The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 1, 1932, Page 4

ibe Page Four [> ae DAIDY, WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JULY 1, 1932. ~~~ Dail Yorker’ ‘Saeaie Porty US.A. Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily excxept Sunday, at 50 E. 3th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonguin 4-7956. Cable “DATWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. Y. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. The Trick Plank of the Democrats HE counter-revolutionary French minister, Talleyrand, in the last cent- once said that “language is a means of concealing thought.” The democratic politicians are experts in the use of such language. In our editorial on the outline of the Democratic Party platform sev- eral days ago, we stated that the platform committee headed by the red- baiter A. Mitchell Palmer, was wrestling with the qu 1 of unemploy- ment relief, seeking to find a cunning ph to deceive the masses. They have now anounced the fruits of their labor. The planks of the platform reads, “Unemployment and old age insurance, under state laws.” (Empha- sis ours). Undoubtedly these capitalist tricksters think they have put over a very clever one on the working class. The workers demand unemployment insurance and lo and behold, Jook into the democratic platform and there it stands! Here are “pro- gressive” people, here is a g here is a “party of the underdog,” so will the democratic ba say during the coming elec- tion. campaign. But let us look closely at this plank. Unemployment insurance under state laws. What means this phrase state laws? It does not mean gov- ernment unemployment insurance. Even if we were to interpret this cunning language to mean unemployment insurance to be adopted by the individual states, the sum and substance of this plank would then be that the workers are not to get’ unemployment insurance through the federal government, but they must first go the rounds of the 48 states and have it enacted in each of the states. Millions are hungry and hundreds of thousands are starving, but the democratic platform, even if we give this generous interpretation, would mean no unemployment in- nce today, but the possibility of some insurance in the distant future. But nothing of the kind is intended. These mouthpieces of the cap- italist class are deadly enemies of unemployment insurance. They use the phrase, but they deny it in substance. At best they mean such schemes as put forward by Governor Roosevelt which proposes that the workers who are employed should contribute from their wages to a fund to be held in the hands of the employers from which the latter will grant relief to employed workers who become unemployed. This proposal completely excludes the millions that are unemployed today. It would mean the kind of welfare schemes which exist in the General Electric Co., the Dennison Paper Co. and other big corporations. Tn these corporations the “welfare” funds have been used to speed up the workers and to tie them to the corporations and a threat against any militant moves on the part of the wage slaves Such schemes do not mean insurance for the unemployed, but is speci surance for the bosses against strikes. ‘The Communist platform Cai by. the employers and the gov y unemployment insurance to be paid It calls for the administration of unemployment insurance by ers so that it may go to them and not into the hands of the grafting and plunderous politicians. It calls for the immediate payment of unemployment insurance to the millions of unemployed These demands the Democratic Party and their tricksters oppose. Un- employment insurance can be won only mass struggles against the de- mocrats and the republicans and against the phrase-mongering socialists. ear of the mass struggles is already causing the capitalist parties to play around with this slogan. More resolute and more effective mass struggles, fear.of the revolutionary mass actions of the workers can force the cap- Atalists to grant this vital demand of the working class. Fight of the East Ohio Miners 4 ioe strike of the 18,000 miners in the east Ohio coal fields since March of this year against the reduction of their wages to the West Virginia~ Kentucky scale of the 221% cents a ton, a chronic starvation wage, is an important battle of this militant section of the working class. The UMWA Officialdom placed itself at the head of this strike at the beginning in order to break it and once again betray the fight against wage cuts. The more militant the miners, the more these officials resort to “left” phrases nd maneuvers in ordtr to carry through the aims of the employers. But because their role as misleaders’ and betrayers have become con- tinually clearer, these miners are going over in increasing numbrs to the leadership of the National Miners Union and to the united front rank and file committees set up by the miners under the influence of the militant union. The fight of the East Ohio miners is a struggle against permanent starvation and virtual serfdom that has waged for years in the bitumi- nous coal fields. It is a link in the chain of strikes commencing wth the Penn-Oho battles of 1928-31, and the Kentucky strike of 1932, Facing the brutality of militia attacks, of company gun thug assaults, thousands of miners’ families have in addition faced the spectre of hun- ger, subsisting on roots and whatever little food they could scrape to- gether. The strikers and their families have astonished and dismayed the bosses, the UMWA officials and other of their enemies by their mounting determination to win. But starvation is a powerful weapon