The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 2, 1932, Page 6

._¢ 4 Comrades H ‘ f 3 k a) ' { t = DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JULY 2, 1932 aace Daily Central Onfere a Sim SSRs aWorker Party USA < Co., Inc., daily exexept Sunday, at 50 E, ne ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORK.” Worker, 50 E. 18th St., New York, N. ¥. Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Sth St., New York City, N. ¥. T Address and mail checks to the two months, $1; excepting Foreign: one year, $8} More Injunctions workers is on the increase. The nction Bill gives no relief from this The great “victory” which was ge of this bill is clearly ping injunctions ayainst on a stubborn and militant fight odies of employers in the country, system and a host of ainst continuous wage cuts won a number of victories y fierce against two of the rkers have been able to repel ‘Ss, particularly as the season is employers have resorted to their to crush the strikes. What they League and other paid strike sh by means of the injunction. loyers is to be seen not only from the Labor has been called in in. order to 1 the sweeping terms contained in it. ion from picketing; orders the strikers to directs the police to break up any ents the workers from talking to ade them to leave the shop and even e calling up of workers on the tele+ homes. to the injunction menace, but they hope to be e workers and to make the job of their paid s new blow of the employers the shoe workers will respond ers. By united mass action they can, under the lead- dustrial union, win the battle. nst the injunction is not only the fight of the ion menaces all sections of organized and un- T ssibilities for a wide united front against the was indicated in the debate around the passage of the George Wharton Pepper of Pennsylvania stated rness of organized labor agfinst the federal courts because he injunction, “if unchecked, might easily. develop ntiment.” rial capitalist courts, whose corruption has been recently e scandals in New York are fiercely hated by the working basis of this menace to the interests of the working class, struggle against wage cuts and unemployment, it is the broadest united front struggle. To: this task not ‘s of New York must devote themselves, but all revo- sts. The workers must strike this vicious weapon Letters from Our Readers We Must Find Time to = to be one of them. Let me cite an instance. While Snend with the Worker | signature collecting, I visited a fam- r lily of sympathetic, class-conscious workers, but they were not members of the Party simply because they had am in the Party two and a half|Never been actually drawn into the fects now and almost since the|Movement. I remainetl there about very first week I have heard and/| three-quarters of an hour. When I fead on all sides about the failure | WaS going out I saw that they were thus far of the Party to get into|N0b quite ready to sign an applica- close contact the masses. Ragecse so I said ~that I would come “a ivity of back in a few days with a Hungarian ng the past activity Of | omrade—(they--are Hungarians), A ort to see where | sister-in-law was there at the time. egard to this im- a | In a few days I visited her and , the Party has come i at the all too|her husband. We became very New York. to the conc % .|friendly. Finally she brought me ae oT |tato her neighbor's, for she thought | that these workers would also be in- | terested in the Party. We all spent some time there and finally planned to meet some day next week, these |six workers and myself, at which time I would also bring with me the Hungarian comrade I had told them of, and they all promised to join the Party. | When I was leaving, one of the | women said: “Isn’t it a shame that | we realize how critical the situation | is—how much there is to be done, and yet we have been out of the frequent and le \ count in part for our failure to be a Party of as well as for the masses. ‘However, have found it diffi- te most of these meet~- ncti s (I am ent with some ho are to have a meet- second week instead of for this difficulty is t gone into the mat- It is insufficient to say that there are too many meet- irigs. When we examine the content x of these met s then we can decide | movement.” ‘whether they may be reduced in| > came across a Negro family who fumber and in length. at first told me he was a Tammany Have we ever stopped to realize the | man. I have seen him three times. tremendous uber of demonstra-|'The Jast time he told me to come tions that we have, each. of “which| after the Rutgers Square demonstra- must be planned either by the N. O./ tion and he would sign to put the or taken up by the District, discussed | party on the ballot. and planned by the Section and then| yes, we must spend more time with by the Unit, for every one of which | the workers. And in order to do this leaflets must be drawn up, issued,) we must make the time for it. distributed? ISABELLE WALTERS. I counted the demonstrations in| Say the months of April and May and} i a there were at least ten. Think of it!