Gov- ernment Of, For and By the Whole People’—“A Job for Every Man and a Living Wage...” Let us examine Father Cox's program a little more closely. The program is reminiscent of the pro- gram of Roosevelt in 1912 in the trust-busting days. An official statement of Cox's organization says—“Monopoly has gained such a hold in the United States and is so powerful that there is no way out of the present depression, as far as the wisest minds can see be- cause the loosening of the chains of monopoly means the revamping and remaking of business and American politics. We hope this can be accomplished without blood- shed.” Father Cox's Jobless Party is pledged to give the independent merchant and the small business man a chance to gain wealth. In order to do this, the Jobless Lib- erty Party puts forward the an- cient program of a change in the money system. “Money is centered in the hands of a few.” This state- ment then proceeds to attack—‘the process of élimination which, has put out of business more than half a million independent merchants in the U.S.” It then makes a plea for a half million salesmen and salaried employees. It attacks the chain store system, thus embracing an issue which is much discussed, espe~ cially in the West and put forward by the independent business men and small producers—‘“the process of elimination has meant destruc- tion of individualism, of independ- ence, The independent merchants slowly disappear from American business and in his place has grown up a system of chains of all kinds.” One basic plank in the platform of the Cox's movement is designed to draw the support of the petty-bour- geoisie—the plea for the small mer- chant, independent factory owner, etc, In the alliance of Cox with the Liberty Party of “Coin” Harvey in the West, the Cox movement de- clares that all of the ills of the present crisis can be cured as soon as the Jobless Liberty Party is voted into office, by changing the bank~- ing laws so that the Federal gov~ ernment directly controls the en- tire banking system. Father Cox issues a pamphlet—‘“Independence in America”—and says—‘the bank- ing business and banking laws are about the worst tyranny the world has ever known. The federal gov- ermment ought to take over and operate all the banking business of the country and make the banking business purely a governmental he Father Cox’s Blue Shirts Modeled After Italian{ and German Fascists privilege.” This program which is a program for inflation, and the abandonment of the gorld standard, is not only in line with the progtam stated by Norman Thomas of the Socialist for a freer hand to the big capital- Party but is in line with the pro- gram which the Hoover government and Wall Street are now preparing to carry out. This is the only way the bosses and their government see of saving their financial structure from complete bankruptcy in view of the fact that the two billion dollars given the bankers through the Reconstruction Finance Cor- poration, the additional billion ‘now proposed before Congress has fail- ed to check the wave of bankrupt- cies and to stave off the threatened financial crisis. Capitalism By HY KRAVIF. ‘The most reactionary of the lead- ing capitalist newspapers, the N. Y. Times, cognizant of the temper of the times which is turning the masses towards Communism, is con- stantly grooming the socialists to act as a bugger in warding off this | development. The latest of these efforts of the Times in priming the socialists, is the “review” by Joseph Shaplen of Comrade Foster’ s book, “Toward Soviet America.” First, who is Shaplen? Shaplen is a member of the So- cialist Party associated with the menshevik Bela Low whose resolu- tion on Soviet Russia at the recent Socialist Party convention was too raw even for the socialists to stom- ach. It is this same Shaplen who was | given columns in the Times for a description of the socialist conven-. tion at Milwaukee. Of all the reviewers at ue dis- posal of the Times, it is no mere accident that the Socialist Shaplen was chosen, “For,” figures the Times, “who can better discredit the revolution- ary movement than a socialist who as such is supposedly a part of the labor movement and will thus sound ‘authoritative’.” Shaplen’s utter cynicism in the workers’ revolution and complete faith in capitalism is displayed by the following: “Mr. Foster dis- cusses for nearly 350 pages about the imminent collapse of capitalism and the inevitable triumph of Bol- shevism from which the United States, too, he would have us be- lieve cannot escape.” (My emphasis). Further on, Shaplen gives a hint which is no less than an open in- vitation to the forces of reaction to crush the militant workers by say- ing, “Red baiters here will draw encouragement for their trade.’ As an answer to the thousand and | one struggles led by Communists some of which Foster records, Shaplen replies, that no one“... can possibly take seriously the purely fantastic picture Mr. Foster paints of the onward march of Communism in this country.” Nevertheless, the Harlan coal bosses, the textile bar- ons, the Negro lynchers and their lackeys the NAACP, etc., etc., have taken the growth of Communism here “very seriously.” Foster tells of the great nationwide unemployment demonstration on Mar. 6, 1930; of the National Hunger March; the Penn.