The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 27, 1932, Page 4

Mo Podlished dy the Comprodatly Publishing Ca, inc, dally except Sunday, at 60 East i S “3 SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ad Page Four & St, New Yi Y. Telephone A quin 4-7956. Cable “DATWORK.” al vOr. er, y xy mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ® Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, §0 Bast 18th Street, New York, N. ¥. wet Party USA. of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Woreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50, Ce ne — <i De Ee va AE v By BURCK HOOVER, DOAK, BENNET AND COMPANY---DEPORTERS By ALBERT DEUTSCH Edith Berkman I PLEAD GUILTY ONE CRIME, AND THAT IS OF HELPING 1HE TEXTILE WORKERS AND ALL OTHER WORKERS TO BETTER IIOD FOR THIS ‘CRIME’ THEY TO DEPORT ME.” TO of Labor Doak: “I NEVER DE- [ANYONE JUST BECAUSE HE IS A ecretary FORT. RED, OR HAS REVOLUTIONARY IDE. OR, BECAUSE OF HIS WORKING-CLA ACTIVITIES.” Ann Burlak DO. “YOU'RE A LIAR, MR < Mr. Bill Doak wants to have it know a tender-hearted, kindly gen is eyer so deeply solicitious for the w his ever-increasing “brood” of deportees. in the Immigration Bureau carry ou tions with a maximum of courtesy, tion. and gentleness—deportees are *“Humanly as possible.” Yes! And the L tion }used to carry out its death se the most merciful manner possible, with thedding of blood”—that is to say, by bi at the stake, boiling in oil, slow roasting o.her methods similarly refined Workers are seized and torn away from their families, held incommunicado for we months, grilled and terrorized by immig: inquisitors, frequently transported ov a tances to deportation points under con Ss tu., lor humans, then thrown into fi crowded to bursting, and finally countries where militant workers face death or imprisonment. Such are t methags” used by the modern Torquemadas of the Immigration Bureau, methods which even ium .pussy-footing Wickersham Commission was forced to condemn as “despotic, tryannic and oppressive, comparable to the ruthless cruelty of the Dark Ages.” ‘Who are the people that Mr. Doak deports? “Dndesirable aliens,” he tells us. But what are “undesirable aliens?” Does he mean crooks, murderers, racketeers? What a naive idea! The records show that of the more than 18,000 per- sons deported in 1931 only 511 were criminals— less than 3 per cent of the total. The over- whelming majority were deported because they were foreign-born militant workers, or workers made destitute by the Hoover-Doak starvation rovernment. Thus we see that workers who are considered “undesirable” by the capitalist poli- ticians are precisely those who are considered “undesirable” by the boss-class which they rep- resent. The deportation activities of the United States Department of Labor, under Doak, by far eclipses all the other combined work of this department. ‘Its tremendous scope is indicatea by the fact that it has already expended $2,000,000 appro- priated by the government exclusively for de- portation work for the fiscal year ending in June. President Hoover recently recommended | now that Congress immediately appropriate $2,000,000 | more for gram of undesirable and destitute aliens, while an additional sum of $126,000 is to be diverted from other sources for the same purpose. Mil- lions for the continuation of the deportation terror, but not one cent for unemployment re- Nef! This is the dictum of the ruling class. Last year, over 18,000 foreign-born workers were deported. At the beginning of the present year, Doak boasted that he would deport 20,000. Indications thus far point to his boast being more than fulfilled. Ever ready to do the bid- ding of the masters he serves, the despicable. “continuation of the very large pro- | deportation as a weapon of at- the working class with the same yed in selling out the great in 1922, when he was racketeer ce in the Brotherhood of Railroad ead of the ironically named De- this bootlicking betrayer ar strike-breaking role. of Labor can no longer dis- it is little else than the offi- machine of the federal gov- a focal point for the com- of the bosses, their polit- labor fakers, in their fle the militant struggles of g class. e of the 18,000 beet workers o are fighting against starva- ntolerable working conditions, example of the vicious anti- the government. Hard upon the n nt of the strike, immigration offi- re rushed to the beet-growing area, and commenced their contemptible ac- © deportation threat is intended to x of the strike, since most of the beet-fields are foreign born, s have been seized by the im- nd are facing deportation. are the Herreras, man and wife. are trying to deport Herrera to his wife to Mexico, Thus the gov- ows its loudly-trumpeted concern for y and inviolability of the family” by