The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 23, 1932, Page 4

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Cable “DAIWORK.” BUBECRIPTION RATES: “GROWING POLITICAL REACTION IN CANADA T= ican Ple dian tol the legs the ¢ detailing the bourgeois offens um politi bs ecent eve: mediately follow increasing acts of terr class upon even the mos the The was t ucts to E imperiz Canadian st to declare an the Soviet Unior ist ir to .se again: geoisi Unio against the terror again workers of foreign extrac ‘om coast to coast at the at Ottawa as a means strugel nati’ resistance to wage cl g policy of Hunger government Already in Halife result of the > ring the nine workers are awaiting immediate der ion without trial These workers were all “kidnapped” by Royal Canadion Mounted Po! who as wort tools of Can capitali: out the orders throughout the countr real, on the eve of 1st, two active Ukrainian workers were | up in their homes, taken out of the city, and following day were already in Hali- fax awaiting deportation. The charge against these s their resolution in the name of a worl:ers’ organization to the Bennett. govern- ment demanding the repeal of Section 98 and all other anti-labor legislation. In Sudbury, immediately after the May First demonstration, the office of the Vapaus, Finnish workers’ paper, was raided and the editor and assistant editor spirited away in a closed car out of the city and placed on the train under strong guard. In Winnipeg three workers—one Cana~- dian born, one in the country since three years of age and another a German worker—were arrested and in a similar manner whisked out of Edmonton, another Ukrainian work- ted and without further hearing Additional workers whose identity been disclosed are now held under tch in Halifax pending their deportation. the city r wal sped ea not y wa hese arrests, there has been a ted d every section of the country workers’ organizations and their right of existence. Dozens of workers’ homes have been raided—letters, documents and books taken. Meetings of workers have been broken into and | arrests made, as in the case of Ruoyn, where 74 workers were arrested and the ned over to the Noranda Mining Com- > these workers were employed, with ‘or them to be fired at oncé, Large 1em will also be deported. First meetings, which were the larg- wae npan: against ge uebec, names t pany, whe! tructions bers of The May and most militant in the history of Canada, | olving 160,000 workers, were viciously broken n the ovince of Ontario and hundreds of ed. Section 98 of the Criminal Code, s passed during the Winnipeg strike in ece of 40-minute legislation— again. This code was used against ading Communists now serving five servitude in the Kingston Penitentiary and the basis on which the Communist Party in Ontario has been declared an ilelgal organiza- tion. Now throughout the country workers are being charged with Section 98 in an attempt to place the Communist Party illegal in every prov- ince of the country. Sections of the immigration law long dormant are now being revived and enforced against large numbers of workers—particularly those workers. sent to Halifax. This law in essence states that workers who advocate the forceful overthrow of the government are liable to deportation without trial. Every piece of reactionary legislation is | being fished out—and used as a means of quell- ing the growing resistance of the Canadian masses to these open acts of terror and oppres- sion, ‘It is significant to. point out that the warrants for the arrests of the nine. leading | workers were filed as early as December 5th of last year. Sergeant Leopold, alias Stool-Pigeon Esselwein, the ace card of the prosecution in the trial of the eight Communists, is again the chief witness in the present cases. ‘These suppressive measures of. the Bennett gov-. ernment can only be compared to the tactics in the war hysteria period as a means of quelling any sentiments against the imperialist war and clearly emphasizes the imminence of another blood bath today. Simultaneously with this move we find the yellow press carrying through a slanderous campaign against the Soviet Union HENRY FORD-- BALLYHOO AND BULLETS By McDOUGAL : man is insignificant. But “Henry Ford” personifies American Capitalism. He stands with Morgan, Rockefeller and Norman Thomas in stating,with a hypocritical editorial, that “WE” must give our dimes and quarters for Block-Aid; the scheme that checks each worker's life and militancy against the bosses as it esqueezes out their reliictant charity. Though this saves funds for the rich by appealing to everyone to give, Ford has a better plan for Capitalists. Although Ford led the way in mass produc- tion that requires thousands of workers in single giant factories, he now proposes the re- verse: A decentralization of factories into small rural units. A back to the land movement. A retreat from the masses of organized workers who are knocking at his gates demanding work and food. “Back to the land!” Back to export surplus farmers who can be trained, and kept apart from each other and from outside agit- ators.” Last summer there was the usual Ford bally- hoo. He was going to “save the farmers” then. He had begun the small fattory experiment. But the unemployment periods came in the winter, when the land of his farmer workers was frozen. Nevertheless, they turned up in the spring with their