The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 16, 1932, Page 4

Padtished by. Page Four Nee is the Comprodally, Pubjishing Ge, Ine, daily except Sunday, at 50 Fast oes and'mail sll chiedks'to the Daily Wo! N. ¥. Telephone, ftgonquin 47968. Cable rker, §0 East 13th Street, New “DAIWORK*™ ‘ork, N.Y. Dai everywhe: hattas ané Bronz,.New York City. 2 One year, $0; Bia mute, yo, one - Foreign: AN INTERVIEW WITH COMRA DE STALIN BY EMIL LUDWIG Ludwig: Of late there has been a serious fear amiong certain German men of politics that the policy of traditional friendship between the U. S. S. R. and Germany will be forced into the back- ground. Tt the negoti tions between the U.S.S.R. and If, as a result of these negotiations, the on by the U.S.S.R. of the present Polish e to become a fact, it would mean intment for the entire German think that the U.S.S.R. wages the Versailles system and does a grave peopie among certain German there is noticeable a degree of di tion and alarm less the Soviet Union in rotiations or in any treaty concluded with Poland, take a step which might signify that the | Soviet Union sanctions or guarantees the pos- and boundaries of Poland. “In my opin- t alarms are mistaken. We have al- wavs been declaring our readiness to conclude a non ion pact with any government. With a of governments we have already con- eludes such pacts. We declare openly our readi- nets to concirde a similar pact also with Poland. When w2 declare that we are ready to sign a non-vegression nact with Poland,we do not do it sake of the nice phrase, but really in or- s a-pact. We are politicians if . of a different color. There ate politi- who today will promise or declare one and the next dav they will either forget what thev said without @ven blushing. We cannot act that way. Whatever is taking mlac? ovtsige the country inevitably becomes known ins‘de the country, it becomes known to all the workers end peasants. If we were to say one t! and «9 another thin, we would lose our prestize, The moment the Poles declare ones! their readiness to conduct with us negotiations | eéncernine a non-aggression pact we naturally ‘agree and enter upon the negotiations. What is, from the German standpoint, the most dangerous thing that can happen as a re- sult of this question? A change in our atti- tude towards the Germans, a worsening of rela- tionshiv? But for this there is no ground. We, as well as the Poles, must declare in the pact that we will not resort to force, to attack in or- der to change the boundaries of Poland and the US.S.R.. or to violate th indevendence. Just ?% we rive this promise to the Poles, they give the come promise to us. Without this point fo the eff-ct that we do not intent to wage war inorder to violate the independence or integrity ot ‘the boundaries of our countries a non-aggres- sion pect cannot be concluded. Without this point there is no use even talking about a pact. ‘This is the maximum of what we can do. Does ft mean the recognition of the Versailles system? No: Or is it a guarantee of boundaries? No, ‘We never were the guarantors of Poland and Never will be, just as Poland névér was nor will be the guaranter of our boundaries. Our friendly felations' with Germany remain the same as fiiey have beeen. This is my firm conviction. “Yhus the fears of which you speak are quite un- ‘founded. These fears arose as a result of rumors which were spread by certain Poles and French- men. These fears will disappear when we will make public the pact, if Poland signs it. Every one will see then that. it contains nothing against Germany. About Equality. Ludwig: I am very thankful to you for this declaration. Permit me to ask you the follow- img question: You speak of “equalization” and in the Russian word “uraynilovka.” In this con- nection there is a definite ironical conotation with. respect to general equalization. But gen- @al equalization, on the other hand, is a social- is ideal. StaYim: The kind of Socialism under which all people ave to receive the same pay, the same quantity »f meat, the same quantity of bread, or to wear the same clothes and to receive the same prciducis in the same quantity, this kind of Secialiga is not known to Marxism. Marxism ays only one thing; until classes are finally de- stroye@, and until labor has not become a prime necessity of life, a voluntary effort on behalf of socity wether than a means of existence, people e misgivings arose in connection | will have to be paid for their work according to their labor, “From each according: to his | abilities, to each according to his performayce” is the Marxian forumla of Socialism, that is the formula of the first stage of Communism, everyone laboring according to his capacities will receive for his labor according to his needs. “From