The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 12, 1932, Page 4

4 age Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JULY 12, 1932 _ Daily, Worker Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E Inc., daily exexept Sunday, at 50 E. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DATWORK.” 13th St,, York, N. Y. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. six months, $4.50. Murder in the Southern Prison Camps (NCE in a while the curtain is partly lifted over that section cf capital- ist justice known as the chain gangs in the Sout This time it is Sunbeam Camp, near Jacksonville, Florida. The victim is the 22-year old Arthur Maillefert, who has been tortured to death in a two months, $1; excepting Foreign: one year, $8; ‘sweat-box,” be it remembered, is a legalized institution in the South, The “sweat-box” is described as a small, square, whitewashed building at the one end of the stockade enclosure. It is six feet high and about three feet square. There are no seats inside and only by twisting one’s body is it possible for a small person to sit down. Maillefert, the latest victim of this torture, was not permitted to sit down. He was kept erect by means of a chain put around his neck and tied to the rafters of the “sweat-box.” His feet were put in wooden stocks. ‘The roof of the box is of tar-paper and tne sun beating on it and pene- trating to the prisoner through a hole in the roof makes this confinement. a veritable medieval torture. The prisoner is stripped of all clothing except a shirt and his rations are one ounce of bread and some water every 24 hours. Young Maillefert had been tortured for many days before he was put into the “sweat-box.” First he was put into a barrel, stripped of his clothing, with only his head protruding from the hole in the top. He gnawed his way out and escaped to the swamps. He was caught and beaten with a heavy “air-hose” until he was knocked down, and helplessly bound with shackles and “spurs.” Then he was put into the “sweat-box.” The man died. Because he was a son of a borugeois family in New Jersey it was impossible to hush up the murder. Captain Courson and Higginbotham, the guard, were indicted by a grand jury and released under $5,000 bail each. The prisoners’ testimony brought out facts about the daily routine of Sunbeam camp and for that matter of all the prison camps in the South. The prisoners testified that fifteen or twenty inen were whipped. The “sweat-box” itself is used in most of the prison camps of the South. The trial of the two murderers is not to take place till late in the autumn and in the meantime the prisoners who testified before the Grand Jury to the cruelty of the guards have been removed to a camp in Osceola County so as not to have them appear at the trial. The “forces of law and order” are already busy whitewashing the murderers. Whether Courson and Higginbotham will be tried or not, whether they will be slightly punished or not, the fact hemains that in the prisons of the South, under the chain gang rule, medieval methods of punishment are the order of the day and that cold-blooded murder is only an incident in the routine of the tortures inflicted upon the victims. The chain gang is only an outgrowth of the system employed in the South to keep the Negro masses enslaved. It is to keep the Negro masses in subjection, to quell their rebellion, to break their rsistance, that the chain gang was first introduced among the Negroes. And since in the matter of slavery the white masters do not distinguish between black and white, the chain gang was extended also to white workers. But even at present it turns its most murderous aspects towards the Negroes. The Scottsboro boys are pining away in jail for over a year on accusations the flimsiness of which is apparent at first glance. The Jacksonville Sunbeam murderers are free in spite of the fact that the murder was proven beyond any doubt. The Scottsboro boys are threatened with death. The Jacksonville murderers will be permitted to continue in the service of their masters. This is class justice. This is capitalist justice in its clearest form. And those gentlemen cry about “slave labor in Russia’! The workers, black and white, must realize that only through united struggle of the workers of all nations, races and languages in the United States against their common enemy will they be able to break the chains of the chain gangs of both white and Negro prison camps, as well as the chains that hold them prisoners in the greater prison camp known as the capitalist system. Defeat the Hoover Move Against the Vets HE fight of the ex-servicemen in Washington has entered its eighth week. Notwithstanding ell the hardships suffered by these veterans on the way to Washington and in the miserable barracks set up by the hunger government, the ex-servicemen are holding on and continuing their fight for their demands, Against the veterans, who consist of u loyed worke! agricultural laborers, ruined farmers and petty bourgeois elements, a complete united front