of the coal barons to force the miners back to work at wages that spell hunger, and death to the tens of thousands of toilers in the bituminous fields. This battle, which signifies 0 much for the entire working class facing the offensive of the capital- ists, must draw the full solidarity and support of the working class. Swift and full hearted support must be given at once to the cam- paign of the Workers International Relief. The apathy and indifference with regard to these latest struggles of the miners which exists in many sections of the working class must be broken down. Immediate relief will strengthen the strike and enhance the possibilities of victory. For that reason there must be no delay in the organization of broad, far- reaching miners’ relief committees in the cities throughout the country. For that reason conferences of working class organizations, including lo- cals of the A. F. of L. and sympathetic bodies must be organized to start ‘@ campaign for mass relief under the leadership of the Workers Interna- tional Relief. There should be no delay in rushing funds to the valiant striking miners, through the Workers International Relief, 16 West 21st Street, New York City. Be Militant, Says A.F.L. ---to Textile Mill Owners pledge to continue to cooperate to the end that the man or the woman who has an honest investment in our industry will receive an hon- est return.” A. F. of L. policies in textiles are get forth succinctly by Thomas F. ‘McMahon, president of the United ‘Textile Workers, in the May issue of the Textile Worker. “What is needed in our industry today,” says McMahon, “is a strong militant (sic) Textile Manufacturers’ Asso- ciation, with power back of it.” such an association function- McMahon, with his two or | thousand cotton workers and | any woolen workers, would | delighted to co-operate: “We ‘Pledge our every effort to co-oper- ‘ate with friendly employers, wher- | ever they may be, to the end that | 4 -tability of our industry may be mplished.” Why? In order the profits of the textile mill 8 may be maintained: Of course, McMahon, while par- ticularly solicitous about the in- vestments of the capitalists, talks about a “fair remuneration for the workers,” but there is no hint that the workers should be militant in order to secure these conditions. For, says McMahon, “No real labor man who has the true interest of the industry at heart is satisfied when strike and chaos preva’ As always in his editorials the U.T.W. official associates “strike” and “chaos.” Further comment on this official hawking his class cooperation goods “We is ‘unnecessary, “HAVE A DRINK, BOYS!” BUEKE, By BURCK IN July 1st, the Hoover mora- torium for Reparations and inter-Allied debts will expire, de- clarés E. Varga, well-known Com- munist writer on economics in his review of the first quarter of 1932. It is obvious that even after July 1st Germany will not be in a position to pay any Reparations. The Ententé debtors of the United States consider it a matter of course that, if Germany does not pay them, they in their turn will not make any payments to the United States.* But the American govern- ment is of a different opinion and continues to adheré to the stand- point that there is no connection between the German Reparations payments and the repayment of the Allied debts. Not that the United States really imagines that Great Britain, France, and Italy would actually continued their payments if Germany were not to pay; the Americans merely want to make use of their claim as a means of polit- ical pressure against France and Great Britain, all the more so as, by reason of the events in China, the antagonism between the United States and Japan—which also means an antagonism between the United States and Japan's avowed ally, France—is rapidly growing. On the other hand, France in- sists that part of the German payments to France which exceeds France's obligations to America (the so-called “compensation pay- ments”) must continue to be paid even in the case of a further mora~ torium or of the anullation of the inter-Allied debts. Roughly expressed, there are thus still the following opposing stand- points: Germany: We cannot pay any more Reparations, either now or later. Great Britain (& Italy): Can- cellation of Reparations and in- ter-Allied debts. France: The Reparations ob- ligations are binding on Germany. The inter-Allied debts should be cancelled, and the Reparations also with the exception of the “sacred” compensation due to France. United States: No cancellation of inter-Allied debts. Reparations a matter for Europe to decide for itself, : In the course of the last few months . various attempts were made to find at least a temporary compromise, but so far without suc- cess. Such a compromise is ob- viously impossible without the con- sent of the United States. Thus the London conference at- tended early in February by the Reparations creditors and Ger- many, terminated without any re- sult. The further treatment of the matter was postponed till June. Obviously, the conference in June (Lausanne conference) . will be faced with the same difficulties as that-in February and will find no other way out of them than a fur- ther moratorium, The final “solu- tion” of the Reparations question, however, can only be brought about by @ second world war or by the proletarian revolution, Even less successful than the Reparations conference was the London conference of the four leading European Powers on the subject of a Danube federation, the nature of which is as follows: Some of the Danube states, Aus- tria, Hungary and Bulgaria, are practically bankrupt in relation to foreign