apart husbands and wives, , hers and children. coast to coast, from Gulf to Great Lakes, Department of Labor carries on its dirty In Jackson, California, immigration au- ies have arrested four workers who were organizing gold miners, and are hold- nem at Angel Island for deportation. In same state, which keeps Mooney and Bill- and the Imperial Valley workers entombed id prison walls, thousands of Mexican, Japanese and other foreign-born workers who ajoled into coming to this’ cduntry by the s very desirable “cheap help,” and are being ruthlessly rounded up and rushed out as “undesirables.” Likewise, 4,000 Mexicans who were imported into the Chicago and Gary a icts by the steel barons as a move to force wages down, have been deported back to their native land—scrapped by benevolent Uncle Sam, Down in Tampa, Florida, the underpaid, over- worked tobacco workers are carrying on a de- termined fight for the right to organize and to demand livable conditions. Fourteen of their leaders are serving long terms on atrocious frame-up charges, and their militant union—the ‘Tampa Tobacco Workers’ Industrial Union— has been illegalized by the boss court. And now, @ small army of immigration officials have swooped down on Tampa, boasting that they “will clean out all the reds” in that city. A number of workers are already being held for deportation to fascist-governed Cuba and other countries. But the workers are defiant in the fact of this terror, and organization goes stead- ily onward. deportation terrorists have invaded the in regions, where they also hope to halt the cena of the fighting National Miners’ Union, and the textile industrial centers of the eastern cities. The cases of Frank Borich, Vin- cent Kemenovich and Edith Berkman are well known. The cold-blooded cruelty of the Doak machine is further illustrated in the seizure, imprisonment and efforts to deport Ann Bur- lak, also a textile union organizer, despite the fact that the authorities knew from the first that she was American born. The mass protest of indignant workers made this palpable frame- up fall through. The merest suspicion of militant working class activity is enough to set Doak’s hounds on a Red- Hunt. No sooner had news been received of the recent action of 35 rank-and-file members of a Sheet Metal Workers’ Union local, who sought to depose the bureaucratic czars of the union, than Doak ordered his men to investigate these “rebellious workers” immediately. After ques- tioning the workers, the immigration inspectors reported that they were “safe, 100 per cent Americans.” The favorite questions of the inquisitors are: “Have you participated in any strikes?” “Were you on the picket lines?” “Have you attended any mass meetings of workers?” etc., questions which are infallible indications of the real pur- pose behind the deportation terror. Still another aspect of the intricate and far- flung network of the government's anti-labor activities is revealed in the case of August Yoki- nen, foreign-born worker, who faces deporta- tion to fascist Finland for the “crime” of re- nouncing white chauvinism, and dedicating him- self to the fostering of unity between Negro and white workers in this country. Thus we see that the Department of Labor, besides being intended as a wedge to split native and foreign-born workers, is used also to try and split the work- ing class along color lines, The venomous vindictiveness with which the immigration inspectors pursue militant workers is instanced in the case of Martin J. Forkin, who is held for deportation to Canada. Forkin, an English citizen and organizer of the National Miners’ Union of Canada, was arrested at Pem- bina, charged with crossing the border “without inspection.” The Canadian authorities are eager to get hands on him, and to railroad him to a long prison term for his activities in the Sas- katchewan mine strike last fall. The “co-opera- tive” role which the United States and Cana~ dian immigration authorities are playing is too obvious to require explanation, The deportation mania which is sweeping the United States has extended to Canada, where it is spreading rapidly. The despotic Bennett government has apparently found that even its Section 98, which outlaws the Communist Party and other working-class organizations, has failed to stem the rising tide of the starving Canadian masses. It had, therefore, seized the deporta- tion terror as a new weapon in its offensive against the workers. Within the past month, militant foreign-born workers have been kid- napped from their homes at night, shanghaied to deportation centers, subjected to inquisitions by a secret tribunal and held incommunicado while awaiting deportation. Canada also has, in the case of Sophie Sheinen, young union organ- izer of Calvery, a case bearing striking