each according to his capacities, to each according to his needs.” Socialism never denied the difference in tastes, in the quantity and qual- ity of needs. Read how Marx criticized Stirner for his tendency toward equalization.Read Marx's criticism of the Gotha program of 1875. Read the subsequent works of Marx, Engels and Lenin and you will see how sharply they attack equal- ization. Equalization has its source in the pea- sant mode of thinking, in the psychology of | “dividing up” of goods equally, in the psychology of the primitive “peasant communism.” Equal- ization has nothing in common with the Marx- ian Socialism., Only people unfamiliar with Marxism can picture the matter in such a prim- itive manner as if the Russian Bolsheviks want to gather all goods in a heap and divide them up equally, This is the picture conjured up by people who have nothing: to-do with Com- munism.’: This is how Communism’ was ‘pictured by men such as the “primitive Communism” of the time of Cromwell and the French reyolu- tion. But Marxism of the Russian, Bolsheviks had nothing in common with similar equalizmg “Communists.” Ludwig: You are smoking a cigarette. Where is your legendary pipe, Mr. Stalin? _You once said that words and legends disappear, works remain. But you may believe nie that millions abroad who know nothing of some of your words and works, know about your legendary pipe. Stalin: I forgot my pipe at home. Ludwig: I will ask you one question which may quite shock you. Stalin: We Russian Bolsheviks have learned not to be shocked or surprised. | Ludwig: We have, too in Germany. | Stalin:. Yes, you will soon stop being aston- ished in Germany. Ludwig: My question is the following; you were repeatedly subjected to risk and danger. | You were persecuted. You participated in bat- tles, a number of your close friends perished. You survived. How do you explain this?) And do you believe in fate? | Stalin: No, I do not. Bolsheviks, Marxists, do not believe in fate. The very conception.of fate —of destiny is a superstition, a piece of non- sense, a survival of mythology, like thé’ myth- ology of the ancient Greeks who, had a goddess of Fate to direct the destinies of/men. Ludwig: In other words, the fact that you did not perish is an accident? Stalin: There are both inner and outer causes, the accumulated effect of which led to the cir- cumstances that I am alive, but quite inde- pendent of this circumstaricé someone elsé may long | COMRADE STALIN have been sitting in my place for somebody must sit here. “Fate” is something out- side of the laws of nature, something mythical. I do not believe in mysticism. Certain causes were, of course, responsible for the fact that I got past certain dangers, but a number of other incidentals, a series of other causes might have taken place which could have brought about quite the opposite result. So-called fate has nothing to do with it. Ludwig: Lenin spent many years abroad as an immigrant. You had occasion to be abroad not very long. Do you regard this as your short- coming? .Do you think that more useful to the revolution were those who lived abroad. as emigre and had an opportunity to study Europe at close range, but on the other hand were out of immediate contact with the people; or that the revolutionists who worked here knew the sentiments of the people but knew little of Europe? Stalin: Lenin must be excluded from the comparison. Very few of those who remained in Russia were so closely in. contact with Russian reality, with the labor movement within the country as was Lenin, although he spent many years abroad. Every time when-I came to him abroad—1907-1908-1912, I found. on his table heaps of letters from practical workers in Rus- sia, and always Lenin knew more than those who remained in Russia. His living abroad he always considered a burden for himself. In our Party and in its leadership there are, of course,.more comrades who remained in Rus- mer emigrants; and the former, of. course, had the possibility of better serving the revolution than the emigrants. Only a few emigrants are left in our Party. Of the two million members they number 100 to 200. Of the 70 members of the C. C., hardly more than 3 to 4 have been in emigration. As regards acquaintance with Europe, the study of Europe, naturdlly those who wished to study Europe had. more possibility of doing so when they were actually in Europe. And*in this sense those who have not lived a long time abroad, have lost something. But ‘residence - abroad does not possess any decisive importance for the study of European economy, technique, cadres of the labor movement, literature of every kind: belle lettres or scientific. Other condi- tions being equal, it is, of course, easier to study Europe when one is staying there. But