| Another Capitalist More than one a week. For the Cure-All Doctor Month of June the average will be| elmost two a week. Then, is it any ) tures we've c i¢ gidered contacts. wonder that the District and Sec- tion and Unit bureaus and members must meet and meet and meet, and that the’ not the time for living among, oming part and par- cel of the masses? If we could spend more time among the workers and have a demonstra- fiofi, say on the average of two a month, instead of two a week, then ‘when we would hold a demonstration ‘we would really be able to mobilize @ great body of the workers and it would really be a mass demonstra- tion. That does not mean that I think we could scrap any of the issues ‘@round which we call demonstrations, but a good many of them could be linked up, coordinated. And my suggestion is that: 1. We spend our time organizing block committees, and work with these and the ones already organized $0 that they function. @ All these thousands of signa- lected should be con- Comrades should Wisit them again and again. All those ‘workers who did not sign—distrustful | us, and should we wonder, they | their hirelings this fall? Let us say ave been betrayed so many times by | NO in an effective way. By building lublicans, Democrats, Socialists, A.| up the Unemployed Council and win of L. unions—these workers. must | support for the Communist: Patty, to know us until they recognize Chicago, June 30. Dear comrades: | In today’s “Herald Examiner” Hen- |ry Morganthaw hes at article-en- | titled: “Forced Economy. will bring United States a better prosperity.” | “High prices, high wages, reckless | spending” were the cause of the pre- sent crisis, Morganthau says in his article. And the cure, he states, will be a “period of careful adjustment, | during which we must painfully .re- build on a stable basis.” | That basis, according to. this “dean of American economic life,” is sim- ply the saving of pennies and nickels. “Before we are quite aware of it, he concludes, the reservoir of capital |fund will -be filling again. We shall have saved ourselves rich.” | It is evident that this Henry is |the spiritual brother of Henry the | First, of Detroit, who just some time ago advised us workers to raise cab- |bage in our backyards if we want |any thing to eat. this coming. winter. | It is also evident that these- two are clear types of all our merchant | princes, industrial barons and’ finan- | cial kings. Are we workers going to vote for “THE BOY IS NOT WITHOUT TALENT” Mussouint ‘NEWS ITEM:—Father Cox to By HARRY JACKSON. AND NAT ROSS. 'HE economic crisis in the terri- tory covered. by District 17 (Georgia, Alabama, Tennessee, Mis- sissippi.and Louisiana) is sharper than in-other sections-of the United States. . This is true because of the existence of semi-feudal remnants in Southern economy on which is superimposed a highly rationalized industry. Second, because of the traditional lower social standard of living of the masses which was established primarily by the super exploitation of the Negroes in in- dustry and in particular in the Black Belt and the maintenance of the separation of Negro and white workers on the basis of Ne- gro inferiority. Finally, because of the chronic and deep agrarian crisis, the main base of Southern econ- omy, which is intensified by a back- ward agrarian technique... ~ ‘The ‘depth of the crisis and the unbelievable starvation and misery among the Southern masses has al- ready sharpened the class ‘struggle, despite the: weakness of the revo- lutionary movement in the South. The bosses realize that their rule is loaded with. dynamite which may flare up any moment under’ the pressure of mass hunger of the fighting Southern toilers. The revolutionary organizations have to work under semi-legal. conditions, with frequent outbursts of violent terror against them. There already |exist a number of fascist organ- izations who try to bolster a sharp nationalist-patriotic spirit and who preach a special increased. terror against the Negroes in an attempt to keep Negro and white workers divided. They know full well that the entire structure of Southern economy is based primarily on the super exploitation of the Negroes and the continued division of Neé- gro and white workers. At the