resem- blance to that of Edith Berkman. Shenien has contracted a serious illness in prison, and her condition is reported to be critical; she has lost 25 pounds in prison. Bail has been refused her. ‘The Canadian Labor Defense League is carrying on a fight for her release. The International Labor Defense and the Canadian Labor Defense League calls upon all workers to protest against the deportation terror. Mass protest meetings must be held. Letters and telegrams of protest must be sent to Sec- retary of Labor Doak in this country (Wash- ington, D.C.) and to Premier Richard B. Ben- nett of Ottawa, Canada. Demonstrations before Canadian consulates throughout the country must be planned at once. The growing organ- ization and unity of the international working class must be maintained! The boss offensive against workers’ unity must be frustrated! SHOULD WE PARTICIPATE IN BOURGEOIS We are reprinting an excerpt from Comrade Lenin’s pamphlet on “Left” Communism. The reprinted part is taken from the section of the pamphlet dealing with the question of Com- maunist participation in bourgeois parliaments. —Editor, Daily Worker. ‘ARIANISM is “historically worn- or in a world-historical sense; that is to say, the epoch of the Proletarian Dicta hip has begun. This is incontestably true. But the @ale of the world’s history is not reckoned by @ecades. Ten or twenty years sooner or later —this from the point of view of the world-his- torical scale — makes no difference; from the point of view of world-history, it is a trifle, which cannot be even approximately reckoned But this is just why it is a crying theoretical mistake in questions of practical politics to re- fer to the world-historical scale. Parliament is “politically worn-out’? This is quite another matter. If this were true, the position of the “Left” would be strong. Whether it is actually true must be proved by the most searching analysis; the “Left” do not even know How to tackle the problem. In the “theses on Parliamentarism,” published in No. 1 of the Bulletin of the Provisional Amsterdam Bureau of the Communist International, February, 1920, which obviously express Dutch “Left” (or “Left” Dutch) views, we shall see that the analysis, too, is very poor. In the first place, the German “Left,” as is known, considered parliamentarism “politically worn-out” as far back as January, 1919, con- trary to the opinion of such eminent political leaders as Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Lieb- knecht. It has now been seen that the “Left” made a mistake. This alone radically destroys the proposition that “parliamentarism is polit- ically worn-out.” It is incumbent upon the “Left” to prove that their mistake at that time has now ceased to be a mistake. They do not, and cannot, give even the shadow of a proof of their proposition. The attitude of a political party toward its own mistakes is one of the most important and surest criteria of the seri- ousness of the party, and of how it fulfils in practice its obligations toward its class and to- “ward the laboring masses. To admit a mistake openly, to disclose its reasons, to analyze the * surroundings which ‘created it, to study atten- and training the class, and, subsequently, the masses, By neglecting this, by failing to pro- ceed with the utmost care, attention and prud- ence to investigate their self-evident mistake, the “Left” in Germany (and some in Holland) proved themselves thereby to be not a class party, but a circle, not a party of the masses, but a group of intellectuals, copying the worst as of the intellecutalism of a handful of men. in the same pamphlet of the Frank- furt group of the “Left,” from which we have y cited in detail, we read: “Millions of men, still following the policy of the cen- er” (the Catholic “Center” party) “are coun- ter-revolutionary. The village proletarians prod- uce legions of counter-revolutionary troops.” Everything shows that this is said in much too off-hand and exaggerated a manner. But the fact here stated is fundamentally correct, and its acknowledgment by the “Left” goes to prove their mistake with particular clearness. How is it possible to say that “parliamentarism is politically worn-out,” when “millions” and “legions” of proletarians not only stand up for parliamentarism generally, but are directly counter-revolutionary? It is clear, then, that parliamentarism in Germany is not worn-out Textile Workers in the Chinese War Area By LABOR RESEARCH ASSOCIATION | y AGE cuts and longer hours have been the lot of the Chinese workers in recent months, according to the Eastern and Colonial Bulletin of the Red International of Labor Unions. Some of the textile mills are in the region now being rained with shells and bombs by the Japanese imperialists, tacitly assisted by the European and