the disadvantage which people have who have not spent a long time in Europe, is of no great ims portance. On the other hand, I know many comrades who have lived 20 years abroad, some- where in Charlottenburg or in the Latin Quarter, sat in the cafe, drank beer, but nevertheless were not able to study Europe and did not un- derstand it. Lndwig: Do you not think that among the Germans, as 4 nation, the love of order is more developed than the love of freedom? Stalin: At one time people in Germany did in fact have a great respect for law. In the year 1907, when I spent two or three months in Ber- lin, we Russian Bolsheviki frequently laughed at certain German friends on account of this re- spect for the law. For instance, a story is told that when the Berlin social democratic Party executive convened some demonstration or other on a certain day at a certain hour, to which members of the organizations were to come. from all the suburbs, a group of 200 people from a suburb arrived in the city at the proper time, but did not come to the demonstration but stood two hours on the station platform unable to decide to leave it, because there was no ticket collector at the barrier and because there was nobody to whom they could give up their tickets. It was jokingly told that it was necessary for a Russian comrade to show the Germans the simple way out. of the’ situation: to leave the platform without giving up their. tickets! Is there anything like this in Germany now? Are the laws respected in Germany now? Do not those same national socialists who, so. it would appear, more than all others keep watch over bourgeois lawfulness, break the laws, de- stroy workers’ clubs and kill workers without being punished? I do not speak of the workers who, it appears, have lost all respect for bour- =|-Sta,.who. did not go abroad,-than- there are for=—-| THE FISH-DIES BILL— TO ALL WORKERS: A THREAT By S. HORWATT CONGRESSMAN DICKSTEIN—M Ry SPEAKER, I MOVE TO SUSPEND THE RULES AND PASS THE BILL (H. R. 12044) TO PROVIDE FOR THE EXCLUSION AND EXPULSION OF ALIEN COMMUNISTS. CLERK’S READING—“A COMMUNIST GT geois lawfulness. Yés, the Germans havé changed considerably in the last few years. Ludwig: Under what conditions is a final and complete unity of the working class under the leadership of a single Party possible? Why, as the Communists say, is such a union of the working class possible only after the proletarian revolution? Stalin: Such a unity-of the working class around the Communist Party can be realized the easiest as a result of a victorious proletarian revolution. Buf it will be realized, in the main, even before the revolution. Ludwig: Is ambition a sttmulus or a hindrance to the activity of a great historical personality? Stalin: The role of ambition varies under dif- ferent conditions. According to conditions, ambition can be a stimulus or a hindrance to the activity of a great historical personality. More frequently it is a hindrance. = Ludwig: Is the Octover Revolution’ in any way a continuation and completion of. the .Great. French Revolution? Stalin: The October revolution is neither a continuation nor a completion of the great French revolution. The aim of the French revo- lution was the liquidation of feudalism and the consolidation of capitalism. The aim,-of the October revolution, however, is the liquidation of capitalism and the consolidation of Socialism. THE NEEDS OF THE CHEMICAL WORKERS By H. DELL than any,other group of workers, the chemical workers are tied up closely to war Preparations. In..time of war, these chemical workers are subject to call to make explosives and other war materials. Many skilled chemical workers and even chemists were conscripted during the last ‘yar by the chemical warfare service to do the work of unskilled labor. ‘The workere engaged in the production of allied non-chemical articles are very ofteri more underpaid and, although trained to do the work of the skilled chemical worker. Thus every worker in the allied chemical industries is ac- tually a chemical worker. ‘With the organization of these chemical work- ers the working class can more effectively resist the war plans of the capitalists. The chemical “workers are in a position to refuse to participate im war preparations. They can do it by para- ig the chemical industries. They must do it as a challenge to the bosses that they will not help the bosses’ slaughter of workers for their profits. > What Is To Be Done . ‘The role of the chemical worker in industry is steadily growing. When we think of the util- \ities, the oil, the railroads, the metal, foods, auto- ‘mobiles and other industries, all of which become doubly important in time of war, we readily see that much of their development depends on the chemical industry. Furthermore, 