has been set up by the Republican, Democratic and Socialist Parties and all reactionary capitalist elements, who have all come out against + he bonus. leadership of this movement and the prejudices of certain stratum against the militant labor movement, this struggle is objectively a revolutionary fight. It is a fight against the capitalist offensive, and is part and parcel of the fight of the workers and toiling masses for immediate relief from hunger and starvation caused by the capitalist class and its government. The capitalist government has understood that this movement is giving a powerful stimulus to the toiling masses throughout the country. It is an expression of the increased political activity of the masses. It is this above all that the socialists fear. Their role of suppressing mass struggle, of dividing and dispersing the ranks of the working class has been expressed once again in the attitude that they have taken in their opposition to the bonus. At the present time the Hoover government, which has refused to give the veterans any relief, which will not donate a single penny in order to alleviate their sufferings, which denies to the working class throughout the country any adequate relief and above all unemployed insurance, has rushed through a bill for the appropriation of $100,000, not to feed them or prevent starvation in their midst, but to rush them out of Washington. ‘The ex-servicemen should give 2 fighting answer to the Hoover gov- ernment, They should tell them in no uncertain terms that they did not ask the government when to come to Washington and will not let them decide when they should leave. .Learning the lessons of the struggle of the, last eight weeks, they should demand more firmly than ever be- fore that Congress must not adjourn before the payment of the bonus is made. The Waters’ leadership has been working not for the bonus, but against it. It has been working with the government, police and secret service against the bonus. Its cap in hand policy; its opposition to mass struggle, its appeals to the patriotism of the men not to exert pressure upon Congress, its policy of dividing the ranks of the veterans by red baiting and similar paralyzing stunts, has been directed against the fight for the bonus. The ex-servicemen in Washington must fight more firmly to estab- lish their rank and file leadership, to oust the Waters’ clique and must in better organized demonstrations and mass actions force the govern- ment to pay the obligation which they promised to the veterans. By uniting the ranks around the leadership of the Workers’ Ex- Servicemen's League, the fight of the veterans can be won. But this struggle must not be isolated. Up to the present time it has not received the full support of the ranks of organized and unorganized labor, Even in the ranks of the revolutionary workers there has been an under-es- timation of the full significance of this fight. The employed and: un- employed workers throughout the country, all of the tolling masses, must, vigorously support the demands of the ex-servicemen. They must link ,up their fight with the struggle for unemployment insurance and against imperialist war and in that way raise the entire struggle against the capitalist offensive to new and higher levels, All over the country the working class must come forward more resolutely than ever before in the fight for the demands of the veterans. Mass meetings and mass de- monstrations must be organized in all Jeading cities throughout the coun- They have understood that, notwithstanding the reactionary | Ree Burm any g By B. K. GEBERT resolution of the 14th Plenum of our Party analyzed correctly the role of the Democratic Party in the following manner: “The two main bourgeois parties (Republican and Democratic) both fully supporting the policies of fin- ance capital, divide the roles among themselves in order to prevent the masses from breaking alway from the policy of finance capital as ex- ercised. thru the traditional two- party system, The Republican Par- ty, which is the party in power, is cartying on more openly this policy of hungér, terrér and war preparations. The Democratic Par- ty, whose present function is to win the support of the toiling mas- ses and particularly the unemploy- ed, who are disillusioned by the Hoover government, has the same domestic and foreign policy as the Republican Party.” The state governments under De-~ mocratic Party control carry on the same policy as the Hoover gov- ernment. The Democratic congress- men and senators vote for all mea- sures against the working class. But the -Democratic Party, in or- der to-fool the masses, is resorting more and more to the widespread use of demagogy, particularly with regard to unemployment relief. The chief leaders of the Demo- cratic Party (Roosevelt, Ritchie, etc.) are the most experi- enced demagogs, and in the North, | for example, talk about equality for the Negro and at the same time, in the South, support lynch law and carry thru fully the ruthless policy of Wall Street. This