hats in their hands. Ford’s foremen brag that the “hicks” can be trained to equal the out- put of high paid union men. in the Dearborn plant. “And when they go home at nights, they don’t visit a pool-room or a meeting or talk to radicals; they go straight home to Mary, have @ good night and come back in their model “T’s” bright and shining.” Ford not only avoided “labor troubles,” he produced cheaper. mass starvation, for which his class is tespon- sible, he cynically plans to move away and let millions starve. as a means of fostering hostility to t the socialist fatherland, All these war acts are being carried. through under the demagogic statements of “British freedom, fair play and justice,” spouted by the bourgeois lackeys in the government, the lying prostitute press and the social fascist sup- porters of capftalism. The Canadian laborites and trade union bu- reaucrats openly collaborate with the bourgeoisie in its hunger and war policy and the suppressive actions against the revolutionary working class movement. In the past:they openly supported deportations of foreign born workers under the slogan “Employ the Canadians.”.. In the trial of the eight: Communists they gave tacit endorse- ment to the tactics of the government. Their present “left” demagogic protests at the recent actions of the government are raised to turn the mass discontentment against. the Bennett gov- ernment into safe channels, thus preventing a real fighting resistance to these oppressions and brutalities, This labor and liberal demagogy must be exposed to the masses of workers as a main prop through which the Bennett govern- ment carries through its police terror, force and violence and attack upon the standards of living of the working class, The Canadian Party must and will more ener- getically than ever before mobilize the masses of Canadian toilers to answer these vicious acts upon their rights and living standards with in- creased struggles against their capitalist exploit- ers and the social reformist betrayers. Already the mass indignation of the workers against these actions are manifesting themselves in the form of large demonstrations in the various , cities demanding the cessation of the deportation schemes and the release of all the workers. In Sudbury, 2,000 workers waited at the railroad station on the same day that the editors were jailed. In Hamilton demonstrations of thousands of workers have taken place to protest the brutal- ities of the police at the May First demonstration and for the release of the workers. In Winnipeg demonstrations before the local inwmigration bureau compelled the authorities to send a wire to Halifax Immigration Commission. These struggles of the workers’ are growing in size and militancy and are a fitting answer to the hopes of the bourgeoisie that its present offensive against the revolutionary movement will “strike fear, into the hearts of the-workers’” and break their resistance to the capitalist offensive. ‘The Canadian Party at the present time is faced sharply with the task of overcoming the isolation from the decisive sections of the Cana- dian toilers—particularly the Anglo-Saxon and French Canadian—and to develop a fighting united front of native and foreign born workers in the day to day struggle against wage cuts, for unemployment relief, for the right of the workers to organize, to strike, for the legality of the Communist Party and against the growing polit- ical oppression in all its forms, ‘The Workers of Canada call upon their Amer- ican brothers and sisters to protest the present actions of the Bennett government by uniting in solidarity demonstrations throughout the country demanding the freedom of the workers held for deportation, the unconditional release of the eight Communists in Kingston Penitentiary and for the repeal of Section 98. By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Borougns of Manbattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. Am uo, Hp aR MOEA NS SHAN AN et TANT ABO ina 2s A FEW QUESTIONS ON THE ANNIVERSARY ~ OF JOHN BROWN-“GENTLEMEN OF THE N.A.A.C.P.,, WHAT OF MR. DARROW NOW?” By JOSEPH NORTH 'HE leaders of the N.A.A.C.P._ have suddenly, since the Massie case, been stricken dumb in their feverish praises of Clarence Darrow, whom they had been grooming for a place in posterity as a sort of second John Brown. True, a highly diluted sort, but still, like themselves, a “de- fender” of the oppressed Negro masses. Tt was only a few short weeks ago when the N.A.A.C.P. chieftains, Messrs. White, Pickens, et al., brayed from one end of the land to the other the high qualities of Darrow. Some of the Negro bourgeois newspapers, particularly the Pittsburgh Courier, mouthpiece for the N.A.A. Toward Revolutionary Mass Work INCE the 14th Plenum of the C. C. the Detroit District carried on an elaborate discussion on the problem of shop work. Into this discussion members of the Party units, section committee members and leading members of the party were drawn. The discussion was carried on in the light of the 14th Plenum resolution and our ex- periences in the Detrot District, especially in relation to the Ford Hunger March. As a result of this discussion, the District Bureau decided that the shop concentration be concretely applied to Ford’s and Briggs’ auto plants. In discussing with the comrades the Ford plant as a concen- tration the question was raised: Why the Ford’s