35 per cent of the chemical industry is concentrated in New ‘York and New Jersey. Therefore, the question of organizing the chemical workers in all these “branches of industry isa matter of primary importance. «©The chemical industry in the United States developed in the period following the World War, when an unprecedented foreign and domestic demand, high tariffs, and technical advances in thé .industry sent profits soaring. While the “smical workers received some increases in pay » the war period, bringing the average to these were scarcely enough to meet § | the high cost of living brought about by the war. In the period of greatest profits for-the chem- ical companies the wages remgined practically the same, while at the same time the introduc- tion of new chemical processes, while reducing the price on some chemical commodities, resulted in reducing the number of workers in the indus- try. Furthermore, the rationalization process (more work with fewer workers) came into full swing. In 1929 chemicals and allied products still rank as the sixth industry in the United States in importance, the same place it occupied in 1919. It is estimated that from 1914 to 1929 chemicals and allied products have almost trebled in value of output, although by 1929 mergers had resulted in 250 fewer establishments than in 1919. In this growth, speed-up played the m ost im- portant role. In some branches of the c hemical industry where the unit plants had to be in- creased and they were increased say 35 to 40 per cent, the value of the output was increased nearly 500 per cent. The wages of the workers still remained the same. The percentage of labor cost to value of pro- duction in the chemical industry is one of the lowest to be found in any industry (LaFollette in an analysis of giants in tlle chemical industry). Crisis Hits Chemical Workers Since 1929 the chemical workers have been very hard hit. Wages have been reduced from 25 to 30 per cent. In many leading chemical companies, with the aid and advice of the Manu- facturing Chemists Association, the 6-hour day and in some even the 5-day week, with either a corresponding reduction in pay or with a general additional wage cut were put into effect. The purpose of this stagger system started with the supposedly “humane” purpose of help- ing the workers by stretching pay rolls over a greater number of workers. It resulted instead in a greater speed-up and wage cuts, and finally with a complete shutdown of either the entire plant of a.leading chemical company, or .some branches and subsidiaries. Some of the most skilled chemical workers or even leading chem~ iste were thrown out of work, with no prospect for re-employment. Race Discrimination In. the Baltimore chemical factories, where most of the workers are Negroes, the white workers are getting a few cents more. The Negroes are the first to be thrown out of their jobs and the very last ones to be reinstated. Only recently the manager of Old Hickory, Tenn., in announcing the return of the plant to a 48-hour week basis, said: “We have been able to absorb all of the surplus white labor.” Dangerous Working Conditions ‘The chemical workers have never been organ- ized, and because of this fact were forced to work under the most dangerous conditions, such as fire hazards, the handling of poisonous mate- rial, of gases and dusts of a highly explosive nature, etc, etc. The risk is very great, and workers are very often seriously injured, and even killed, as was the case in New Jersey, when radium was used for painting watch dials, caus- ing the death of many workers. The workers generally are unprotected. Their clothes are not sufficiently protected against acids or other caustic chemicals that go into the skin of the workers, Many of unemployed chem- ical workers have been injured in consequence of inhaling the poisonous gases and fumes. Occa- sionally workers after injury, being less produc- tive for the company, have been withdrawn (when not entirely discharged) from their reg- ular work and assigned at supposedly easier work at a substantial reduction in pay, but the majority are thrown out on the scrap heap. Health protection for the workers is measured in terms of cost, and if it affects the profits safety is unimportant, The safety meeting of the bosses are a farce and turn out to be lec- tures in speed-up only endangering the life of the worker still more, The system of docking a half hour's pay for being late one minute is still in existence in many plants. In March, 1931, this docking sys- tem in the Union Carbide and Carbon Co. was exposed by the grievance committee organizer of the Trade Union Unity League. In most plants | office of the Trade Union Unity League, 5 East} munists. On the con the workers have only a half-hour