analysis is proven by the every day activity and acts of the Democratic administrations in the cities and states. Here in Chicago, Tony Cermak, in campaigning for the election of Mayor on Febru- ary 9, 1931, declared in a speech, “When I am elected mayor I will deal immediately with the unem- ployment problem as I am dealing now with the relief problems.” Bullets For Bread And how did Tony Cermak, Mayor of Chicago, deal with the unemployment problem in the city? On August 3, 1931, three Negro workers were murdered in cold blood by the Chicago police under the Cermak administration. These workers protested against the evic- tion of a 72-year old woman. Thou- sands of unemployed workers have been arrested during the Cermak administration in Chicago for par- ticipation in struggles for imme- diately relief, against evictions, for unemployment insurance at the ex- pense of the bosses and’their gov- ernment. Mayor Cermak is parti- cularly vicious against the Negro masses, In January, 1932, during the reign of terror on the south side of Chicago, 400. Negro and white workers were arrested, beaten up, the headquarters of the Unemploy- ed Council were smashed, the meet- ings of the unemployed in other parts of the city have been equally attacked. The number of unem- Ployed workers dying from starva- tion is increasing daily. Wages of the city workers have been cut, This is how Mayor Cermak is soly- ing the “problem of unemploy- ment.” Democratic Mayor Cermak carries out the Hoover program in try backing up their demands. It is the task of the workers in the revolutionary organizations to take the lead in the mobilization for the support of the veterans. It is above all the task of the district and local committees of the Commun- ist Party to put this question on the order of business and to react deci- and tmmediately-in the organization of -solidarity_and support to ; é ' | Chicago—bullets for bread! And he promises more of this. When this is written Mayor Cer- mak is in. Washington and before the officers of the Reconstruction The “Socialist Cooperative” Ideal! pcre Baker, | | than two-thirds of her life have iy a aba aA A OTT ae oe ese es 7f) MSAGAN GE = Uate st Jaumarg “Now, gentlemen, make up your minds to this: If we have a few more parades in Chicago and nothing is done to relieve our fi- nancial difficulties, I simply can- not tell what will happen. No one knows. It will be much cheaper for the Federal govern- ment to loan us money than to provide troops to police the city when the police and fire depart- ments quit from sheer lack of wages.” Mayor Cermak’s main concern, as Hoover's concern, is to protect the capitalist system for misery, hunger and war. He pleads for money for the police to keep the workers in submission. The prob- lems of the workers who are re- ceiving miserable shelter in the flophouses are ordered to forced la- bor. They have declared a strike against this and the police are at- tacking mass picketing and arrest- ing workers. “Go to Hell,” Ex-Servicemen Are Told Mayor Cermak is not an excep- tion to the rule as far as the De- mocrats are concerned. Hamilton Lewis was elected on the Demo- cratic ticket from Illinois to the U. 8. Senate around the slogan of “money spent for battleships shall be turned over for unemployment relief.” But when the delegation of the Chicago ex-servicemen de- manded from Senator Lewis that he vote for the bonus in Sen- ate, his answer was “Gentlemen, you can go to hell—I am going to Senate.” And when the vote was taken in Senate on the Bonus Bill, he voted against it. Detroit. also has a Democratic Mayor, Frank Murphy, and his at- | tack on the workers is well known. His police were sent to help the Dearborn and Ford police to shoot down the workers, and four work- ers were killed in front of the Ford plant, demanding work or relief. Governor Roosevelt of New, York speaks about full “unemployment insurance.” But the policy of the New York state and New York city Clara Zetkin-- 75° Years Old Veteran Pishter: For The Workingclass (OMRADE CLARA ZETKIN was 75 years old on July .5. More been spent in active fight for the aims of the international Labor Movement. The daughter of an elementary | school teacher in Saxony, Clara, when she was about 20 years old, came to Leipzig: and there at- tended the Teachers’ Training College which was conducted by & leader of the bourgeois wemen’s movement, Auguste Schmidt. Here Clara showed and developed ex- traordinary gifts, even though her warm temperament and irrepres- sible energy caused her to rebel against the highbrow atmosphere, remote from actual reality, which prevailed at the school. Here Clara also became acquainted with the half-hearted and confused attitude of the bourgeois women’s movement. towards economic and class condi- tions, A Class Fighter. In Leipzig, Clara came into the circles of Russian political refugees. In intercourse with them her keen intellect acquired its Marxist train- ing and she developed into a con- scious class fighter and revolution- ary. In this circle of