same time there is an increase in social demagogy in an attempt to chain both Negro and white work- ers to capitalism. Despite the nar- row social base for social fascism, they are steadily increasing their activity especially among the middle class elements as well as among the white workers and are being given more and more encouragement and support by the lynch masters and their press. Cai eae Uniting Negro and White In Struggle. K this situation our Party in the ‘South is faced with important tasks. Our fundamental task of winning the majority of the Southern work- ers means precisely the uniting of Negro and white workers and the oppressed masses in struggle against the Southern landlords and capi- talists. This task is clarified by our three years’ work in the South, which was chock full of mistakes because of our inexperience and the difficulties under which our Party worked. As a result of our agita- tion and work carried on quite sporadically in the Black Belt and among the factory and unemployed workers and our activity in the Scottsboro campaign, the Party has gained a widespread support among the Negro masses which has been insignificantly organized. At the same time our support among the white workers has been far less widespread (except for Kentucky which we dont treat in this article) and our organizational results have been unbelievably small. - 4 Why has our organization of the Negroes been so Confer with Mussolini and Hitler. By BURCE Methods of Work and Some Tasks of the Party in the South Utilize the Militant Spirit Among the South- ern Toilers did not develop correct methods of , the prejudice of the Southern white work under semi-legal conditions. | workers, | Our few leading comrades working is a hatha under terrific difficulties did not United Action On Mass Starvatioo. try sufficiently to develop local DAY with the crisis gripping cadres. Our form of organization millions of employed and un- was not simple enough. We failed | cmpjoyed Negro and white work- to make a. real fight against the | rs and farmers our main immedi- berate poaeecen oa ate task is to develop united strug- akers. But the basic reason for | cies on the basis of the burning our poor results has been the fail- | needs of the masses. At the pres- ure to develop joint struggles of | ent moment our success in the Negro and white workers for their South depends on our ability to common. nates and, specifically develop these united struggles, for equal rights for the Negroes. | otherwise both Negro anq white | Here we must say that it was the | workers will sink more and more SCHASH Ay Seren es vanes igh deeply into the morass of starva- thet were & contelbuiing factor im | tion ‘And not énly. will’ we! fall organizing the Negroes in the Bauth to’ win the white workers, but the es sbbeaneed the Southern | Negro masses will lose confidence we Bele Scie eert com- | in our movement unless we prove ‘Therefore it is clear that one of to them that the white Southern our important immediate tasks is workers will take the initiative and to win the white workers for joint struggles with the Negro masses. In the past we didn’t orientate clearly on this. We capitulated before the difficulties of organizing the white workers who after decades of skillful boss propaganda on Ne- gro inferiority did not readily re= spond to our program of Negro equality. We approached the white workers abstractly and in a hu- manitarian way (early editorials in Southern Worker) on the question of unity. We thought that spread- ing thousands of leaflets would get the white workers to smash their sincerely join in the struggle for Negro rights. While the struggle for the economic needs of the masses gives us an excellent instru- ment for linking up the struggle for Negro rights and for the Scottsboro defense, we must utilize every act of oppression against the Negro masses as an instrument in itself to de- | velop solidarity protests and strug- gles. It is a fact that one of the key questions in saving the Scotts- | boro boys depends on our ability to | win the white Southern workers to join with the Negro masses in the fight for the freedom of the Scotts- boro boys, because only united ac- tion can help to smash lynch and all Negro oppression. . * main objection to the Reds. We did not accept inour mass organ- izations white workers who still had traces of race prejudice because we did not see clearly enough that not abstractly or in a humanitarian way, but precisely by struggle would we unite Negro and white and break . Our Organizational Forms Must Reach the Masses. NOTHER basic qustion in our | work in the South is the devel- A New Crime of the Bulgarian