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Page Feur Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Ca, ine, €sfly 13th Gt. New York City. N. xY. except Sunéey, at 50 Bast Telephone AL@onquin 4-7956. Cabdle “DAIWORK.* Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 Bast 18th Street, New York, N. ¥. Daily, Worker’ The Seizure of the “Communist|' ™® OXY way International” Magazine and the Struggle Against Imperialist War (Norman Thomas, Hoover and War) By BILL DUNNE it. N THOMAS, as one of the editors of Nation, knows that Hoover, whom he A es peace,” wrote as long ago as April, 1924, to Congressman McSwain, during a session House Committee on Military Affairs, his for war-time organization, including ing detailed proposal for a dictator- ransportation charges, com- on imports and exports, to requisition under circum- cent of the estimated value stances 75 per may be and the balance be determined by the: cours case of disagreement, suspend habez; corpus and generally complete an abso- Inte authority over all ramifications of civilian life -with the provision that he may delegate these’ authorities... .” (Our emphasis.) For “civilian” read “workers” and we have a splendid picture of the president who so “desires peace” so evidently according to Norman Thomas —but “impotently"—that eight years ago when | secretzry of the Department of Commerce he had worked out the war measures that are now be- ginning to be put into effect—quietly, of course, so as not to alarm the masses or embarrass his Sociaiist Party friends. Norman Thomas and the Socialist Party do | not call upon the workers to organize: militant struggles against the Japanese secret agents, their diplomatic, trade and military representa- tives and demand their expulsion. He does not advocs. e stoppage by workers of all war muniti and other goods to Japan. This would lead to war, according to the Socialist Party. Of course Japan is making war upon the Chinese people, but that is none of “our” business. But th ocialist Party in its convention reso- lution on the attitude toward the Soviet Union in one breath “calls on workers to be on guard against capitalist attacks” upon it, and in’ the preceding breath once more “emphatically” urges “the release of political prisoners and the res- toration of civil liberties in Russia.” For the masses the Socialist Party changes its words about the danger of war upon the Soviet Union because workers will not support a war on the Soviet Union. it Feiterates the slander of the enslavement and imprisonment of workers and denial of “civil liberties” utilize democratic illusions still existing among workers and thereby weaken their struggle against war upon the Soviet Union. Lét us quote Lenin briefly in his exposure of Kautsky on this same issue: ars the Soviets are the direct organization of the laboring and exploited masses themselves, which enable them to organize and to admin- ister the state by their own efforts in their own manner... . The Soviet system automatically facilitates the rallying of all those who work and are exploited around their advance guard, the proletariat. The old bourgeois apparatus, the bureaucracy, the privileges of wealth, of bour- geois education, of social connections, etc., which are the more varied, the more highly bourgeois democracy has developed—all this disappears under the Soviet system. . . racy is a million times more democratic than any bourgeois democracy, and the Soviet regime is a million times more democratic than the | Toward Revolutionary Mass Work ( authority for the president to | For its capitalist masters | to the working class, in an attempt to | . Proletarian democ- | , most democratic regime in a bourgeois republic.” Who are the workers in the Soviet Union im- prisoning—themselves, Mr. Thomas? You know who the prisoners are and you know for whom | you are demanding the return of “civil liberties.” They are the counter-revolutionists of all shades beginning with mensheviks, your Russian coun- terparts, and they are not workers. They are | eriemies of the Soviet Power. You are demand- | ing the right of counter-revolution as war against | the Soviet Union impends. It is only in this way, you believe, you can slip in a little aid for | capitalism without driving workers away from the Socialist Party. With the Socialist Party engaged in these maneuvers, themselves part of war preparations, the United States government, through its State Department directly charged with war prepara- tion has seized the issue of the Communist In- ternational Magazine which gives to American | workers a clear insight into these events, their causes and the way to combat them. It quotes, | for instance, what Lenin wrote in 1915 about such “peace” propaganda as the Socialist Party is now carrying on: “Peace propaganda at the present time (when war had begun as it has now, but start- ing in Europe instead of the Far East) unec- companied by a call to the masses for revolu- tionary action, is capable only of sowing illu- sions, of corrupting the proletariat into a belief in the humanitarianism of the bourgeoisie, and making it a plaything in the hands of secret diplomacy.” ‘This is precisely what the social-fascists of all lands are doing—carrying on peace propaganda in the abstract against war in the abstract and: lining up with the imperialists against the Com- munist Parties and the working class in their struggle for the defeat of the imperialist war program, for the defense of the Soviet Union and the Chinese people. Because the struggle against imperialist. ‘war. is a supreme test for Communist Parties and the working class, because it meets with the fiercest resistance of every kind from the ruling