American imperialists. The textile workers here, as elsewhere in China, are on what even the capitalist economists would admit is a starv- ation level. The maximum wages of silk worke ers in U China, for example, are about 50 cents a day, while silk workers in Shanghai have been cut 20 p ent, leaving their wages about 40 cents a day. The Bulletin reports that. the Shanghai textile workers, after having the num; ber of their machines increased, now earn from 30 to 40 cents a day, for 12 hours work, and women and children are hired for even lower PARLIAMENTS? Politically as yet. It is evident that the “Left” in Germany have mistaken their desire, their ideo-political attitude, for objective reality. This is the most dangerous error which can be made by Revolutionists, In Russia, where the fierce and savage yoke of Czarism, extending over a long period, had created an extraordinarily great variety of Revolutionists of every creed, remark- able for their wonderful devotion, enthusiasm, strength of mind, and heroism, we watched this mistake particularly closely; and it is because we studied it with particular attention that this mistake is especially familiar to us, and espe- cially apparent to our eyes whén sevolutionists in other countries fall into it. For the Commun- ists in Germany, parliamentarism is, of course, “politically worn-out”; but — and this is the whole point—we must not deem that that which is worn-out for us is necessarily worn-out for the class, the masses. Here, again, we see that the “Left” do not know how to argue, do not know how to behave as a class, as a party of the masses. True, it is our duty not toysink to the level of the masses, to the level of the backward strata of the class. This is incon- testable. It is our duty to tell them the bitter truth. It is our duty to call their bourgeois- democratic and parliamentary prejudices by their right names. But, at the same time, it is our duty to watch soberly the actual state of consciousness and preparedness of the whole class, and not of the Communist vanguard alone; of the whole laboring mass, and not merely of its foremost men. If, not “millions” and “legions,” but merely a considerable minority of industrial workers fol- low the Catholic priests, and if a considerable minority of village workers follow the land- owners and rich peasants, it inevitably means that parliamentarism in Germany is not polit- ically worn-out as yet; hence perticipation in parliamentary elections and the struggle on the parliamentary platform is obligatory for the par- ty of the revolutionary proletariat, just for the purpose of educating the backward masses of its own class, just in order to awaken and en- lighten the undeveloped, down-trodden, ignor- ant masses. Just as long as you are unable to disperse the bourgeois parliament and other re- actionary institutions, you are bound to work inside them, but the very reason that, there are still workmen within them made fools of by “priests or by the remoteness of village life Otherwise you run the risk of becoming mere ‘bebblers, ain 9 ga a See Bad hill ions OE , “PHOOEY!” HOW THEY FIGHT FOR HAITIAN By WILLIAM SIMONS IN the election campaign it is necessary to ex- pose the atitude of various organizations to- ward the American colonies. A memorandum submitted on Dec. 23 of last year to the Senate Finance Committee, investigating the floatation of foreign loans by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and a num- ber of kindred bodies can serve as an example. ‘The memorandum is signed by nine organiza- tions. These are the American Civil Liberties Union, over the signature of Roger Baldwin; Central Conference of Jewish Rabbis, Rabbi Ed- ward L. Israel, chairman of the Social Justice Commission; Fellowship of Reconciliation, J. B. Matthews; League for Industrial Democracy, Harry W. Laidler; Methodist Federation for So- cial Service, Winifred Chappell; National Asso- ciation for the Advancement of Colored People, Walter White; National Association of Colored Women, Mrs. Sallie W. Stewart;-National Urban League, L. Hollingsworth Wood; People’s Lobby, John Dewey. These groups and individuals are representative of the various capitalist parties. The League for Industrial Democracy is a fol- lower of the socialist party; John Dewey has plans for a third party; the other organizations dividing their support among the republican and democratic parties either officially or unoffi- cially. The memorandum proposes to the President of the United States and to the Senate the adop- tion of three steps: “1. Complete restoration of financial and political autonomy to Haiti; 2. Withdrawal of the U. S. Marines now sta- tioned in Haiti; 3. Negotiation of a new treaty constitutionally negotiated with the consent of the legislatures of both nations.” “The