-Ohio strike, etc., and Shaplen says, “ ... any intel- ligent observer of affairg’in the U.S. will recognize at once that there is not a particle of truth in the picture painted by Mr. Foster.” Oh, no, Mr. Shaplen? Well, turn back to: the Recognizes It’s Own Times of those dates and see how your employer was forceq to write about these events because they were so “serious’—to the bosses and their tools like you, Cowen ei It is in his hatred towards the So- viet Union and all that it stands for, however, that Shaplen becomes most vitriolic and eloquent. In reply to Foster's facts, statistics, and figures as to the progress of the Soviet Union, facts which even bourgeois econom- ists, professors, journalists, and pub- licists are forced to admit, Shaplen sneeringly has this to say: “What Mr. Foster says about Russia is in- tended for consumption in America. And again, “There is only the usual propaganda of a prosperous and happy Soviet Russia contrasted with a decaying doomed capitalist world between which the reader is asked to choose.” Against Comrade Foster's presen- ‘tation of the solidarity of the inter- national proletariat led by the Communist International, Shaplen has this to remark, “One would expect that in any program of -American Communism its author would attempt to adapt Communist theory to the specific social, polit- ical and psychologic conditions pre- vailing in the U. S.” (My emphasis.) Communism is an international theory which fights for the success of all the workers and with this in mind considers the Soviet Union the greatest stronghold of the world’s workers, Lenin and others have repeatedly asserted that na- tional capitalisms can have their peculiarities, but there can be no special “American” communism. What Shaplen is suggesting is the policy that the s ocialists the world over carry out, i. e., surrender to their respective national bourgeoisie. As in England, Germany, etc. As in the World War, when the S.P.s became patriots, they “adapted” themselves, all right, and are still doing it. ‘The struggles and growth of the Conimunist Parties all over the world give the lie to Shaplen’s part- ing sneer that “. . . world revolu- tion, in which the Russian Commu- nist leaders no longer believe; and which they dread because of the effect it might have upon their own economic tasks. World revolution in Russia has long been an article of import f or the deception of the Russian masses. . . .” This is a baseless lie. The struggles of the Russian ‘vorkers and the workers all over the world are not divorced, but intimately tied up for the vic- tory of the world proletariat and the establishment of a world Soviet, Yes, Shaplep serves his employer, the Times, “very faithfully. And capitalism Gsoognizes its own, The Little Mussolini of Pittsburgh It is significant that the Blue Shirts News quotes E. G. Grace, head of the Bethlehem Steel Co. favorably where he says—‘taxes must come down. The burden of governmental costs must be light- ened, and budgets must be bal- anced.” We see hidden in this pro- gram for the middle class, the pro- gram of big business and the pro- gram of the bankers. The pro- gram for inflation, for getting off the gold standard. The program ists with less taxes, less restrictions on their exploitation of the workers. We see in this program of putting the banks directly in the hands of the government a program of more power to the federal government (of course, on behalf of big business) Demagogic Slogans Of course, Father Cox has enlist~ ed in his organization masses of workers not under these slogans, appealing to the middle class, but demagogic slogans which in a gen- eral way play upon the needs of the workers. A headline states—Wage Slavery Grips Land’—the Blue Shirts demand a five billion dollar appropriation from the National Government for unemployment re- lief—‘Jobs for All’—the “Immedi- ate Payment of the Bonus’—‘An Increase on the Surtaxes of Large Incomes”—But a statement by Father Coughlin reprinted in the Blue Shirt Newstand which is en- dorsed by both Father Cox and “Coin” Harvey, shows the real pur- pose of the Cox movement. The Cox movement is ready at all times to act as an agent of the steel and coal trusts of the Pitts- burgh district; it is an agent of the bankers and big business and the bosses’ government. The’ statement says—“Unless Catholics make a genuine effort to establish a just society, we shall lose by far the great amount of laboring classes. They will desert definitely, as they are doing already, over the world, to the socialist and Communist camps.” The statement further says —“If the Catholics continue to sup- port the capitalist system without practicing demagogy and coming out with a demagogic movement, they will be smashed by the revolu- tionary forces of the working class- es who are moving today en masse against the injustice of capitalism.” Father Cox's convention takes place in St. Louis on August 17th. On August 10th in the city of Pitts- burgh, will be held the Allegheny County Hunger March, called by the Unemployed Councils, the N.M. U. and the M.W.LL. For this hun- ger march the