class, because of the confusion created by the Social- | ist Party, the Musteites and the whole “peaceful | transition to war” policy of American imperial- | ism it is necessary that the reprinted issue of | | | Number Six of the Communist International magazine be given the widest circulation and that the articles be given the most thorough study and discussion in the unions, in factory groups, among groups of workers. everywhere. But study and discussion alone ¢an nob put real obstacles in the way of war preparations. Action is needed—and at such times as these even small strikes and stoppages against the shipment of munitions, demonstrations against Japanese consulates, mass deqnands for their ex- pulsion, can have big political efféots, Check up on the manufacture and shipments of war suppHes for use against the Chinese revo- lution and the Soviet Union. Bring the question of the meaning of imperialist war, of the forms and methods of struggle against it wherever workers are. Organize strikes and demonstra- tions against munition shipments to Japan. “Only in this way,” says the leading article in the magazine seized by order of Wall Street’s State Department, “by disorganizing the rear, by building up a revolutionary rearguard—can we really prevent the bourgeoisie from hurling the people into open war, or war in masked Negro By L. W. NE of the many schemes advanced by the Negro and white middle class to enslave the Negro. masses is sponsored by Attorney Ramon A. Martinez and his associates, a group of Negro intellectuals of Detroit and vicinity who have Organized “a back to Africa” movement, known as the Negro Nationalist Society, which was launched Tuesday, May 16, at the Central Com- munity Center. form. If the bourgeoisie, in spite of this, nev- ertheless takes the risk of plunging the country into war, we shall have been able, with all our pre-war revolutionary anti-war work, to create -certain pre-conditions which \will help to realize our slogan of converting the imperialist war into civil war.” Buy the re-printed edition of the seized issue, Number 6—of the Communist International. Read it—study it. Give it a wide mass circula~ tion. Build the working-class front against im - perialist war and American imperialism—the enemy of the American toilers. DISEUSSION OF THE’ 14TH PLENUM. How NOT to Fight Against Burocracy Comrede Lustig is not quite self critical. How- -ever, the points he is making in the article it serious consideration. It would be well to hear from the comrades who could ’ “answer the points and charges made in the article. Comrade Lustig’s reference to the District resolution deserves discussion. CCORDING to the resolution adopted at the 44th Plenum of our Party “The strong sec- tarian tendencies in the ENTIRE WORK OF ‘THE PARTY which is based on deeply rooted formalism,” is the chief obstacle which stands in the way of carrying out a correct mass pol- " iey. The resolution also states that “The buro- cratic method of work which is expressed in the ““cirtular letter” method of leadership... paralyzes the work of the lower party organiza~ ‘tions and sidetracks them from genuine mass work onto “inner” party and routine work, AND JERS THE DEVELOPMENT OF CADRES |THE INITIATIVE OF THE LOWER OR- GANIZATIONS. ‘R ‘The ink hardly dried on the paper on which the. Centra] Committes resolution was printed ‘when our section received @ letter from the city committee of the Unemployed Councils notifying us that a special conf.rence will be ‘yheld on May 21 to take up the question of an jextt-tviction campaign in the borough of the Bae , According to the instruction of the city com- mittee of the Unemployed Councils we were to do the following: “It is your job to see that x: all that Councils are well represented at this ee on Saturday, also all Actives in all organizations. This campaign will have into it the widest representation from trsternal workers organizations in order it @ yeal campaign against evictions. Netter was written and mailed on the 19th y, 1932.’ It reached us the following day, . 1982, and the conference was to be held bn May 21, 1932. - ig this if not sectarian tendencies? What if not burocratic methods? What is this “circular letter” leadership? instruction from the city committee of ed Council is mot an exception but similar instructions were given Unemployed Council but aiso during the By J. LUSTIG against burocracy and long articles written by the very same comrades who sent out those in- structions. The Party resolution also states that “The work of the lower party organizations must be basically changed. Nine-tenths of all the work of the lower organizations must be concentrated “directly on the work amongst the masses.” But this change, this basic change can be carried out only if “The methods of leadership, assist- ing and checking up of the work of the lower organizations by the higher organs will be a method of personal guidance in accordance with the special conditions of the given field of work | Carnegie Steel Nucleus on the 14th Central Committee Plenum ‘The Carnegie Steel nucleus (Youngstown) fully endorses the Fourteen Central ‘Commit~ tee plenum resolution. We greet the deter- mination. of the Centra] Committee to turn the Party from inner Party work and activity to work amongst the masses, especially in the factories and mills. The “establishing of solid personal contact” with the workers will not only enable us to effectively carry out our work but will safeguard our Party from Government attacks by making not our of- fices but rather the factories our strong- holds. We especially welcome the determination of the C.C. to mobilize its forces to fight for equal rights for Negro workers