Fascists T zation termed IMRO has per* petrated a new crime in Sofia, the Bulgarian capital. On June 8th, five individuals armed with revol- vers and bombs attacked the well- known Macedonian fighter for freedom, Simeon Kavrakiroff, a member of the Executive Commit- tee of the Union of Salonika Emi- grants in Sofia, struck him to the ground and then made off with their victim in the direction of the Petritch district. Crime Arouses !ndignation This crime has caused a wave of indignation to sweep over the Ma- cedonian masses in Bulgaria and the whole Bulgarian toiling popu- lation. Protests have come from all sides. A delegation of forty Bulgarian lawyers has protested to the Home Minister and demanded the immediate liberation of the Macedonian champion. More Than 2,000 Murdered by Fascist Band The terror organization of Ivan Mikhailoff is notorious for the bru- tal crimes and bloody terror which it has enacted against the work- ing masses, Macedonian and Bul- garian, The IMRO organization has con- tinually acted in the service of the Macedonian fascist organi-- Bulgarian fascism and imperialism. During the last nine years this band has been responsible for the murder of more than 2,000 Mace- doniari workers, peasants, intellec- tuals and artisans. The Government Is Respons’ble It oppresses and terrorizes the Macedonian population in the Pet- ritch district, levies taxes by force and with the aid of its weapons suppresses every protest against these crimes or against the general fascism ruling in Bulgaria. Since the present government, calling itself a “People’s Bloc,” has come into power, this band of mur- | derers has committed dozens of| murder attempts against Macedon- jan fighters for fr2edom who have led the struggle for the independ- ence of. Macedonia and for the Bal- kan Federation. Intellectuals and Workers’ Organ- izations Protest The kidnapping of the Maczdonian leader Kavrakiroff has aroused the utmost indignation in all progres- Sive circles. A number of eminent persons, such as Karin Michaelis, Albert Einstein, etc., as well as or- ganizations such es the Red Aid, the Union for Free Balkans, League Against Imperialism, have sent pro- tests to the Prime Minjster in Bul- garia, opment of correct forms of organ- ization. The Southern workers have @ poor organizational tradition, their main experience being the church and bourgeois controlled lodges. At the same time there is | a strong militant spirit along in- | dividualistic lines and our task must be to collectivize it. Under the prevailing semi-legal conditions, the small committees in the neighborhoods and factories are the main organizational forms with which to develop a mass move- ment. Here it must be said that the tonception of one of our lead- ing comrades in Chattanooga that we can be legal only if we do not develop a mass movement is a rot- ten liberal approach which was sharply condemned by the Party. The block committees of the un- employed are one of the avenucs through which we can feel the pulse of the masses, initiate joint activity and develop a mass move- ment and leadership from the ranks. The unemployed commit- tees must develop the committee form of fighting for needy families and tie this up with city-wide joint gommittees and demonstrations on burning issues (such as cutting re- lief, etc.), which concern every worker, Negro and white. The I. L. D. in most Southern cities must be built on a neighborhood com- mittee basis and has the particu- larly important task among others of winning the support of the work- ers in capitalist controlled organ- izations and breaking the hold of the fakers, particularly on the Scottsboro campaign and local de- fense struggles: In the election campaign a wide network of elec- tion clubs must be established, bringing the issues directly to the masses, breaking the hold of the Democrats, Republicans and Social- ists on the workers in the mass or- ganizations. Here, too, a fight must | be put up for the right of all Ne- gro and white workers and farmers to vote. In Alabama, in order to vote, a person must own $300 tax- able property, or 40 acres of land. Our election campaign, linked with the immediate struggles, must be used to break through the under- ground position of our Party. Alongside of these clubs must go Women ‘and youth social and sport clubs, which can also help in the Party campaigns through patient work and gitidance, in this way | breaking the hold of the church and the boss-controlled organiza~ tions, de Oe Into the Shops Ey Patient Everyday Work. At the same time all our energy must b2 centered on our basic task of geting our organization in the big factories and mines. Other- | wise