for lunch. | 19th Street Help build a union of chemicat |, only to carry out ‘There is no adequate and sanitary provision for | workers to protect and fight for. our interests, | Hmits of capitalist wd washing. Showers are either out of order or are in insufficient number to take care of all the workers. The chemical workers in the U.S. A; up to 1929 numbered nearly 400,008 Their average wage was $27 per week. Since 1929 their number was greatly reduced. In April, 1932, with many chemical workers unemplpoyed, the average pay of the employed chemical worker is a little: over $19 per week. In general, a study of wages among the chemical workers indicates that they are among the poorest paid and the hardest hit by the depression. Chemical Workers in the U. S. S. R. The situation of the chemical worker in the Soviet Union is entirely different. The chemical” worker in the Soviet Union works only 7 hours a day. Each fifth day is a rest d ay, ie, a worker works four days and rests on the fifth. The wages are 175 rubles per month, an increase of 40 per cent as against 1927-1929. The workers of this key industry of national economy enjoy @ system of social insurance which protects them in time of illness, old age, accident and unem- ployment, as do the rest of the workers. The funds of which are not included in the amount of their wages. They get yearly vacations of one month, What is most important, every chemical worker has a job in the Soviet Union, which means security. \ How To Organize The American, Federation of Labor has never made any efforts to organize the chemical work- ers. Today, unorganized and helpless, the chem- ical workers are miserably exploited by the powerful Du Pont and other chemical interests. With the guidance and help of the T. U. U. L., the chemical we «ers can organize to struggle fer better cor + ions, to stop wage cuts and speedup. T? chemical workers must learn from the experience of other workers and build or- Banization in the shops. The T.'U. U. L. stands ready to show you how to do it. Chemical workers! Write or come to the WITHIN THE MEANING OF THIS ACT SHALL MEAN ANY ALIEN WHO IS A MEM- BER OF OR AFFILIATED WITH ANY OR- GANIZATION WHICH, OR ANY ALIEN WHO BELIEVES IN, ADVISES, ADVOCATES, OR TEACHES: “1—THE OVERTHROW BY FORCE OR VIOLENCE OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES, OR ... SABOTAGE... (READ—STRIKES—H.) .. . (5)... (a) REGIME TERMED ‘PROLETARIAN DIC- TATORSHIP’ AND. OR ‘(b) A SYSTEM BASED UPON COMMON OWNERSHIP OF PROPERTY..." * After a short discussion on the floor under the sound of the Speaker's gavel, on. Monday, June 6, 1932, the Fish-Dies bill was adopted by the seventy-second congress, The bill was adopted in spite of the many Protests of workers’ delegations from various organizations. r Mr. Samuel Dickstein, the chairman of the Immigration’ Committee of Congress, has not only betrayed his electors, but did not even at- tempt to comply with his supposed “liber- alism” with which he flirts: The workers of this country should learn a lesson from Mr. Dickstein’s tactics and in 'these coming elections take a decisive stand against/the reaction and demagogy of their betrayers. Dickstein—Reactionary Demagogue. -How cautiously and in what a.tolerant manner has Mr. Dickstein presided at the hearing of our workers’ delegation when it appeared before his committee! Mr. Dickstein, ina recent debate ‘over the radio, hag even feathered hiniself with smooth phrases. He tried to impress the radio audience by attacking American reaction and the so-called “Daughters of American Revolu- tion.” But now -he has exposed himself as a ‘black reactionary. .Qur gentlsman was silent when the tight time camie, as’ the bill came be-~ fore congress. Like a coward has our gentleman retreated from his position. This fact should be brought forward to each worker of Mr. Dickstein’s dis- trict. To tear off his mask and expose his re- actionary views, whieh were until now so slyly concealed. Mr. Dickstein stands on record as @ supporter of one of the most. reactionary bills which were adopted by: the seventy-second con- gress. x Suppression for All Workers. American imperialism is preparing for new bloodshed for profit. "The masses know the re- sults of war. They know the “reward” of the heroes of war. They are resisting the war hysteria. The answer of congress—shut the mouths of the masses. Shut the mouth of the entire American ‘working class. It’s true that thus far they have started with the aliens, but: “... IT hope the time will come, however, when we can deal effectively with those who openly advocate the overthrow of our government whether they be native born or alien . . .” These gems of speech were used in the discus- sion on this bill by Congressman Jenkins of Ohio. This