countries. They urgently need foreign loans if a catastrophe is to be averted. Financial aid can only be obtained from France, or possibly from Great Britain. France has demanded that Austria and Hungary should’ conclude with the states of the Little Entente an agreement regarding a reciprocal 10 per cent customs privilege, from which all other states, Germany and Italy in particular, should be excluded, y The political purport of this sug- gestion—apart from the prepara- tion for intervention—is that of separating Austria and Hungary from Germany and Italy and’ sub- jecting them, by way of the Little Entente, still more than hitherto to the influence of France, thus making them part of the French system of vassal states and at the same time erecting an additional barrier to the “Anschluss” of Aus- tria to Germany. Economically, such- a plan offers no solution for the states in ques- tion. The main problem for Hun- nal “Solution” Seen Only in Second World Var or Proletarian Revolution gary, Yugoslavia, and Rumania is that of finding a market for their surplus agricultural products— grain and cattle. In so far as Ozechoslovakia and Austria import | agricultural produce, they have al- ways purchased it from these neigh- boring countries. The increase of | Sales which would result from a | 10 per cent preferential customs duty would be quite negligible. As regards the price formation, @ price 10 per cent above the world-market price would bring just as much less as hitherto. Therefore the French plan has met with no real agree- ment anywhere. Czechoslovakia, where the agrarians exercise great influence on the government, was indeed more prone to decline than to accept the suggestion. Po- land feared for its agricultural ex- ports. Hungary was averse once more to sanction by any such agreement the state of affairs cre- ated by the Peace of Trianon. A decided resistance to the French | plan was offered by Germany and Reparations, Inter-Allied Debts, and the Project of ~a Danubian Federation | Italy, the latter in particular point- | ing out it had already concluded special preferential agreements with Hungary and Austria, which it desired to expand rather than abandon. reat Britain was outwardly on | the side of France, but by the very fact of its invitation of Germany to thé London Conference it effec- | tively frustrated the French plan, whose political aims it had already ‘sought to thwart by demanding that Bulgaria be included in the Danube Federation, in which the thteé states of the Little Entente would thus have beeen associated with three other countries, instead of two, as provided for in the French plan. ‘Thus the failure of the Danube Conference once more shows the depth ar manysidedness of the antagons'ms in “Balkanized”- and crisis-ridden Europe. This failure, however, by no means implies that the idea of a Danube Federation would not come up again in a new form. *It is characteristic that the British budget for 1931 merely records the rev- enue from Reparations and the payments to the United States. Burkhart’s Move to Break Bakers’ Unity By JAY RUBIN N June 25 a conference was call- edd by Burkhart and Co, in the name of the rank and file to “unite the New York bakers.” Burkhart and Co. forgot that 1932 is not 1926, where you can fool the work- ers continually. The rank and file workers who! have already been working for six months to unite the rank and file of the respective unions in a struggle against the bosses, and have to their credit many achievements, will not be fooled by the moves of the Gunt and Burkhart. On April 23, 24 ard 25, the real united front conference was held with the following locals present: Locals 22, 79, 505, 507, 509 of the International; Local 16. of the Amalgamated as well as unofficial delegates from locals 1 and. 3; the Italian local and the bakers’ sec~.. tion of the Food Workers Indus- trial Union. At this conference a program was worked out for a common struggle against the bos- ses' attempts to cut wages. and worsen the working conditions, to start at once; a campaign to or- ganize the unorganized. bakery” workers; to stop the fight of one union against the other; the union- ization of the existing union shops by fighting’ jointly to force the bosses to live mp to the agreement they signed; “for a mass united front organization committee by electing 25 workers from each local to participate in the carrying through of the program; that in the various territories, territorial inited front committees be set up for the purpose of jointly carrying on a campaign to maintain the 8 hours as well as to attempt to equalize the work among those who are unemployed, and also to carry on organization work in their res- pective territory. The program pro- vided -that a city united front committee be set up of 2 workers from each local and that this com- mittee supervise all this work as well as concentrate on organizing one of the chain bakeries, INCE the conference, the rank and ‘file city united front com- mittee has penetrated with this program into most of the bakery local unions of the city. In most cases, the rank and file workers accepted the program with ap- plause, and elected their commit- tees. The rank and file of the local unions also voted to give fin- ancial support ‘to carry on this work, and Locals 22, 164, 507, 505 already have donated $50 each, Local 79, and the Food Workers Industrial Union, $20 each. In the Bronx especially, we succeeded in stopping the fight between locals 507 and 164, There are no more picket lines of one against the other, but there are joint committees preparing to picket the bosses regardless of -which they signed, to maintain the. 8, hours, tioning and are already applying the line adopted by the conference. In Local 3 of the Amalgamated, we did not as yet succeed in getting the local’s official affiliation, but at . the meetings where our committee “presented the program, judging by the response of the rank and file workérs, we can see that the rank and file are for our program and for unity. Move To Break Unity URKHART and Co., in conjunc- tion with some of the leaders of the International, made continuous moves to break up the activity of the rank and file united front com-' mittee. They failed in all attempts to discredit the United Front Com- mittee in the eyes of the bakery workers, So they thought they would break it up ‘by coming to the membership with another confer- ence. The proceedings of Burk- hart’s conference last Saturday proved its only purpose was to break the unity of the bakery workers. Burkhart knew very well that Local 3 unanimously rejected the. request to He knew In the rest of the locals, : the committees are already func- | the effect that this would have on™! the rest of the locals, so he decided by hook or crook, to have some- body representing Local 3. The de- legation picked by him presented @ credential on unofficial station- ary, and unsigned by the secretary of the local. But this move did not work, because the membership and the delegates present at this conference were all aware of the decision of the membership meet- ing of Local 3. ’ ; y Light Vote program of action ‘was pre- sented to the conference, with the exception of sweet speeches made by Guntz and Burkhart. The rank and file city united front committee, through its represent- atives at the conference, exposed the Burkharts and the other fakers and also’ proposed that. since :@ conference is already in existence which, has already accomplished many things in the direction of unity, and since the majority of the locals are officially affiliated to the rank and file city united front committee, that this conference re- commends to the locals not yet af- fillated: that they take up the queéstion“aind once more discuss it with the membership and elect the proper representations, Although Burkhard refused to allow a vote on this recommenda- tion; and got a majority vote (15 to 9) for the election of a com- mittee ta) work out a program, we can’ say inspite of this, he did not succeed in breaking the rank and file city united front commit- tee. If we analize the votes for the motion, then it will be clear to all of us that Burkhard and Co. failed. Local 3, the ‘largest local of the Amalgamated, did not vote. Local 164, the second largest, one voted” for the proposition of the city united front committee, and two abstained, Burkhard only car- ried it through with the help of 79, one from 507, one from 509, two from 505, Locals 1 and 5, and Fac- tory Branch 2 delegates, who con- sciously or otherwise are helping Burkhard break the unity of the bakers, This question will surely be rais- ed in every local union of the Am- algamated, International, ete. The INTO THE SHOPS! R/ THE JOBLESS! Fh THE BOSSES’ ATTA, Statement of New York District Committee on the Results of the Section and District Con- vention, 'HE New York District Conven- tion is over. The new section committees and new district com- mittee have been elected. Now it is the task of the whole Party membership to turn to mass work and concretely apply the 14th Cen- tral Committee Plenum Resolution. ‘This means a decisive change in our methods of work, breaking the isolation from the masses, doing away with bureaucyatic methods. , that though the Negro + | ‘the district, as of the wi try, are moving towards our Party has not yet approach to these m therefore still remains iso | them,» - 9 marine workers, 11 me ers, 2 transport worker: road worker and 16 Negr of 162 registered delegat cates the basic weakr Party among the workr industry and among t’ Negro masses, The Section and Only in this way will the Party tions, as a result of their become the Party of the masses tion, also in the discussio and the leader of the masses, the isolation of the Pari from the shops and the u ed. Very few comrades could discuss shop problen or did discuss shop tactic district still thinks ip terms and not in’ the | terms of each shop, of e. ation. The appalling w of the unemployed « were also manifest, whic of the rapidly increas ployment and the cutth. relief, presents one of t. serious preblems of thr that must be tackled wi lay. Month by month, the economic crisis deepens, and as a conse- quence the war situation becomes sharper. This demands of the dis- trict immediate concentration on the fight against the war danger, on the big shops of basic industry to build up the Party in the shops and organic struggle. This demands intensive organization and mobili- zation work among the unemployed and an intensified struggle for un- employment relief for the starving masses, and for unemployment in- surance. | This means that the sections must draw up concrete plans of work and together with the units select the points of concentration, both for shop and unemployed work, mbilizing every member of the unit, assigning definite tasks so that the party may be built up in the shops nad neighborhoods. Each Parity member must recognize the need of getting personal daily contact with the workers in his or her shop or neighborhood. This means the selection of workers in the shops drawing them in, end through them, getting other con- tacts in the shop, discussing the The District can and will conditions in the shop with the | this isolation. As the larger workers, formulating demands and | trict in the Party, with mo preparing for and: leading strug- perience in mass work .#h>" gle. of the other districts of t. This has nothing spectacular with an objective situa about it. But Communist work | Party work the most favor does not consist only of demonstra- | cur Party has ever faced, tions. Basically it consists of the | sponsibilities of the Distric_ persistent, driving, sustained dev- | the greatest. eloping struggles and building the The District Committee mass organization which leads the | upon every Party member to: struggle, his or her responsibility ir There are elements within the | present situation, The worke Party that resist this work, especi- radicalized, they are suf ally some of the old members who they are willing to strugg’ see “nothing new” in the 14th-| need organization, they r Plenum Resolution. This is op- ership. It is the role of portunism, which is the main | munist Party to organizes. danger and must be combatted with | front against the bosses o1. all energy. The bulk of the Party and lead the workers, build membership wants to do work and | revolutionary unions, the is doing work. The serious short- | ployed councils and the m: coming, however, remains that the | ganizations and build the Pa membership does not know how | meet ths bitter attacks th: to do shop work. ‘Therefore the now follow against the w District and Section Committees | class, as shown in the -must teach our comrades how to | the Dies Anti-Comm as carry on work in the shop, not on- Forward to the ly through general discussions, Down to the shops but concretely taking up shop by the unemployed! shop, discussing with the comrades Each and every Party the difficulties, obstacles, ete. and carrying on Communist working out the methods of work. the shops! It requires at the same time a Forward to the fight ay sharper struggle against these op- imperialist war! portunistic tendencies. Assignment of tasks, ch The District Convention revealed | on work. Only thus, with that the turn is hardly yet being ive leadership, collective wo. approached. ‘Thé election of the | sonal guidance, abolition o unit buros and the section com- | leadership and cireuiar mett mittees and the delegates to the | work, can and will the Convention clearly manifested the | break its isolation, play its isolation of the Party fro:: the | part in the war situation, she shops, particularly from the shops election campaign a real Comr of basic industry, and from'the un- | nist election struggle and becc employed masses. The section and a bolshevik district of the Cor~ district conventions also revealed | nist Party of the U.S. A. he Section and Dist ventions revealed the ea: of the Party members to turn. Therefore it is th mental duty of the District ’ the Section Committees, reali their deep responsibility ¢n situation, to break with their methods of work, circular meth lack of personal contact and ™ ance and through giving pe guidance and aiding the con break the isolation of the from the shops and from work. om U.M. W.A. Betrayals the miners’ views.” A campaign in Arkan: Oklahoma hs been laure an appeal “to business m chants, coal owners, citizens generally” to gel the Davis-Kelly bill for reg the coal industry, and to w the U.M:w.A. Manipulated Vote. A second referendum i Scotia showed a majority miners voting to aceept th cut of 10 per cent for day \ and 124 per cent for tonnag and a new agreement on tr was signed the end of Ma, nuners are convinced tha vote was manipulated agains: by U.M.W.A. officials. The Scotia Miner (left-wing pape: ports a new trick for betrayh rank and file: Officials of at one local union have ruled miners who have lost their have also losi their right * in the union. William Turnblazer, pr“ District 19 (Tennessee) nounced that he is a can the Tennessee legislature, 'HE “suspension of work” agreed upon by opzrators and U. M. W. A. officials in Illinois has con- tinued since the former agreement expired on April 1, deciares the Labor Research Association. Con- ferences on the new scale, which were broken off in April, have not yet been resumed. Meantime about 6,000 workers have continued in the amines under temporary agreements and U. M. W. A. officials hold back ell efforts of the rank and file and Jeft-wing leaders to turn the sus- pensicn into a militant struggle against. the operators. Accept Wage Cut. A new agreement with a $4 basic @ay rate instead of the former $6.10 has been accepted by the U. M. W. A. officials of District 11 in Indiana. A new agreement reducing the “ basic wage scale from $6.72 to $5.42 was signed in District 22, in Wyo- ming, when the old agreement cx~- pired on June 1, The district offi- cials offered to accept a 10 per cent cut, but the operators insisted on the 20 per cent cut and this was written into the new agreement, According to Coal Age, “Interven- | enthusiastic Republican, an tion of three international board | porter of the Hoover hung: members is credited with changing | ernment. FOSTER'S BQOK AVAIL “Toward Soviet America,’ liam Z. Foster's new book, was temporarily out of stock Workers’ Bookshop, 50 E. 1: is now again available, it nounced. Copies of the boc obtained from other boc pending the appearance of t ond edition, which will be « press in a few days, why they did not carry through the wishes of the membership jin supporting the rank and file city united front committee. The tank and file should discuss this quos- tion thoroughly and accept the proposals of the city united front committee to the conference. The rank and file must show the Burk- | harts, etc, that they cannot break the unity of the workers,