all cur work is spoiled. With- out committees in the big factories we cannoé work effectively under the occasional outbursts of police terror nor are we able to mobilize our forces to lead strikes and to fight against capitalist war. The work requires hard plugging, due to the organizational inexperi- ence of the Southern workers. It means day to day personal con- tact, convincing the workers, show- ing them how a small committee can grow and fight for better con- ditions, showing them that we are trying to protect them from spies, and utilizing every concrete issue and grievance to politicalize the struggle for Negro rights, against ay HAIL THE STRUGGLE OF THE CHILEAN MASSES! Resolution proposed by the Anti- Imperialist League for and adopted by the State Nominating Conven- tion of the Communist Party in Schenectady, Sunday, June 19. (Tighe Set 'UNDREDS of Communists in Chile have been jailed by the fascist Junta led by Davila. Strik- es have been forbidden. These measures are aimed to stop the mass demonstrations already led by the Communist Party of Chile; the revolutionary trade union cen- ter, the Chilean Labor Federation; and the Anti-Imperialist League of Chile. These acts prove the fascist nature of the Davila Government. The recent declarations of Davila prove that he and the other leaders of the movement which overthrew the Montero Government used “radical” phrases and a “radical” program to win support among the masses of Chile. But their Gov- ernment is not anti-imperialist; it is not a working class movement. The Davila Government is an effort of the bourgeoisie of Chile to re- tain control of the Government, to stem the rising tide of revolution- ary struggle. This Nominating Convention ex- poses the reactionary nature of the Davila Government before the mas- ses of New York State, and of the Socialist Party, which hailed. the “Davila Socialist Government” as @ movement in the interest of the working class. We send our frat- ernal greetings to Elias Lafferte, Secretary of the Chilean Labor Federation, twice the Communist candidate for president of Chile, and in April of this year for the Chilean Senate, and to the hun- dreds of other Communists thrown into jail by the fascist Davila re- gime. We demand from the Chilean Government and from the United States Government the release of all enti-imperialist fighters now in the jeils of Chile. We pledge to raise this demand throughout the election campaign. We raise our voice on behalf of the immediate and unconditional independence of the Philippine Is- lands, Porto Rico and other col- oniés under American rule. We denounce the Hare and Hawes- Cutting Bills as maneuvers to keep the Philippine Islands under the permanent control of American imperialism. { We denounce Santiago Iglesias, ' the’ Socialist Party leader, and the other Porto Rican bourgeois lead-! ers.as agents of American impe- rialism to preserve Porto Rico as a colony of American imperialism. We demand the withdrawal of ‘American warships and marines from China, where the “Oahu,” an American gunboat fired on 2,000 Chinese; from the Philippines and “Hawaii, where they constitute a threat against the Chinese people and the Soviet Union, and from Latin American waters, where they are used to maintain fhe supreme acy of Wall Street in Latin Am- erica, “We protest against the terror employed against the anti-impe- trialist elements in the Philippine Islands, in Peru, where hundreds are still in jail as a result of the Peruvian naval revolt, when 8 sailors were executed and fourteen , others sentenced to from ten to: fifteen years, and in the other colonies and semi-colonies, and pare ticularly in Cuba, where the ter- ror increases daily.. We demand the stopping of the war against Sandino’s Army, and the, with- drawal of American marines from Nicaragua. Recognizing the spe- cial responsibility which the revo lutionary workers of New York State have assumed toward the re- volutionary movement of Cuba, this Nominating Convention pledges that it will, during the campaign link up the question of Cuba and other colonies with the other is- sues in the campaign. Fight against the terror in the colonies! For immediate and uh- conditional independence for the colenies! For the solidarity of the toiling masses of the United, States | with..the oppressed masses in the colonies! Anti-Imperialist League of the United States W. Simons, Secretary. ‘Peaceful Bosses--- Militarist Workers,’ Says Socialist Paper 'HE Jewish Daily Forward, in an editorial printed May 17, 1931, stated the following: “The overwhelming majority of the representatives of merchant and finance capital in all coun- tries are now