com- plete restoration of financial and political auton- omy to Haiti” sounds like an important change in the status of Haiti. It means removing the power of the American financial adviser whose consent is required for any appropriation. And the argument is that Haiti will conscientiously pay its fifteen million “debt” to the National City Bank of New York. Typical shopkeeper reasoning. Haiti will pay; therefore remove the control by the financial adviser. But suppose the installments are not paid regularly. Ah, that is different; then, of course, Ameriean imperial- ism has a right to appoint a financial dictator. Debts saddled on the weaker nations by ‘the im- perialists must be paid and on’ the dot, Capi- talist laws of interest must be adhered to. This is accepted by the signers of the memorandum. The demand of the Anti-Imperialist League for the abolition of imperialist debts is too revolu- tionary for these elements; it strikes at the heart of imperialism, But these so-called fight- ers for “sovereignity” are gtovelling at the feet of imperialism, pleading to their imperialist mas- ters for the “restoration of financial Autonomy to Haiti” on “political and moral grounds.” They urge the withdrawal of all United States marines, the armed forces of Haiti to be offi- cered by Haitians. The memorandum answers the argument taat Haitians are not “trained to assume contro’’ by saying that either “it is weak or an admiss’on of American incompetency.” If Haitians cay, officer the Garde d’Haiti against the Haitian masses, all well and good for these apologists of American imperialism. Things would run so much more smoothly for their masters. And if these Haitian officers are not yet trained, after 16 years, why then, American imperialism should withdraw its marines for sheer shame. Think of it, sixteen years and no trained corps of Haitian officers! The argu- ment that there must be military occupation of Haiti to protect the Panama Canal during war is met as follows: “The best, assurance of protection of the ‘Pans,| -the snibping cape ee ama Canal in the event of war is the friendship. SOVEREIGNTY established? At present, American imperialism rules the Caribbean countries through puppet governments, fascist’ governments which try to crysh the anti-imperialist movements. The friendship these weak, pussyfooting elements propose would. come from some gestures by American imperialism which would not impair its control over its colonies and semi-colonies, as withdrawal of marines when it has set up an efficient native force to enable the native bour- geoisie. to do its bidding, and withdrawal of a financial adviser when interest on debts is paid. Furthermore they argue, that “The Haitian Republic has repeatedly given assurance to the American government-that in the event of war no foreign power would be permited to establish air. or naval bases.of coaling stations in Haiti.” Haiti will voluntarily stay within the American Empire. It is perfectly safe. -Therefore the United States should withdraw the marines. To be sure when the Anti-Imperialist League de- mands the withdrawal of the marines as a fight- ing demand, in support of the. growing anti- imperialist movements in those countries, this is too revolutionary. A third step. the American Civil Liberties Union and the others propose is a new treaty, instead of the existing treaty forced upon the Haitians, a new treaty under which “full sovereignity will ‘be restored to Haiti prior to the expiration of the present treaty in 1936.” “Kull sovereingnity!” ‘We have already seen how full this sovereignity is to be. And before 1936! Not now; not im- mediately, but a few years from now. Such a treaty to be negotiated with the Haitian Con- gress, Like the treaty with Cuba, evidently, with the Platt Amendment included. A treaty that) will leave Haiti under the control of Amer- ican imperialism. The Hare Bill passed by the House of Representatives and thé Hawes-Cutting Bill pending in the Senate both prove that under the guise of granting independence American imperialism will keep the Philippine Islands un- der its thumb, the masses of workers and peas- ants will continue to be exploited by American imperialism and the*native bourgeoisie, both in the Philippine Islands and in Haiti. This kind of a treaty will satisfy the Haitians, say the Leid- lers and Company. It thay satisfy the Haiti bourgeoisie, but it will not satisfy the horribly exploited Haitian masses. ~ » The United States government has “friendly motives,” according to this so-called anti-im- perialist memorandum. They want this treaty, eee Bill To Further Enslave South African Natives CAPETOWN, South Africa—A new law hag recently been enacted by the South African Par- liament known as the Service Contract Bill. The aim of this Bill