emigrants she got to know Ossip Zetkin. When later he was expelled from Ger- many as an “undesirable alien”, she went with him first to Switzer- land and afterwards to Paris. Soon after. the death of Ossip Zetkin, which took place in 1889, Clara re- turned to Germany and found work in the Dietzgen Publishing House in Stuttgart. In 1892 she took over the editorship of “Gleichheit”, the social democratic women’s paper, which had been founded a year previously by Emma Ihrer, Both as editor of the “Gleich- heit” and also as a speaker at nu- merous meetings Clara Zetkin re- garded it as her main task to edu- cate the proletarian women to class consciousness and prevent them from being drawn into the bourgeois women’s movement, In Germany women’s work had developed to great extent already. in the elghties of last century. But the women who were engaged in trades or professions were for the greater part still dominated by as the majority of them were scat- tered in home industries or in small undertakings. Moreover, the com- plicated and reactionary laws re- garding the right of organization and assembly rendered almost im- possible the political and trade union enlightenment and organiza- tion of women. Rallies Working Women. Then it was Clara Zetkin, who —equipped with a Marxist train- ing and an equally thorough and many-sided education, and as an eloquent and rousing speaker and writer—rallied the proletarian wo- ; Men under the flag of the class- conscious international labor move- ment. With great clearness and sharpness she elaborated in the “Gleichheit” and in various speech- es the difference between the pro- letarian and the bourgeois women’s movement. For the proletarian wo- men it was necessary to fight with the men of her class against capi- talist exploitation; and whilst striv- ing for political equality, this was only a means to an end. Not a fight between the sexes, but class struggle was her slogan. “It was chiefly due to Clara Zet- kin’s activity on the Gleichheit” that the proletarian women’s move- ment, right from the beginning, kept itself free from the bourgeois feminist movement and came for- ward at the same time as a part of the general labor movement. As ed- itor of the “Gleichheit” she con- sidered it her task to train and ed- ucate a body of capable women agi- tators who then, armed with good material and clear as to their aims, should work among the proletarian women, Opposes Social-Patriots. Clara edited “Gleichheit” until 1916, when the party Central Com- mittee, which was violently pro- war, deprived her of it. But Comrade Zetkin was not only a leader of the proletarian woman's movement; she was also in the front line in the general fight of Party. She took up an attitude on all political questions and right from the beginning adopted the revolutionary Marxist stanc#oint. Already in the nineties of last con- tury there commenced in the social democratic party, at first almost imperceptibly, but later more open- that change which found ite “Such lack of cooperation between the President and Congress does the country incalculable harm and does not do the President, personally, ."—Louis Waldman, Socialist Party candidate for Governor of New York State, in a speech on July 10. The Democratic Party at Work is to starve the masses of unem- ployed and they carry this poli¢gy as-far as they only can. The De- mocratic administrations in’ New York and Chicago are known for their graft and corruption, wage cuts and starvation for the masses, Lynching In The South In the south, wherever the De- mocrats rule states, lynchings of Negroes are taking place. In: Ala- bama, 9 Negro’ boys are facing*the electric hair ‘on a frame-up charge of rape. The Democratic Gover- nor Miller keeps them in jail and hopes to éxecute these innocent Ne- gro boys, Children, in fact. In Maryland, Governor Ritchie refuses to release Willie- Brown, a Negro young worker, condemned to die in the electric hair-on frame- up charges. These are some of the records of the Democratic Party in power in the cities and ‘states. But at the National Convention there will be (and there was—Ed.) plenty of dem~ agogy about the misery and starva- tion of the masses for the purpose of fooling the masses, to parade before them as a party of the opposition, But the Democratic Party is part and parcel of ‘terror, persecution, murder, death from starvation and throwing out on the streets 15,000,- 000 workers, and poverty for the millions of farming population, be- cause the Democratic Party is the same as the Republican Party, a party of big business in Wall St. It will support and is supporting the Hoover .policy of war against the Soviet Union, which carries daily war against the masses. conclusion in the world war. From @ party of revolutionary class struggle it became a petty bourgeois reform party. This process began with a small group of party com- rades seeking to change the atti- tude of the party to the bourgeois state; voting for the budget was justified; colonial policy was ap- proved; criticism of German