as the first concentration; why not some other plant in the auto industry, such as the Fisher Body, Dodge or Chrysler? Why did some of the comrades raise this ques- tion? Because if shop concentration means the building up of a struggle on a concrete issue, | then the decision on Ford’s is wrong. Because, On April 26, he went to the Whife House to | tell Hoover about it. is started. This time he is supposed to save the workers; but the scheme is just the same—back to the land. Move your factories away from city centers of unemployment nad bread-lines. Away from demonstrations of hungry workers. Ford met such a demonstration with bullets at his Dearborn plant—ballyhoo or bullets. Ballyhoo is cheaper than bullets, and safer— while it works. This new form follows the col- Yapse of his New Car bubble. The “V” eight that was to start the wheels of industry—where is it? Even Mr. Hoover boosted for it. Re- Member Hoover's statement that everyone who planned to buy a car should put in the order now to help along? Ford pictures the small factories surrounded with happy workers filled with a sense of sec- urity because they have “one foot on the land and the other on industry—if one fails, the other 4s there, and both can’t fail together. “WE” must all work together, whether anyone em- ploys us or not, and the always open door to self-employment is the land.” (Nothing about winter unemployment and frozen land!) Workers should realize that Ford’s “back to the land” scheme is made just now because he knows that there will never be work for the crowds who press on his “employment” offices. workers have fought his police and defied before his own factory. He is telling them go away to the country. Farmers should real- that when Ford brings shops to the villages, only wants to exploit farmers at low wages @ part time basis. Ford himself says that his plan “has no Santa Claus features,” for “we have grown accustomed to expecting that the government, the employer, or some fund will do something for us.” Behind Ford's ballyhoo and bullets, behind the _“we's” end “us” is the American capitalist. 8eesey (Swightened by fhe chaos of surplus toot and | | Now a new Ford ballyhoo | they say, the conditions in the Ford plant make it impossible for the building up of a struggle. Here are the reasons given by some of these comrades: 1, The extent of the spy system in the shops. 2. The workers are afraid of losing their jobs. 3. The workers in Ford’s are more satisfied. 4. In Ford’s the werkers have a chance to keep more or less a steady job. These questions were raised in spite of the Constant Activization of the Masses | ‘The work of the Communist groups in the mine strike leadership showed serious neglect in the organization of broad cadres of strikers for the purpose of the constant activization of the masses. In the first stage of this strike there were wide spontaneous mass ac- tivities, but what was lacking was a network of sufficiently broad organs which could sys- tematically lead and develop this activity and | which would also have been in a position to assure the carrying through of the necessary tasks during the strike, “8 « «+ These mistakes of the strike leadership in not establishing a real, live contact with the entire mass of the strikers from the be- ginning of the strike by means of the strike organs and lower Party and trade union organizations—led to the fact that from a definite devgopment of the struggle onwards the strike mittees had lost the leadership over the mass of the strikers. (From the E. ©, ©. I. resolutions on Lessons of the Strike Struggles in U.S.A, adopted unanimously at the 14th Plenum of the Party. ‘The complete resolution is printed in the Plenum pamphlet which is just off the press) By JOHN SCHMIES Questions and Answers We invite the comrades to send in questions with regard to the Plenum resolutions, We also ask the comrades to send in questions that may have arisen during the discussion of the Plenum resolutions, upon which the comrades would like to receive further clarifi- cation, All of these questions will be answered in this section of the Daily. What is most urgent, however, is t} comrades themselves should send articles for this column. t the brief experience we have gained as a result of the Ford Hunger March. First, it created a tremen- dous militant response for our movement and against the Ford Motor Car Company, and, sec- ond, in spite of the fact that there is a greater terror than at any other time, many Ford workers are joining our organization. But, besides those two points raised above, there are other reasons for the correct decision made by the District Bureau. The Ford factory is the most important part of the auto industry, politically and other- wise; the most decisive section of the auto work- ers are in Ford’s and, as far as the conditions inside of the shops are concerned, they are equally as favorable as in any other factory. For instance, the other day in the foundry building workers were compelled to quit because they were unable to stand the pressure of exploitation, such as the speed up and general rotten condi- tions. ‘Then there {s the question of wages, which affects the workers not only because the wages are being cut but also because the workers in the production departments only receive work two or three days a week, The discussion with the comrades in Ford’s brought out the fact