workers of the Pitts- burgh district will gather at West Park at 12 o'clock and will march on the County Commissioners’ of- fice anq if necessary on the City Council of Pittsburgh and will de- mand immediately cash unemploy- ment relief, no more evictions, no discriminations against. young and single workers, and will advocate immediate unemployment insur- ance. Cox Challenged Cox has been challenged to ap- pear before the workers on this day and explain to them why he opposes these demands, why he is trying to get the workers away from a, fight for relief from the city government of the city of Pittsburgh, and the government of Allegheny County and the State Government at Har- risburgh. This is one steps in the exposureof Cox in the present Communist Party Election Cam- paign. . Conclusion ~' i Installment Five Ever On Alert So Vladimir Ilyitch Lenin stood before me, more firm, more inflex- ible than at the London Congress even. But then he was agitated, then there were times when the Party split clearly made him live through some painful moments. Now he was in a calm, rather cold and satirical mood, putting sternly aside all philosophical themes, and continually on the alert. A, A. Bogdanov, who was an ex- tremely attractive person, of a very mild character and very fond of Lenin, though with a rather high opinion of himself, had to listen to these biting and painful words: _ Schopenhauer said that clear thinking means clear speak- ing” and I think he never said a truer word. You don’t . explain yourself clearly, Comrade Bogda- noy. Explain to me in a few words what your “substitution” will give to the working class, and why Machism is more reyolution- ary than Marxism?” Bogdanov tried to explain but he really did speak in a confused and wordy fashion. “Drop it,” advised V. Tlyitch, “Somebody or other, Juares, I think, said, ‘It is better to speak the truth than to be a minister-—or a Machist, I would add.” Them he plunged into a game of chess with Bogdanov, and when he lost grew angry and even despondent like « child, It is worthy of remark that even this childish despondency, like his as- tonishing laugh,. did nop impair the completeness and unity of his character. There was in Capri another Lenin—a_ splendid comrade, a light-hearted person with a lively, inexhaustible interest in everything in the world, and strikingly gentle. Late one evening when everyone had gone out for a walk, he said to me and M. F. Andreyeva sadly and with deep regret, “Such clever and talented people, who have done a great deal for the Party, and could do ten times more—and they will not go with us! They cannot do so. And scores, hun- dreds of such people are ruined and mutilated by this ctiminal regime.” Another time he said, “Luna- charsky will return to the Party. He is less of an individualist than the other two. He has a highly gifted nature such as is rarely met with, I ‘have a weakness’ for him. What stupid words, ‘to have a weakness!’ I am really very fond of him, you know, he is a splendid comrade! There is something of the French bril- liancy about him. His levity is also French—his levity is the re- sult of his aestheticism.” Seeks Details He asked in detail about the life of the Capri fishermen, what were their earnings, what was the in- fluence of the priests, what were their schools like? I could not but be surprised at the range of his in- terests. When a priest was pointed out to him, the son of a poor peas- ant, he immediately asked for in- formation as to how often the peasants send their children to the seminaries, and whether the chil- dren returned to their own village as priests. “You understand? If this isn’t an isolated case, it means that it is the policy of the Vatican—an artful policy!” I cannot imagine another man who, so far surpassing other peo- ple, could yet remain unaffected by ambitious cravings, and retain a lively interest in simple folk. ‘There was a certain magnatic quality in him which drew the hearts and sympathies of the work- ing people to him. He didn’t speak Italian, but the Capri fishermen, who had seen Chaliapin and many other outstanding Russians, by a sort of instinct put Lenin in a special place, at once.. His laugh was enchanting—the hearty laugh of a man, who through being so well acquainted with the clumsy stupidity of human beings and the acrobatic trickery of the quick- witted, could find pleasure in the childlike artlessness of the ‘simple in heart.” One old fisherman, Giovanni Spadaro, said of him, “Only an honest man could laugh like that.” ‘We would go rowing sometimes, on water blue and transparent as the sky, and Lenin learned how to catch fish “with his finger’—using the line alone, without the rod. ‘The fishermen explained to him that the fish myst be hooked when the finger feels the vibration of the line. “Cosi: drin, drin. Ca- pisce?” Tae A second later-he hooked a fish, drew it in and cried out with child- like joy and a hunter's excitement, “Drin, arin.” The fishermen roared with laughter, gay as children, and nicknamed the fisherman “Signor Drin-Drin.” After he had gone away, they continued to ask, “How is Drin-Drin getting on? The Tsar hasn't caught him yet?” I do not remember if it was be- fore Lenin’s visit