and to carty on the relentless fight against all slgns of white chauvinism. We endorse the most stubborn fight and the severest measures against any signs of white chauvinism within the ranks of our Party. The decision of the Central Committee that Comrade Amis shall be our new dis-~ trict organizer gives us new enthusiasm and we support it not only as a sign that the C.C. is bringing forward Negro workers into top leadership of our Party, but as a sure sign that the C.C. is determined to put its best forces into our district in building a Party “of the workers.” Forward with fresh enthusiasm in carry- ing out the decisions of the 14th Plenum and the building of our Party! of the given enterprise and not simply the send~ ing out of circulars.” From all the above it is quite clear and evident that burocracy and formalism exist in the party from top to botom, and vice-versa, and there~- fore the following formulation of the problem in the resolution of District 2 is, according to my opinion, incorrect. The quotation reads as follows: “There is burocracy and formalism in all the district organs being especially strong in the Section Committees which are removed from mass work and therefore are a barrier between the -district and the units of the Party.” (My emphasis.) I see in this formulation of burocracy a shift- ing of responsibility for the burocracy and form- alism existing in the District from the District leadership to the Section leadership. This im- plies,that there is 75 per cent burocracy in the Section and there is 25 per cent in the District. ‘This is a wrong mechanical approach of the problem and is a barrier in solving the problem, It is undeniable that the leadership in the Sections is removed from mass work. This situ- ation is mainly due to the fact that on one hand not enough attention was paid by‘ the higher organs of the Party to develop the sec- tion leadership and on the other hand that the above mentioned circular letter leadership ‘was practiced. Hardly a week passed during the past period that the section leadership did not receive in- structions from above to organize either a con- ference or a demonstration, giving 2, 3 or & maximum of 4 weeks to prepare the conference or the demonstration. These instructions were carried out mechanically from time to time without any efforts to apply new methods of approach. We always appealed to the same categories of workers without trying to penetrate new strata of workers. In order to overcame the isolation of the sec- tion leadership from the masses and from mass work the continuous flow of paper instructions from. above must stop. Time and opportunity must be given to the Section Committees to develop struggles in their own territories on the basis of local issues. The simultaneous effect that will be brought about by the stopping of these paper instructions and t*> starting of struggles in the sections on the basis of local issues, on the basis of the immediate demands of the workers, will bring about the first step in the twm that is demanded from our Party by the Plenum resolutions ‘ A of Manhattan and Bronz, New York City. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $$; two months, a: esoopting Boroughs Foreign: one year, $8; six montha $4.50. ' A New Policy for Enslaving the Masses Mr. Martinez in his address elaborated on the resolutions for the Negro to abandon the strug- gle here in America and set up a Republic in | Africa, The Nationalists propose that the United States of America take possession of the west- ern coast of Africa adjoining Liberia, in pay- ment for War Debts from England and France, and by inducing Liberia to annex, forming a United States Territory of Greater Liberia, to be governed by the United States of America for a period of 10 years. At the expiration of this period, they are to have their “independence” (as in the Philipines and Cuba) to be known as the Greater Republic of Liberia, and with the aid of the white bour- geoisie to organize public opinion in the Uni- ted States in favor of this program. And once these lands are acquired, the United States is to make the lands habitable thru sanitation and to equip it at the expense of the inhabitants of said territory. The Firestone Company has an investment of $100,000,000 in Liberia. Quite naturally during the 10 year period, the bankers of Wall Street would float a loan of millions of dollars in order to carry on constructive work, and at the end of the 10 year period, we will find this new “Republic” in the same position as the Haitians. The next step will be to protect the foreign Igan and the “ U. S. wil be in full sympathy with this republic and willing to contribute in: all ways.” They will advise Mr. Martinez to appoint tp- on nomination by the President of the United tei. ~—-« BY BURCE States a Receiver and such aids as necessary, who will collect all the money and apply all duties on imports and exports, and through courtesy, will further advise Mr. Martinez upon nomination of the President of the United States to appoint a financial adviser whose chief dutyewill be to see that the workers will be well taxed. After these officers get their share, then Mr. Martinez and the black republic gets what's / left, and the workers will be overburdened with taxes. Mr. Martinez further states by. such a plan that it would solve the unemployment situa- tion here in America for the white worker. A clever idea of Mr. Martinez. A clever scheme to break the growing unity of the Negro and white workers from organizing as has béen showh in the Scottsboro Case, and the striking miners of Kentucky; “and to prove his loyalty to his white masters” he strongly emphasized that he and his organization