is to drive off the land those squatters who manage to eke out a semi- starvation existence on the small plots of land belonging to white farmers, Land Companies and absentee landlords. The Bill gives the power to the Landowners and farmers to contract natives and their fam- illes for.a period of six months without pay by preventing the natives from cultivating their small pieces of land; it eliminates- the compe~- tition of the small native peasantry and provides the feaudal slave owners with unpaid labor, thus enabling them. to compete on the world market. It chains the native to the farmer, for it provides the farmer with the right to whip his servant, either if he breaks his con- tract or is ‘insolent,’ and thus under South African conditions murdering and whipping of natives becomes: sanctioned by law. At first to natives to be applied due to its great. of the nations of Central and South America and seg he tina lb xed Yo ves the Caribbean” How is this friendship to he because it “will do more than anything else to re-establish confidence in the friendly motives of the United States government, both in Haiti and throughout Central and South America.” How to remove the armed forces seems to be the main question to them, because “The oc- cupation of Haiti is charged against us as the chief evidence of the imperialistic purposes of the United States in the sense that our armed forces are used to aid in collecting debts to pri- vate citizens. To end that occupation would be the only effective answer to such a charge which impairs greatly our relations with all’ Latin- America”, Everything in Latin America is hunky dory. Nothing wrong with the colonial and semi-colo- nial status of the Latin-American countries, Nothing wrong with the ownership by American companies of plantations, public utilities and banks. Nothing wrong with the brutgl terror used by the imperialists’ puppet governments against the masses striking for better conditions, Nothing wrong with the deportation of Hcn- duras banana workers on strike in January, 1932, Nothing wrong with the murder of 1,500 banana workers in the 1928 strige in Colombia. Noth- ing wrong with the slaughter of 7,000 workers and peasants in the uprising against Yankee ime perialism and the native Salvador government. Nothing wrong .with the mobilizatipn of the Latin-American countries by American imperial- ism for war on the Chinese people and on the Soviet Union. No; nothing wrong in all this; this is as it should be. These are the manifes- tations of “the friendly motives of the United States” toward the masses of workers and peas- ants in Latin-America, Remore the marines, so that the oppression of the colonial masses may run more smoothly. Let the native bourgeoisie do the dirty work for American imperialism; leaving, Wall Street's skirts clean. This is the pleading that runs like a thread through this Memorandum of imperialism’s apologists, its de- partment of agitation and propaganda. Imme- diate and unconditional national independence of Haiti, confiscation withouty compensation of all imperialist plantations and banks? No! Not This is too sectarian, too impossible. One must be sane in his demands. Demands must be con= fined within the scope of imperialism. It is quite significant that Roger Baldwin, who signs tor the American Civil Liberties Union, ‘was expelled a year ago from the Anti-Imperiale ist League because he supported Gandhi against. the anti-imperialist forces in India. Here in this memorendum Roger Baldwin along with the others again prove that they are not fighting against American imperialism, but are trying to teach American imperialism how to whitewash itself. ‘The colonial oe will play an increasingly important part in the defense of the. Chinese people and of the Soviet Union. Their struggles against the capitalist offensive and against the terror are becoming sharper. The revolt of the crews of the Peruvian cruisers follows the Cuile naval revolt. Now, more than ever the ante imperialist forces in the United States should support the struggles of our colonia! brothers, Now more than ever it {s important for the colonial masses to know who their friends are and who are their enemies. The anniversary of Toussant L’Ouverture, one of the leadezs of the revolt of the black slaves who dxove out the French army and set up the Fattian Republic, should be the occasion (1) for the establishment of a Haitian Anti-Imperialist Leazue to support in the United States the movement for immediate and unconditions] in- dependence of Haiti; (2) for the development of ‘an anti-imperialist movement in Haiti; and (3) clarification among the Haitians and the Test of the population in the United States as to the specific role of the signers of the De- cember 23rd memorandum, o--—~—--rwwewymnaped