or after that Plekhanov came to Capri. Some of the emigrants in the Capri colony, the writer Oliger, Lorentz-Mettner, who was condemned to death for organizing the rising in Sotchi, Paul ‘Vigdorchik, and, I think, two others, wanted to speak to him. Days with Lenin BY MAXIM GORKY He refused. He had a right to do so, He was ill and had come for rest. But Oliger and Lorentz told me that he had refused in a very offensive way. Oliger, who was of a highly-#trung temperament, ine sisted that Plekhanov had said something about “Being sick of the crowd of people who all want to speak but are incapable of doing anything.” When he was with me, he really did not wish to see anye one from the local colony. Ilyitch saw them all. Plekhanov never asked about anything. He knew it all already and informed you himself. Talented in the wide Rus« | sian way and with a European ede ucation, he loved to parade his wit, and for the sake apparently of @ pungent jest would lay the most cruel emphasis on the weak point of foreign or Russian comrades. To me his witicisms often appeared pointless and only such have, re= mained in my memory. “Immoder= ately moderate Mering; Erico Ferri is an impostor; there is neither gold nor iron in him.”—This pun was built up on the word Ferro, meaning iron. All of them were after this pattern. As a general rule he had a condescending man- ner towards people, rather as though he had been a god. I felt deep respect for him as a very tale ented writer and the theoretical in- spirer of the Party, but no sym- pathy. There was too much of the “aristocrat” in him, I may be mis- taken in my judgement. I am not fond of indulging in mistakes, but like everybody else cannot al- Ways avoid them. But the fact re- mains that I have rarely met two people with less in common than G. V. Plekhanov and V. I. Lenin; and this was natural. The one was finishing his work of destroying the old world, the other was be- ginning the construction of a new, Hated Misery Life plays such maliefous tricks o@us, that those who are incapable of real hatred are incapable of real love also. This fact alone, distort- ing human nature at the root, this unavoidable division of the soul, the inevitability of love through hatred, condemns the modern con- ditions of life to dissolution. I have never met in Russia, the country where the inevitability of sufferii z is preached as the gen- eral road to salvation, nor do I know of, any man who hated, loathed and despised so deeply and. strongly as Lenin, all unhappiness, grief and suffering. In my eyes, these feelings, this hatred of the dramas and tragedies of life exalted Lenin more than anything, belong- ing as he did to a country where the greatest masterpieces have been gospels written in praise and sanc= tification of suffering, and where youth begins its life under the in- fluence of books which are in es< sence descriptions of petty, trivial dramas monotonously unvarying. The literature of Russia is the most pessimistic in Europe. All our books are written on one and the same theme—how we suffer in youth and middle-age from our own fool- ishness, from the oppressive weight, of autocracy, on account of women, from love of one's neighbor, from the unsuccessful structure of the universe, how we #uffer in old age from consciousness of the mistakes we have made in our lives, from Jack of teeth, from indigestion and the imminence of death. Every Russian who has: passed a month in prison for some political offense, and a year in exile, considers it his sacred duty to present Russia with a book of ‘reminiscences of his sufferings. But a happy life no one has ever thought of putting into the form of memoirs. As Rus- sians are in the habit of thinking out what their lives shal) be, but cannot make them very wll, may- he such a book woul teach them how to devise a happy life. Lenin was exceptionally great, in, my opinion, precisely because of this feeling in him of irrecon- ciliable, unquenchable hostility to» wards the. sufferings of humanity, his burning faith that suffering ig not an essential and unavoidable part’ of life, but an abomination which people ought and are able te sweep away, In the years 1917-18 my rela~ tions with Lenin were not what I would have wished them to be, but. they could not be otherwise. He was @ politician. He had to per- fection that clear-sighted directness of vision which is so indispensable in the helmsman of so enormous and heavily burdened a ship as Russia with its dead-weight of peasants. I have an organic dis- taste for poiitics, and little faith in the reasoning powers of the masses, especially of the peasants, Reason without ordering ideas is yet far from being the force which lives in creative activity. There can be no ideas in the minds of the mass until the community of interests of all the separate indie viduals is realized. The mass has been striving for thousands of years towards th good, and this striving gives rise to beasts of rapine out of the flesh of the mass, which enslave it, and live on its blood; and so it will be, until it realizes that there is only one force which can free it from. the thraldom of the beasts, the force of the truth which Lenin ught. (TO BE CONTINUED), | | v ra |