opponents of war and supporters cf a pelicy of peace and disarmament.” The Social Fascist ideology is so obvious here that no comments are necessary .But while the merchants and representatives of finance cap- ital are represented as Angels of Peace, the same editorial continues to say: “In truth, however, the Soviet Government is the only govern- ment which dees not cease to inject itself into t he internal business of all countries and which lays all its hopes on a new European war. The Bolshevist militarism really represents a great danger for peace,” Here we have an open call for imperialist war against the Soviet Union. The Second Socialist In- ternational in all its sections has recently adopted the struggle against war in orrder to lull the watchfulness of the toil- ing masses. We call the attention of the readers to the leading edi- torial in the July issue of The Communist, which deals with the preblem. ~~ left phrases in . Read Special Anti-War July Issue of “Communist” by V. I. Lenin. | 6 Will 1 alist War Bring Back Prosperity? by Rebert W. Dunn. 7 The Philippine Islands in the War Area, by William Simons. 8 The Revolutionary Example 6! the Japanese Toilers. A letter from Tokio. This is a special anti-war issue and contains the followi: 1, Coneretize and Strengthen the Anti-War Struggle—Editorial. 2. Place the Party on a War Foot- ing, by Earl Browder. 3. Contradictions Among the Im- perialists and Conflicts en’ the Pacific Coast, by N. Terenteyev. 4. Yankee Imperialist Intervention Against the Chintse Revotu- tion, by M. J2mes. 5. The DeZense of the Fatherland, 9. The Eccnomic Crisis Grinds On, “by-John Irving. * ‘ 10. The Struggle Against the Pro- veorteur, Hl» Book Reviews. fense of the Soviet Union, etc. Our form of orgenization in the fac- tories (and for that matter in all our work in the South) must be such as not to hold back the mili- tancy of the Southern w rs, but rathcr to crganize this fighting spirit an@ lead it into a conscious and higher plane. This alsomecns that we must especially carefully prepare and organize our strike ASSET OUR R ead ree oe RAG land in the Black Belt. At the same time-werk must be done among the white croppers to feel their sonti- ment, to organize them, etc., other= wise the landlords will try to use them for the lynch mobs agzinst the’ fichting Negro eroppers. We must cto rafse the question of seli-determination sharply in all indvs‘v'al conters in the South, par- ticularly “those linked up with the struggles in the South. An ez- ample cf our failure to ut-lize evzry little struggle of the factory work- ers in order to unite Negro end white workers and to lead it into a bigger strugsie is the recont d2- partment £!: ef nine Negro workers in 2 sawmill employing nbout 50 Nezro and white workers, to which we c1ve very little atten- tion. . ean Ce 1 workers play the lead- ing part: i ary Tees _- Build the Party. ‘ AUT of- ell these activities and “strugsles, the building of the Communist Party and the Young Communist League stands in the forefront..The Party must in: prac- tiee become the most disciplined, crganized and militant section of the Negro and white workers in the South. So far becausg, we have not led many strugeles we have not a rule-won the best southern worky ers-and-poor farmers for the Part- ty, although we have some splen- did Negro cadres who are develops ing>very -well. But this only, that when we develop struggles s| better mass workers both Negro and white can be drawn into the Party. Alongside of this must go the theoretical development of our new workers on the, most simple lines of study linked up’ with their actucl. experiences. At the same time collective leadership and self= criticism from top to bottom: help in. developing leading cadres Against Undsrestimation cf Black Belt. NE of the fund:mentel tasks of the Party in the South is the work in the Block Belt. This is ne- glected in a criminal way because lack of understanding of its . ‘tionary potentialities. In the Black Belt the Negro share crop- pers, agricultural laborers and ten- ant formers ere exploited in the mest brutal manner and already they have shown their determina- tion, couraze and revolutionary loy- alty in the Camp Hill struggle which despite our weak leadership had a trementous effect on the en- tire Block Belt. Our task now is to establish the small committees on the plantation, develop struggles for local demands, and link this up with the basic struggle (which is so terribly neglectefi) for self-de- Party capable of doing its fascism and social fascism, for de- duty in termination and confiscation of the stn \ the gigantic class battles, of Southern workers and @ mass _