is the very same gentleman who was so eaker, to find out what will my attitude be in case of war between the United States of Amer- ica andthe Union of Socialist Soviet Republics when I testified with the workers’ delegation against this bill. It is interesting to note that Mr. Jenkins does not even mention the. words “force and violence.” It only means that his punishment and persecu- tion will be practiced on each and everyone who will dare to express any opposition whatsoever against the government. A Strikebreaking Law. This bill, if it becomes law, will become an instrument for breaking any attempt on the past of the workers to unionize themselves. Even the unquestionably anti-Communist Congress- man LaGuardia must admit that. “\.. Th's is an open-shop bill, by wh'ch any exploiter of labor can take any man who is seeking to protect h’s rights as a worker and brand him a Communist and have him de- ported.’ La Guardia is not against deportation of Com- that the anti-anarchist law is serving the pur- pose of deportation v: Communists. Then why ruh wild? And give workers more cause for complaint? More Efficient Suppression. ‘But Congressman Bachman, member of the Fish Committee, insisted that the anti-anarchist law does not serve the purpose efficiently. And then, the anarchists are not as bad as the -Com- munists, “.. . the Communist is a thousand times worse than an anarchist.... and therefore it is necessary to adjust ourselves to the newly cre- ated situation.” Still La: Guardia has tried to convince, in vain, his colleagues that this bill “,.. is intended to give any bigot, ar any employer, or any minor official the- power te brand anyone a Communist, make his own definition and hook up, and then deport the victim. . . .” But Congressman Bachman wants the bill te be passed because “. . . Under our present immigration law— Bachman agrees—a Communist may be de- ported, but IT MUST BE PROVEN IN EACH INDIVIDUAL CASE THAT HE IS A MEM- BER OF OR AFFILIATED WITH AN OR- GANIZATION WHICH HAS FOR ITS PUR- POSE THE OVERTHROW OF THE GOVe ERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE.” As you can see, the kind of bill that the Cons gress wants is one by which it will not be necese sary to prove evidence in each and every case, that the victim is or is not exactly working for the @folition of capitalism by force and violence, Baclfan voted for this bill because it makes pos- sible to deport oné on the mere charge that he is a Communist. and Bachman did not conceal his intention. He openly stated . . . “Should this bill under consideration become law, a Communist may be deported on his ad- ‘mission or on proof that he is a Communist or affiliated with the Communist organization ...” If this bill becomes a law it will be similar to the laws existing under the former governments in Russia, which persecuted one on the mere charge by anybody that he was a Communist, This bill is directed not only against the alien workers but against the working class as a whole ‘The congress has made another step towards a speedy march to fascism. That this is true is , confirmed in the speech by Mr. Blanton from ia Texas. Read it: “Now the time has come when | we ought to stop putting on our ballots any Com- | munist ticket in decent American elections . . + Why do not our parties stop it?.... The American working class must be shown that this bill is *,.. to suppress the right of workers to pro- tect themselves in accordance with the law...” (La Guardia’s reply to Congressman Green.) | It is true that what La Guardia says is ale | ready known to the workers, but La Guardia’s — view in connection with this bill emphasized the | dissatisfaction of the masses in the industrial centers. We must mobilize them and force the Senate to reject this bill which is the first step to more open outrageous terror against the en- tire American working class. How to Organize the Fight, In these coming elections it must clearly pointed out before the workers that in order weaken the reactionary front there is only way out—to vote for the candidates of the munist Party which will defend the interests the American workers with tooth and nail. What should be done now? 1, Each and every organization to wire @ prose test to the Senate against this bill, 2, Demonstrations of tens of thousands of workers to be organized by the Protection of the Foreign-Born Committee and the International Labor Defense in all industrial centers, .3, Mass meetings and open-air meetings where protect resolutions are adopted and sent te the Senate, 4, Protest resolutions and telegrams from shope addressed te the Senate. It is above all necessary to build up a strong united front against the intimidation and pers secution of the foreign-born, raat allintaes aigeg i Ne ee ee