mili- tarism was moderated. Clara Zet- kin opposed all such tendencies with passion and determination. This attitude brought her into, close alliance with Rosa Luxembourg, with whom she was united by the closest friendship. until the murder of Rosa in 1919, When the world ‘war’ broke out Clara Zetkin at first endeavored to restore the ‘severed ‘connections with the women comrades in other countries. In March, 1915, she con- vened the Women’s Conference at Berne. She was placed under pre- ‘ventive arrest for several months for having spread the Berne Mani- festo, Together with Rosa ‘Luxem- burg and Franz Mehring she pub- lished in June, 1915, the first num- ber of the “Internationale”, the only number which was published during the war, She then consis- tently pursuéd her path via the Spartakus Bund to the Communist Party and the III. International. Struggles, Though Ml. And even if today age and ‘Mm health prevent her from in the front ranks of the prole- tarian fight for emancipation, she | nevertheless follows with passionate interest all phases of this fight, and as far as possible takes part in events by word and pen. As an outstanding ‘ternational personality her name stands in history alongside that of Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht and Franx Mehring, of all of whom she was a close friend. We trust that our veteran cam- rade may live to see the barbayism of fascism vanquished and the red flags flying over- Sovieh- Germany, Yesterday's installment dealt with Gorky’s impressions while atending the Russian’ social-democratic con- gress held in London in 1903. It ‘was at this congress that the now historic split between the menshev- iks and Bolsheviks took place, or . * Lenin Speaks Rosa Luxemburg spoke eloquently, Passionately and trenchantly, using irony -with. great..effect, But now Vladimir Ilyitch hurries to the pul- pit, and cries “Comrades!” in his Buttural way. He seemed to me to speak ‘badly, but after a minute I and: everybody else was obsorbed in his speech. It was the first time I had heard complicated political questions treated so simply. There “was no striving after eloquent “phrases with him, but every word Was uttered distinctly, and its meaning was marvelously plain, It is very difficult'to pass on to the reader the unusual impression whieh he made. His arm was extended with the hand slightly raised, and he seemed to weigh every word with it, and to sift out the remarks of his op- Ponents, substituting them by mo- “mentous arguments for the right and duty of the working class to go its own way, and not along with the liberal bourgeoisie or trailing behind it. All this was unusual, and Lenin semed to say it not of his own will, but by the will of history. The unity, completeness, directness and strength of his speech, his whole ‘appearance in the pulpit—it was a very work of classic art: everything was there, and yet there was nothing superflous, and if there were any embellishments, they were not noticed as such, but were as natural and inevitable as two eyes in a face or five fingers on a hand. He gave a shorter speech than ‘the orators who spoke before him, but he made a much greater impression. I was not alone in feeling this. Behind me was an enthusiastic whispering, “Now he has got something to say.” It really was so. His conclusions were not reached artificially, but developed by themselves, inevitably. The Men- sheviks made no attempt to hide their displeasure at the speech and more than displeasure at Lenin himself, The more conyincingly he showed the necessity to the party of the utmost development of revolu- tionary: theory so that the practice Might be thorougly surveyéd in the light of it, the more exasperatedly did they interrupt him. “A isn’t the place for philosophy!” “Don’t act the teacher with us, we're not school-boys!” One tall, bearded individual who looked like a shopkeeper was es- pecially aggressive. He jumped up from his seat and stuttered “Litle p-plots—p-playing at little p-plots! “Blanquists!”. Rosa Luxemburg nodded her head approvingly. She made a neat remark to the Men- sheviks at one of the later meetings. “You don’t stand on Marxism, you sit on it, rather lie down on it.” Calm Inflexible A- malevolent, burning wave of irritability, irony ang hatred swept over the hall. The eyes which re- flected Lenin showed a hundred different expressions. These hestile thrusts had no noticeable effccc on him. He spoke on warmly but deliberately and calmly. I learned what this external calm had cost him a few days later. It was strange and sad to see that such hostility could bé roused against him by such a natural thought as that ‘only by the help of a fully de- veloped theory would be the Party be able to se the causes of the dis- sension in its midst.” The im- pression formed itself in my mind that each day of the Congress added ever greater power to V. Ilyitch, and made him bolder and more confident. With each day his speech sounded firmer and the Bol- shevist element in tl Congress grew more and more uncompromis- ing’and