that the proper approach and the real concentration by the Party and the union will succeed in building up a struggle in the Ford plant, ‘What do we mean by concentration? It fs true if we approach concentration in our former sense, then the arguments of these comrades will be justified, because not only will we fail in Ford's but also in any other factory, But if we apply concentration in line with the resolution of the 14th Plenum, then we will not only concen- trate‘on the Ford plant as such as a whole, but will give special attention to grievances of a department. In the Ford plant the foundry de- partment is one of the key approaches in our policy of concentration. We find, for instance, in this deartment that the workers demand a 15- minute rest period. From now on this demand must become the central partial demand for the building of a grievance committee or action com- mittee, Yes, such issues which the workers raise in the foundry department will be the issues {or ~ABe ROas co of sx an, canon DISCUSSION OF THE 14TH PLENUM Methods ot Shop Concentration » ‘Thé conditions in the Ford factory are such that out of a struggle in one departrhent can de- velop a strike movement in the entire factory. That is, if we are capable of extending-our con= crete organizational work into ‘the other depart- ments, especially in the production department, where conditions are similar to the conditions in the foundry building. Concentration, of course, means that whenever an issue develops the Party and the union must be ready and conscious of its importance and act on gf at any-time, even ifvit means at the expense of something else, There- fore concentration means: 1. The assignment of the most capable leading forces in the party. 2. At no time must anything be laid aside in connection with this work of concentration, 3. The party leadership must be in a position to give the most detailed and conerete. leader- ship. It absolutely means-that the party appara- tus must be involved in the daily tasks which the comrades carry out inside the shops. 4, Leaflets and literature must be supplied in sufficient quantity, 5. The whole party, section and union appara- tus in and around the factory must be mobilized in this concentration as their most important task, That, of course, means to visit contacts in their homes, to call small groups of workers in the evening, and to carry on a most elementary day to day work. And, finally, the leadership itself and forces assigned to its shop concentra- tion must know the most elementary grievances and conditions under which the workers are compelled to slave, A ‘The decision on the Ford’s and Briggs’ concen- tration has brought out the correctness of the 14th Plenum resolution. The practical applica- tion no doubt will result in the tremendous achievement which will root the Party and the union among the workers in the shops. DID YOU GET A COPY OF THE PLENUM PAMPHLET? OUT a thorough knowledge of the Plenum resolutions, one cannot really participate in the Plenum discussions. But, what is most im- portant, one will not be able to understand how effectively to carry the line of the Party to the masses. We therefore urge all comrades to get a copy of the Plenum pamphlet, called “Toward Revolutionary Mass Work.” In addition to the two main Plenum resolu- tiont—the general Resolution of the Central Committee and the Resolution of the E. C. C. I. on the Lessons of the Strike Struggles in the United States—the Plenum pamphlet contains two other important resolutions, One—the Cen- tral Committee Resolution on Unemployment adopted and the two the 11th Plenum ©, I, Reso- lution Against Imperialist War. ‘The importance of the above mentioned resolu- tions is so decisive that no Party member caty ’ C.P. set him up as a true descendant of John Brown. But today, their patron saint proves himself to possess the same characteristic quality as Mr. White and Mr. Pickens. It's the fee that counts, sir. Who's the highest bidder? John Brown’s Anniversary Today, 132 years since John Brown was born in 1800, the Negro bourgeois press is paying lip service to the fighter for emancipation of the enslaved Negroes. In fact, J. Max Barber, of the Philadelphia N.A.A.C.P., writes in the Pitts- burgh Courier this week, urging an annua? pil- grimage to John Brown’s grave “Let us build @ monument to John Brown,” he urges. (While you are speaking of pilgrimages, gent- lemen of the N.A.A.C:P., why not include a pil- grimage to Kilby Prison, where the nine Neg¥o Scottsboro boys languish in their cells, awaiting Juffe 242 Why not tell them what you're up to?) Messrs, White, Pickens, and Du Bois, silver- tongue speakers, explain again to us your ideas on how to save the Scottsboro boys? What about, a fair trial (remember the Massie case): what about dampening mass pressure: what about appealing to the ‘fairness’? of American capital- ist institutions? What does your Mr. Darrow advise today? The “Senators and Statesmen—” ‘The Massie case and Mr. Darfow’s role in it has forced the N.A.A.C:P;-medicine men -to- streak their faces a different color, and to emerge today with the following incantation, “This country believes in mob law. It condones the action of mobs who take the law into their own hands. We have, it from senators, from leading editorials, from statesmen, from lay- men in these United States. The Massie trial has established beyond question