are in favor of “keeping the Negro in his place” and will combat all agen- cies, foreign and domestic, that try to under- mine the “faith of the American Negro in the Constitution of the United‘ States” and the principles of his organization. This means that if you protest against the Legal lynching of the 9 Scottsboro boys, Orphan Jones, a 60-year old Negro in Maryland, and Willie Brown, a 17-year old lad in Philadeiphia, you are out of order. Mrs. Wright by her tour in Germany and other European countries in behalf of saving her boys and the others is against the principles of this-organization. But Mr. Martinez, we are going to emancipate not only the Negro workers but the entire work- ing class of all colors, Not by. going back to Africa but right here in America thru a strug- gle for Unemployment Insurance, against racial discrimination, against lynching, for the solid unity of Negro and white workers against the common enemy—capitalism—for the self-deter- mination of the Black Belt. Proletarian Solidarity Against Imperialist War Criminals By WILLI MUNZENBERG (Member of the German Reichstag) IN June 12, Fourth International Solidarity Day will be celebrated. The International Solidarity Day is not a matter for a single group or organization such as the Workers Interna- tional Relief. It is a day of struggle of all workers who have become conscious of the im- portance of proletarian solidarity as a weapon in the class struggle. This year International Solidarity Day has special tasks and significance because of the conditions of world politics, especially the Jap- anese robber war against China and its extreme danger of extension to the Soviet Union, and in connection with that, the looming danger of @ new imperialist world war. bi The most important and decisive front of the class struggle is the fight against the Japanese robber war in China, against armaments, prep- arations and provocations for war which the imperialist robbers states are intensifying day by day against the Soviet Union. This finds most striking expression in the bullets of the Polish provecateurs ovainst V. Twardowski of the German Embassy in Moscow ar in the shots fired by the white guard bandit, Gorguloff, against the president of the French Republic, Doumer. The workers of the world must help and fight against the imperialist onslaught against the Soviet Union. Not only because proletarian sol- idarity is imposing this duty upon them and be- cause their enthusiastic love for the first work- ers and Peasants republic is driving them in this direction, but bécause their fate, the fate of the international working class, is closely bound up with the fate of the Soviet Union, The decisive imperialist trusts and great bank enterprises and their military general-staffs de- sive the war against the Soviet Union and for years have systematically, tenaciously and ex- tensively made preparations for it on the di- plomatic, political, economic, financial and mil- itary fronts. The enormous sums spent for this purpose can only be estimated when one ‘states that just two of the “most worthy” and “most representative” of imperialist capitalists, Ivan Krenger and Deterding, contributed even billions of marks privately. In an article “Where Are Kreuger’s Milliards?” a Berlin evening paper recently pointed to some American investigations which revealed quanti- ties of munitions delivered by Kreuger at his own. costs to countries which “he wanted to influence not only in the question of the im- ports of matches, but to take economic and po- litical measures against the Soviet Union.” According to the American investigations, Kreuger has spent milliards of marks solely for supplying the countries with arms (Baltic states); but Ivar Kreuger, who was a charac- teristic economic leader in the present phase of capitalist economy, is but one example of lead- ing capitalist circles and trusts making similar efforts to accelerate the war against the Soviet Union. ~ The Second International with its social-fas- cist ministers, who are still working in the chambers of capitalist countries, not only gives itself to war enthusiasm as in 1914, but consti- tutes a driving force of war, supporting all pre- p2rations for war. The social-democrats of Japan have declared the robber war to be a “holy defensive war” and proclaims its sup- port of it as “socialist duty.” The only great and decisive force against the war is the Soviet Union armed for its defense and the international working class bound in solidarity with her. In full appreciation of this vital duty of the Workers International Relief and proletarian sol- idarity, the International Central Committee of the W.LR. has decided to celebrate this years’ International Solidarity Day as a day of de- monstration and fighting against the imperialist war. The first appeal of the International Central Committee of the W.LR. justly states: “The Solidarity Day 1932 must become a pow- erful manifestation of the fighting will of all workers, intellectuals, of the working peasants, officials and middle strata. Millions must pledge themselves on that day for the firmest solidarity with the Soviet Russian workers and ‘peasants, ' and ‘must form revolutionary. united fronts against . yearend ,ezploltation, against imperialist war criminals.’ "International -Golidasity,: Dey. willbe: ab- the Higher Technical Education in the Soviet Union Russian technical coll colleges, like most teens nical colleges abroad, prepared engineers for the small scale plants prevalent till the last 30 years; where one engineer for the whole plant was all that was needed. With the advent of large scale industry there technical colleges could not supply the needed type of engineer and in U. S. 8. R. while the engineer is fairly well informed as to theory, he is a bad operator and knows very little about latest methods. The same thing is also apparent in other countries even including the U. S. A. but in U. 5. AL England there is a huge reserve of highly mechanics and the best of these work on which by rights should be given to with college education. There is a tendency U. S. A. and England to prefer this type of gineer to the college graduate. During the few years some of the American colleges have altered their circiculum and are endeavoring to Produce a new type of engineer. Thus the problem of training engineers is not only one for the U. 8. S. R. but one for other countries as well. The industrialization plan of the U, 8. S. R. soon began to show the need of an immense’ number of engineers. In the U. S. S..R. there is no reserve of highly qualified workers, there- fore the solution of the problem is to turn out. college graduate of the right type. For the carrying on of: Soviet industry ens gineers are required who meet the following demands: 1,—They must be really éfficient technically although, in large scale production it is only necessary for them to master one branch of the industry. 2.—They must be, if possible, from the class in Power in the U. S. S. R., that is the workers. tie E38 3.—They must have a thorough Marxist dialec- tic training not merely to the extent of knowing what Marxism is but to the extent of using the Marxist dialectic method in their work. 4.—Whilst not neglecting the theoretical side of their speciality, the engineer must be thoroughly practical. The following system in now in operation. 1—Polytechnic colleges were abolished arid in their place was organized Technical colleges for each separate industry. 2.—Technical Colleges were given to the Con- trok of the Union trust of the particular industry concerned and those colleges which prepared engineers for several industries, for instance me- chanical engineers, were under direct control of the V. S. N. H. The institute ws organized on the basis of the Ferrons Metals Department of the Siberian Instittue of Technology. The institute accepts students, according to old conditions but as the nine year school has been abolished it accepts students who have a seven year education and a special College Preparation Course, (these courses are in all towns and workers centers) 80 per cent of the accepted students must be either persons haying three years of manual work or else the children of manual workers. Collectivized peasants are accepted as workers, The institute has its own Workers Faculty. Most of the students receive payment a stipend of from 50 to 130 roubles per month. Housing facilities are free of charge for all and food is given at special reduced rates, ‘The former course of study was five years and practical work was only compulsory for four year students. Now the course has been reduced to four years and the school year is divided up as follows. Two terms of two months each in a plant, two months vacation. For senior students the two terms may be united so as to give a four month stay in a plant. For one and two year students the opllege and plant terms alternate. The student go to work in a plant with a special program, he starts, first term, as an ordinary day"laborer and gradually rises till in his last term in the plant he may deputize an engineer. During his stay in the Plant he receives wages but does not receive a stipend. In some institutes military training is a part of the program but not in all. In order to bring the eeYege nearer to the real job, where possible colleges are to be built near up to date plants. For this reason, after a year in Tomsk our instittue has moved to Vuznetsk where a hhuge steel mill is being built, and although con- ditions are difficult, yet the effect upon the student body is good. Next year a block of buildings for the institute will be built. ‘The student has a five day week, one day rest in five and six hours kessins each day. Ate tendance to all lessons is compulsory, except in every exceptional cases. Instead of the old system of giving a student a course comprising practically the whole steel industry, the institute has separatae departments for each branch. There are five departments. 1, Blast Furnace; 2, Open Hearth; 3, Rolling Mills; 4, Heat Treatment; 5, Foundry. This means that the blast furnace students only learns the blast furnace, works on a blast fur- nace during his plant terms and result is that we should get a much more valuable engineer in four years that, was formerly produced in five. Of courre it is necessary to give the student s vury short course on the specialties approaching his, for instance, the blast furnace supplies. the open hearth so we give a short informatory course on open hearth for blast furnace men. Besides his technical subjects, thé student is taught one foreign language. German fér Rolling Mill men, English for all others. Also the students have a thorough course in Leninism, Marxist dialectics, history of revolu- tionary movement. Besides this, the social of the student is closely bound fhe with political life of the country so we do not produce the type of engineer who is educated only, cording to his specialty but absolutely, ignoraht of other matters as is so often the case in U.S. A. ad of the students are kept on in the Institute as post-graduate students. They re- ceive a fairly good substenance and work under @ protessor on some particular subject, Some of these are intended for future teaching staff. _———————————————————— same time an important prelude for the big In- ternational Anti-War Congress, to be convoked | Peers /