inflexible. Apart from his, Iwas moved most of all by the eloquent, vigorous speech of Rosa Luxemburg against the Mensheviks and the crushing, sledge-hammer blows ‘of M. P. Tomsky's speech against the idea of a “Lubour Con- » gress. _His, free minutes or hours Lenin ‘Spent among the’ workers, asking them about the most petty details of their lives. ‘What about their wives? ‘Up to the neck in housework? But do they a I “For all fellows as cloyer as he in on the side of the workers. dan't belleve you'll find an- FY one be gti could get you on the spot like that fellow!” Another one added with « smile, “He's one of us all right.” “Plekhanoy's just as much one But “You feel that Plekhanoy's always teaching you, lording it over you, but Lenin’s a real leader and com- wade.” One young fellow said jokingly: “Plekhanov’s frock-coat ie too tight for him.” On one occasion we were on our ta Days with Lenin BY MAXIM GORKY dropped behind while the party went on. He entered the restat- rant frowting, five minutes later, and said: “Curious that such @ simpleton should have got into the Party Congress. He asked me, what was after all the real reason ; for the discussion? “That is what it. is,”.I said to him. “Your friends | want to get into Parliament, while we believe that the working class has got to prepare for a struggle,” I think he understood. Several of us always had our meals together in the same cheap little restaurant, I noticed that V. Tlyitch ate very little—two or three fried eggs, a small piece of ham, and a mug of thick, dark—colored beer. He ob- ROSA LUXEMBURG viously took very little care of him- self and his amazing care for the workers struck one all the more. M. F. Anareyeva was looking after the canteen, and he would ask her, “What do you think, are the workers getting enough to eat? No? H'm, hm. Perhaps we-can get more sandwiches?” Once when he wame to the inn wher: I wes sta@ing, I noticed him feeling the bedding with a preoccupied air. T* “What are you doing?” I asked. “Tm just looking to see if the | sheets are well aired.”- At first I didn’t understand. Why should he want to know what the sheets were like in London? Then, noticing my he explained, “You must tee care of yourself.” His Simplicity In the autmun of 1918 I asked a worker from Sormova, Dmitry Pavlov, what he thought was Len- in’s most striking feature? He an- swered, “Simplicity. He is as simple as truth itself.” He said this as though it had been thought out and decidede long ago. It is well known that one’s severest critics are those who work under one. Lenin’s chauffeur, Gill, a man of great experience, said: “Lenin is quite unique. ‘There are no others like him. Once I was driving him along Myasnitsky Street when the traffie was very heavy. I hardly ¢ moved forward. I was afraid of the car getting smashéd and was sounding the horn, feeling very ‘ worried. He opened the door, reached me by standing on the footboard, meanwhile running the risk of being knocked down, and urged me to go forward. ‘Don’t get worried, Gill, go am like everyone else’ I am an @ld chauffeur. I know that nobody else would do that.” It would be difficult to make the { reader realize how easily and nate urally all his impressions flowed in the same channel. With the in- variability of a compass-needle his thoughts turned in the direction of the class interests of the workers. One of our free evenings in London a small company of us went to the “Music Hall’—a democratic. the- atre. His Humor V. Ilyitch laughed gayly and ‘ine fectiously at the clowns and comes dians and looked indifferently at jy the rest. He paid especial atten- tion to the timber-felling by the workers of British Columbia, The little scene at the back showed a * forest camp and on the ground in ‘front two young fellows hewed through the trunk of a tree about ~ a meter in thickness in the course of a minute, “That's for the public, of course,” said -Ilyitch. “They couldn't work as quickly. as. that in reality. But apparently they use. .Hatchets there also, and cut up‘a Jot of wood into useless chijis. © ‘There's British civilization for youl” He began to speak about the ame archy in production under cay ism, the creat percentage. of material wich is wasted, and ended by regretting that no one had as yet thought of writing a book on the subject. The ‘wasn’t quite clear to me, didn’t - manage question V. / Tlyitch. He was already mating some interesting remarks about pantomime as a special form of | art of the theatre. “It is the ex. pression of a certain satirical atti- \, tude towards generally accepted ideas, an attempt to turn them in- side out, to distort them, to show the arbitrariness of the usual. It . is a little complicated, but inter- esting!” Two years after in Capri, when he was discussing the Utopian novel with A. A. Bogdanov-Malin- oysky, he said, “If you would write | @ novel for the workers on the sub= | ject of how the sharks of capital- | ism robbed the earth and wasted the oil, iron, timber and coal— | that would be @ useful book, Signor Machist!”