that the deep séated conviction in the minds of the white people of this country favors lynching and mob violence.” (Pittsburgh Courier, May 17). What white people, precisely? If you mean the senators, the statesmen, the government, which is in the hands of the ruling class, then correct. But you deliberatély set out to further mislead the Negro masses in this country, when ~ you do not mention the hundreds of thousands of white and Negro workers in this country who have by militant mass actions three times forced | aside the death-date for the nine Negro Scotts- boro boys, Mr. Darrow, The Chameleon And do you not join polluted hands with the “senators, statesmen” for lynch law, when you ‘urge reliance upon the gentle mercies of the Alabama lynch court? Of course you do, gent- lement of the N.A.A.C.P., bosom friends of Mr, Darrow, the chameleon, who cried out for the “Sanctity of White Womanhood” in the Massie case. “You pay Up service to the miemory of John Brown, Mr. White and Mr. Pickens. But un- like Mr. Darrow, and yourselves, John Brown had no $1.98 set of principles. Under sentence of death he wrote, “I have enjoyed life much, but why should I complain on leaving it? We have only one life to live, and once to die; and if we lose our lives it will perhaps do more for the principles we’ve fought for than our lives could be worth in any other way.” That was John Brown speaking. Not Mr. Darrow, not Mr. White, not Mr. Pickens. In- deed not. The sacred hides of this trio as well as their own class interests and fear of the masses whisper to them to seek the forces that are in power: the “senators, the statesmen,” the courts, “An Attorney Has His Price—” Even the petty-bourgeoisie press, under pres- sure of the indignant masses of Negroes, is forced to admit (John R. Williams, of the Cali- fornia Eagle) that “an attorney (Darrow) usu- ally has his price and might understandingly defend the same sort of law-breakers that he prosecuted only yesterday.” This paper con- tinues, “But after having so long a time arrayed himself on one side of the fence as to have bo- come looked upon as symbolic of the principlos of that particular side it seemed a shame to sce Mr. Barrow Swap horses, even for an unusually Courier, (hawks) continues Darrow: “I do not feel that Negroes are right in con~ tending that Darrow should noth ave taken the Massié case,” writes Ernest Rice McKinney, in the Courier (Saturday, May 21). This spokesman for the imperialist ideologies of the white ruling class actually states, “For my part, I am willing to withhold judgement (on Darrow). Furthermore, I don’t quite un- derstand why Negroes should get so mad about the Hawaiians. These people are not classed as are the Negroes.. and the Negroes don’t need to spread themselves too much in claiming these people.” A hard time, Mr. McKinney, of the N.A.A, C.P., you have, of whitewashing your Mr. Dar- row. He stands condemned before the masses of Negro and white workers in America, as a turn-coat, a poser, a faker, just as the mis- leaders of the N.A.A.C.P. and other traitors hays already exposed themselves. You want to split the unity of the Negr masses with their Hawaiian brothers, these bit- terly enslaved colonial people. You want to split the growing unity of the white and Negro masses—the unity of all workingmen and poor farmers regardless of race. But you have a hopeless job. to its defense of For the Protection of the Kich Under the pressure of the masses armed with facts by the campaign of the International La- bor Defense, the League of Struggle for Negro Rights and the Communist Party, some of the Negro papers ask: “Is it true, as is being said on every hand, that the courts, judges and gov- ernora ist only for the protection of the rich and the prosecution of the poor? (California Eagle.) But you must not answer that question with the logical answer. No, the petty-bourge- ois groups, still on the other side of the fence, fear to hear the truth. So the editorial writer continues, “Surely, this kind of justice is not consonant with the fine ideal which has been held up to all Americans. Something must be done quickly if the people are expected to retain faith in their public officials and institutions.” “Organize!” Nevertheless, the fight of the revolutionary workers forces such statements from even Lorer Miller, that “we must put our trust only in our,, selves and proceed to organize for our own sal- vation. Out of organization can come the power to stop these rich and plundering ones from utilizing the courts and governors to keep us down.” (California Eagle, May 13), And he goes even further, “Rightly organized, the poor can halt the Scottsboro jegal lynching. The rich have shown us how organized pres- sure exerted against those who have the power in their hands can foree a pardon and set @ prisoner free” (the Massie case). But organize with whom, Mr. Miller? But, of course, you can only expect a bourgeois news- paper writer to go only so far and no further, when he hesitatingly and fearfully walks along the paths of truth. A few more steps and he will walk out of his job. He neglects to say, “Orranize with the white workers. Orzanize with the organizations that fight for the Negro and white workers, the In= ternational Labor Defense, the League of Struge gle for Negro Rights, the Communist Party.” No, he dare not go that far. + “The Pious Crew” “Unless we organize,” