The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 28, 1932, Page 4

Yorker’ pee Dail Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., daily excxept Sunday, at 50 E. 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DATWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. Inc., SUBSCRIPTION By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months; Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York C six months, $4.50. RATES: ; two months, $1; excepting Forelgn: one year, $8; The Democratic Platform ee outline of the draft of the Democratic Party which has just been published indicates that this party of the big capitalists will not de- part by single iota from the platform of the reactionary Republican Party. The author of the draft, former district attorney general A. Mitchell Palmer, is well known for his notorious raids of 1919-20 against the labor movement in which thousands of workers were rounded up and held for deportation. As head of the Department of Justice he aided in the persecution and murder of Sacco and Vanzetti. He was responsible for driving the Communist Party underground in those days. This party of Wall Street has chosen a worthy son to write its platform. The democrats announce that they stand “for a navy sufficient for defense and the framework of an adequate arm Every jingo and war-maker supports his claim for increased armaments with the argu- ment that it is intended for defense. They advocate a “firm foreign policy” which means, of course, mi aggressive imperialist actions against the rivals of the Wall Street government and above all against the Soviet Union. They advocate additions to the Kellogg Pact, thus fol- lowing in the footsteps of Hoover which signifies that American imper- jalism intends to use the Kellogg Pact in order to get the upper hand in the struggle for leadership in the intervention moves against the Soviet Union so as to assure themselves of the largest share of the plunder. Like the Republican Party, the planks of the Democrats on interna- tional policy shows that the capitalists are rushing full-speed to a world imperialist slaughter. A democratic platform without demagogy is impossible. The plat- form committee is still wrestling with the plank on unemployment in order to find some cunning phrases to deceive the masses, But their ac- tions in Congress and in the Senate already show that though they may find some meaningless words to raise false hopes among the workers, nothing of «ny value in the matter of unemployment relief or the ques- tion of unemployment insurance can be expected. On the contrary, like the republicans, only a more furious attack is to be launched against the un loyed. But a real gem of demagogy and hypocrisy is contained in the plank favoring the sherter work day. The democrats state that they favor “a substantial reduction in the hours of labor in order to distribute more ecuitably the profits of productive industry, increase the buying power of the people and thus increase the consumption of existing surpluses of unused commodities and unemployed labor.” The democrats seem to overlook in this plank one small matter and that is that already the workers have received a substantial reduction in their hours of labor. Millions are unemployed and millions more are working on part time, but in place of increasing the consuming power of the workers, the working class has lost billions of dollars. This plank is | suprosed to have behind it the theory of Henry Ford and Raskob. Ac+ | cording to these industrialists, the lower the hours of labor, the greater the leisure and consequently the better the position of the workers to increase their purchases. But among other things this theory omits the question of wages. The reduction of hours with a simultaneous reduc- tion of wages (and that is What is really intended by this plank which was advocated by the A. F. of L. leaders), only cuts down the purchas- inz power of the masses, worsens their living standards while it increases the intolerable speed-up system. All talk of a more “equitable distribution of profits of productive irdustry” is mere rubbish. “By reducing the hours of labor without in- crease of wages and by speeding-up the workers, the profits of the capi- talist class increase, their fortunes rise, while wages go down and the miseries of the toilers increase. By means of this plank the democrats hope to make demagogic appeals to the workers and try to explain away the crisis as a crisis of overproduction resulting from the nature of the capitalist system. With this plank they will try to say to the workers that the capitalist system is alright. All that is necessary is for some capitalists to be more “philanthropic” and share out a little -of their profits while at the same time the workers should make more. sacri- fices in the way of their demands for unemployment relief and insurance and willingly accept more wage cu The workers in the Ford plant and in Raskob’s General Motors, have had a full trial of this kind of phil- anthropy.” The draft platform does not yet fully expose the reactionary hand of the capitalist class on the question of the rights of the workers. Thus far they only call for the “simplification of legal procedure, and the reorganization of the judicial system to make the attainment of justice speedy, certain and at less cost.” But even behind this legal phraseology, there is contained the threat of increased violence against the workers. Mr. Garner, speaker“of the House, and one of the contenders for the residential nomination, has already raised the cry that the militant labor movement must be crushed. There is no doubt that even should the democrats avoid openly stating their reactionary policies of fiercer uttacks upon the rights of ihe workers, the toiling masses can expect from the Roosevelts, Walkers, Garners, Ritchies and similar lights, only She increase of fascist methods against them. ‘The Democratic party, like the Republican party, is a party of re- action, hunger and imperialist war and the Socialist party is the ally of these open capitalist agents. In the election campaign the workers, to carry on a struggle against their capitalist enemies, must rally around the united front platform of the Communist Party and its standard bear- +s, Foster and Ford. BANKRUPTCY OF PEACE MOVEMENT T a time when international corporations are failing, and cartels dis- solving, the international peace movement, too, must confess its PARTIAL bankruptcy.” (Emphasis ours.) New Republic, June 29, 1932. No, dear liberal bourgeoisie! Not only “partial bankruptcy”, but its complete bankruptcy, which includes the New Republic, the Nation and similar organs of the “peace movement.” But why not tell why you are bankrupt, gentle liberals? For the sake of the truth which you hold so dear, why not say that the international peace movement of the bour- geoisie was never really concerned with maintaining peace. Its chief con- cern was in the erection of a screen of pacifist lies behind which the im- perialists could the more effectively rush through their preparations for war. But are you not trying to make capital out of your admission of bankruptcy, editors of the New Republic? Do you not deliberately use the term “partial” bankruptcy in order to practice another piece of deception? Do. you not really mean that if only such swindles as Hoover’s scheme would be adopted, say through the exercise of your favorite weapon, “public opinion” upon the war making governments, then your bankrupt peace movement might become solvent? And is it any wonder that the workers are beginning to understand the pacifist muddleheads for what they are, dangerous enemies of the struggles against imperialist war? HEARST AND DEPORTATIONS ‘THE 18,000 persons deported by the strikebreaking branch of the Wall Street Government only 3 per cent were officially classed as “criminals.” ‘The vast majority, it is clear, were either militant workers or allen workers made destitute by the Hoover hunger regitfié. Cold-blooded facts, however, never bother the snake-like chain of Hearst newspapers which coil themselves around the necks of millions of workers of the U. S. + Using the murder of the Brooklyn racketeer, “Vannie” Higgins by other racketeers as a text, Hearst's N. Y. American demands “a relentless drive against aliens to be turned over to the Immigration authorities for deportation.” Clearly, Hearst isn’t worried about his friends, the gangsters and racketeers. Simply recall the chummy interview between his chief pros- titute scribbler, Arthur Brisbunk with Al Capone in the Cook County jail, and the plea that the gangster be freed so that he can “recover the Lind- prere br secret ys friends.» ap attant workers thedre ot EE { =t= By BURCE “We rejoice in your broad visional leadership in a matter which bears such vital relations to peace”’—Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America on the Hoover Arms proposal. Armed Intervention in China By CYRIL BRIGGS. “Anhwei Province is practically in the hands of the Reds,” wails the “China Press,” published at Shanghai, South China. “Startling Communist victories,” gtoans the New York Times (May 27), “involving the loss of two gov- ernment divisions, are imperiling the Nanking government’s hold on Anhwei Province, which lies just west Of the city of Nanking.” The tremendous growth of the Soviet Power of the revolutionary Chinese worker-peasant masses in Anhwéi Province and the extension of the territory of the powerful Honan-Hupéh-Anhwei Soviet Dis- trict—this is the sole result in Anhwei Province of the fourth “Communist Suppression” campaign launched by the’ Nanking Koumin- tang government at the orders of the imperialist powers, particularly the Wall Street government! Their Kuomintang instruments having failed, the imperialist bandits are now engaged in extending their direct armed intervention against the Chinese Revolution! And how fares the fourth “Com- | munist Suppression” campaign in other parts of Central and South China? Again let us note the ad- missions of the enemy press. In | an editorial note to its news story of May 27 on “startling Communist victories” in Anhwei Province, the New York Times stated: “Adjoining Anhwei to the South and West, Kiangsi and Hupeh Provinces are strongly Commu- * Dying Capitalism Seeks to Draw New Lifej From Blood of Chinese Masses nist, as is Hunan, which adjoins both of these provinces. Forces said to be Communists have in the last few weeks been overrin- ning Fukien Province, which ad- joins Kiangsi on the East. The Reds are also strong in Honan Province, north of Hupeh.” An even more significant admis- sion of the growth of the agrarian revolution and the increasing im- potence of the Kuomintang militar- ists appears in a Hankow dispatch of June 9 to the New York Times: “Provincial troops of Central China have launched a campaign to crush the rebel menace which appears to be engulfing a great area of the Yangtze Valley.” (Emphasis mine.—C. B.) A Shanghai dispatch of the same date reported that mutinics whose equipment was once more in- advertently supplied by the Nan- king government. The 7th Nan- king division was smashingly de- feated and left Anhwei Province quicker than it went in. Nanking troops in other parts of the Yangtze Valley have mutinied and joined the revolutionary forces. Thus, the sole basis (outside of the imperialist gunboats) of the Kuo- mintang power—its armed forces— is rapidly disintegrating under the hammer blows of the Revolution. The breaking of their chains by increasingly large sections of Chinese toilers, the rapid growth of the Chinese Soviet Power, the sledge hammer blows of the Chi- nese Red Armies, the steady loss of prestige and influence by the Kuomintang betrayers of China— of Kuomintang troops sent to “wipe out” the Chinese Soviet these factors make the Kuomin- tang no longer a dependable in- Districts “are assuming serious strument for imperialist enslave- proportions.” ment, far capitalist-feudal ex- In this respect, it is to be noted ploitation and robbery of the that most of the Kuomintang Chinese masses. This fact, to- troops sent into Anhwei Province against the Chinese Red Army mu- tinied and joined the Red Army. A full Kuomintang division and brigade commanded by Chen Tiao- Yuan, former governor of Anhwei Province, went over with its equip- ment to the Red Army. The 146th Nanking division was surrounded and disarmed by the Red Army, gether with the catastrophic crisis of world capitalism, is driving the imperialists to new desperate and bloody* measures against the rev- olutionary Chinese toilers, for the crushing of the Chinese Soviet Power, for the partition of China, for a war of desperation by dying capitalism against the rising, flourishing Soviet World. Armed | intervention against the Chinese Revolution is proceeding hand in hand with the monstrous war Provocations against the Soviet Union. Two recent pamphlets published by International Publishers give a graphic picture of the growth of the Soviet Power in China and of the robber aims of world imperial- ism against China and the Soviet Union. The pamphlets are “War in China,” by Ray Stewart, and “Soviet China,” by R. Doonping and M, James. Every worker should rally to the world-wide revolution- ary struggle against imperialist war, for the defense of the Chi- nese people, the Chinese Soviets and the Soviet Union. The present imperialist war in the Far East, the reactionary drive of the im- perialists for armed intervention against the Soviet Union are aimed at the entire world working class. Dying capitalism is attempting to win another lease on life at. the expense of the life-blood of the toiling masses, at the expense of the destruction of working-class gains in Soviet China, of destruc- tion of triumphant Socialist con- struction in the Soviet Union, and at the expense of the further en- slavement of the colonial peoples and the working-class in the im- Pperialist countries. Workers! Defend the Chinese People! Defend the Soviet Union! Stop the production and shipment of arms against China and the Soviet Union! OPERATOR'S IDEA FOR UNIONS T hearings on the Davis-Kelly bill, one Indiana operator, R. H. Sherwood, explaineq the labor re- lations ‘he would like to see set up in the coal industry. “Labor organizations and opera- tors’ associations should be required to incorporate and be equally sub- ject to the laws of contract. “The Commission (proposed un- der the Davis-Kelly bill for regu- lating coal) should be required to set up a tribunal similar to the Railway Labor Board, to settle dis- putes; and strikes and lockouts should be subject to heavy penal- ties. “The Commission should require the labor organizations to take out @ license as well as the operators, and the conditions of granting such a license would be the perfecting of certain reforms of internal organ- ization, which would go far to do away with the worst faults of mine labor organizations, as organized at present.” Accidents Rise In Cotton Mills H Bar frequency rate of accidents— including death and both per- hanent and temporary disability— in the cotton industry rose 54 per cent between 1926 and 1930, accord- ing to a recent study of the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. It was even higher in 1929 than in 1930. In the woolen goods industry there was a slight rise during the same period in the frequency rate. The severity rate in woolens in- creased between 1926 and 1929, de- A Forced Labor Colony ‘HE bourgeois democratic “Welt am Montag” in Berlin publishes two confidential fascist documents showing that the fascist organiza- tions are hurriedly preparing to take a leading role as warders in the compulsory labor service scheme which the reaction hopes the pres- ent von Papen government will carry out, The first document in- structs the members of the fascist organizations to support the pre- paratory work for the introduction of a compulsory labor — service scheme in every possible way and in particular to organize a skeleton organization of “suitable” elements to take charge of the labor squads, These “suitable” elements are to be taken chiefly from among the members of the “prohibited” storm detachments. The fascist organi- zations are also instructed to re- -port suitable buildings for the hous- ing of the labor squads, The second document supple- ments the first and gives details of the organization of the com- pulsory labor service scheme which is to be carried out under the com- mand of fascist officers and N, C. O's. The document declares that. in Eastern Germany (Ostmark) about 200 detachment leaders will be necessary (captains), 200 lieu- tenants, 200 administrators (ser- geant-majors), 1,500 squad leaders (N. C. D's) about 500 quartermasters and various other persons. The document points out that all ap- plicants must have seen military service and must be capable of maintaining their authority even without the police privileges which would attach to their positions. The “Welt am Montag” points out that the fascists aim at organ- izing a labor army under the com- mand of fascist officers and N. C. O's, an army which could be used to break strikes at need, and de- clares that this would in all prob- ability be the only positive achieve- ment of stich an army. Soviet Textile Developments IMMENTING on the additional increase in wages in the Soviet Union during 1932, as presented in. the May Textile Notes, issued by Labor Research Association, the Secretary of the conservative In- ternational Federation of Textile Workers’ Association admits that if this program is carried out “the world will be faced by the extra- ordinary fact that the only coun- try where wages are being in- creased in the textile trades is Russia.” clining in the year 1930. Between 1926 and 1980 the severity rate in «,! sotton rose over 200 per cen An engineer in the Leningrad branch of the Textile Scientific’ » Yesearch Institute has invented a new carding machine called an “electro-carder” in which the re- volving shaft of the carding ma- chine acts like the rotor in a motor, Each new electro-carder will save the laundry one motor, one cpur gear and one pulley; besides there will bz a great reduction in friction and noise. It will reduce by 25 to 35 per cent the amount of electric power now consumed by a carder. The machine will also take less space than the old carding ma- chine, A loom operating on the |; same principle is now: being - de~ ‘signed by the-same inventor, |. CRISIS DEEPENS IN MINING ODUCTION of coal continues to decline with the steady deepen- ing of the crisis. From January 1 to June 4, the bituminous tonnage mined in the United States was 42 per cent below the 1929 figure. The drop from year to year is shown by the following index figures: U, S. Bituminous Tonnage, January 1 to June 4 ‘While coal production drops, cop- per mines are closing in the west. The Magma Copper Co. is closing its. mines and smelter on July 1. ‘The mines may be re-opened in: October, but the smelter will be closed for six months or longer. At the same time the Nevada Con- Solidated Copper Co. announces a new variation on the “stagger” plan of distributing unemployment. It is closing its works in Nevada for six weeks, but continuing 20 per cent operation in Arizona and New Mexico. The announcement im- plies that later the Nevada works will open for 20 per cent operation and the dthers will take their turn at complete unemployment. Utah Copper Co. has closed down all op- erations for at least five weeks, Production had previously been cut to only 7 per cent of capacity. Wages are being cut as the mines curtail production,’ Iron miners on Mesaba Range report that the so- called 15 per cent wage-cut of the U. 8, Steel Corp. subsidiaries has reduced pay checks by 20 per cent. With wage-cuts and part-time a worker now often: gets only: $30 in & month,,~ — tn FASCISTS IN THE “COURT OF JUSTICE” The Felsenek Trial in Berlin ra By J. MILLER (Berlin) INCE April 21st last there has been taking place before the Berlin Jury Court of Moabit the trial of the accused in the Felseneck case. The cours? of this trial fur- nishes a model example of how po- litical trails are conducted in bour- geois courts, We give a brief account of the events which form the subject of this trial. In the night of January 18th to 19th last, the fascist storm detachments of the Northern sub- urbs of Berlin held a special mus- ter in Frohnau, a suburb of Berlin, There were present in all about 150 to 200 fascist storm troops. At half past ten the fascist troops left the hall and marched in closed ranks in the direction of the Rein- ichendorf. They were escorted by about 12 police. Although accord- ing to the emergency orders all parades and processions are prohi- bited, the police took no action against the fascists. The alleged destination of the marching column was Reinichen- dorf. They, however, made a de- tour of four kilometers and march- ed to @ colony of allotment holders in Felseneck, where workers, mostly unemployed and belonging to the Communist and the social demo- cratic party, are living in rough huts, mostly run up by themselves. The colony was then surrounded | by the national socialists, who opened the attack by a bombard- ment of stones against the miser- able huts of the proletarians, With cries of: “Hail Hitler, down with Moscow!” the national socialists stormed forwards and soon the sound of revolver shots was heard in addition to the crashing of stones. The main attack was di- rected against hut No. 20, in which a worker named Klemke lived, who had joined the Communist Party a few days previously. When Klemke came out of his hut in a half-dress- ed condition, he was shot down, pierced by several bullets. Awaken- ed out of their sleep by the noise, the inhabitants of the colony came al socialists. The result of the pre» liminary investigation ended in 18 inhabitants of the colony and only six national socialists being brought to trial. In the indictment, 15 of the colonists are accused of joint manslaughter of the national soe cialist Schwarz, and the nationale ists are accused of joint manslaugh= ter of the worker Klemke. In ade dition, three of the inhabitants of the colony are accused of serious breach of the peace. The trial commences. The court is packed. The accused workers are placed in the dock; the national Socialists however, are given seats usually occupied by the press. The storm troop leader Schulz, who led the whole action, is NOT among the accused. The indefatigable activity of Dr. Litten, who has been briefed by the Red Aid to defend the workers, subjects the national socialists to a clever cross-examination, and by causing the national socialists to incriminate each other, brings im- portant facts to light. The publio prosecutor and the court find them- selves in an embarrassing situation. The national socialist press carries on a regular incitement to murder Dr. Litten. In the meantime Genz, one of the accused workers who is seriously ill, again collapses in the court, whereupon his release is at last ordered. The bourgeois of-= ficial defender, Dr. Picard, proves that the police report of the evi- dence has been falsified. This places the court and the public prosecutor in an exceefingly dis- agreeable situation. The highest point of the sensa- tional trial is reached when the de- fending lawyer, Dr. Litten, informs the court on May 26, that the Red Aid has succeeded in ascertaining who is the probable murderer of Klemke—a thing which the public prosecutor, in spite of all his “ef- forts,” was unable to do. In order to ensure the arrest of the man in question, the lawyer does not men= tion his name in open court but conveys it to the public prosecutor during an interval which is ordered out of the huts and defended them- | selves. In the meantime, the po- lice who had accompanied the fas- cists, telephoned the police station and a police patrol wagon appeared on the scene, The national social- ists then took to their heels. Dur- ing the melee a national socialist storm leader, named Schwarz, an old white guardist, was stabbed to death. The whole of the bourgeois press, with the exception of the national socialist and German nationalist, confirmed that the national socialist murder-bandits had carried out a deliberate and organized attack on the workers’ colony in Felseneck. During the same night the local po- lice sent a report to the police head- quarters in which the attack by the national socialists by the colony was for this purpose. At the same time he demands of the public prosecutor that the man be arrested by one o'clock, as otherwise he will be warned. But the public prosecutor does not issue any order for arrest but simply informs police, and the supposed murderer, named Grewen, disappears. After the supposed mur- derer has been given sufficient time to cover up his traces and to get rid of anything incriminating, he appears before the court in answer to a summon. When he enters the witness box a fresh sensation oc curs. The police officer Oldenstedt, who on the night of the murder telephoned to the police station, while making the telephone call, so he says, placed his revolver on the desk next to the telephone. The revolver came into the hands of represented as being an attack by the inhabitants of the colony upon the ‘national socialists. After the ascertainment of the facts this re- port was corrected by the police headquarters themselves. At the same time, however, the social dem- ocratic police president Grzesinski; immediately had the whole colony searched for weapons by a huge body of police. Nothing of any importance was found. However, 49 national socialists and 12 workers living in ‘the colony where then ar- rested. In the course of the fur- ther investigation the number of arrested colonists increased to 23, whilst the national socialists were released with the exception of eight. Even the preliminary investigation of the matter was an open scafi- Grewen, and it has been ascertain- ed almost beyond doubt that Hlem- ke was murdered. with this revol- ver. Oldenstedt had hitherto de- nied on oath that he had let his service revolver out of his hands, Under cross examination, however, he has to admit that he commite ted perjury. This trial is a classical example of how public justice has developed in Prussia under the social democratic government. This justice has served to prepare the way for fascism, and the sentences it has pronounced on the national socialists have served directly to encourage them. The Felseneck trial will probably last several weeks longer, but it is already plainly apparent that the public prosecutor and the court — §.The Defense of-the-Fatherland,. dal. The Public Prosecutor, Dr. Stenig, exerted his utmost endeav- ors to represent the workers who had been attacked as the guilty ; party and to whitewash the nation- Why Don’t Negro Workers Attend Union Meetings? By S. ZAMORA ce is it that the Negro work~- ers do not, as a rule, attend the union meetings?” As a member of several organiza- tions this question has been asked me many times. Especially by the Needle Trades workers. To find an answer to this question, I had to go to many workers individually to ask them their reason for keep- ing away from the meetings. Need Criticism. Most of them have given me the very same answer, which is: “be- cause when w2 do come to the meeting most of the discussion is conducted in Yiddish, a language we do not understand. This is especially true where the discus- sions are very interesting.” openly side with the national so- cialist murderers. Even the left bourgeois press admonishes the judges to preserve at least the ape pearance of justice. For this reason, the Negro furs riers especially do not attend the meetings of the union. I, as a Negro worker, am very active in every movement for the benefit of the workers. I have had the same experience. I must sharply criticize a great nutnber of our leaders who cannot conduct a meeting without speaking Yiddish, when they are quite capable of con« ducting the whole meeting in Enge lish. “We Want to Understand” Comrades, I am seeking all worke ers’ organizations to call upon theis executive boards to see that all — meetings are conducted in English. This is very important if we will win the Negro workers and the native-born white workers. “Communist” by V. I. Lenin. 6. Will Imperialist War Bring Back Prosperity? by Robert W. Dunn, 7. The Philippine Islands in the Wer Arca, by William Simons. 8. The Revolutionary Example of the Japanese Toilers. A letter from Tokio, 9, The Ecgnomic Crisis Grinds On, by John Irving. 10. ae elgg Against 11, Book c July Issue of the This is a special enti-war issue and contains the following: 1, Concretize and Strengthen the Anti-War Struggle—Editorial. 2. Place the Party on a War Foot- ing, by Earl Browder. 3, Contradictions Among the Im- perlalists and Conflicts on the Pacific Coast, by N. Terenteyev. 4, Yankee Imperialist Intervention ' Against the Chinese Revolu- tion, by M. James. v % perl at = —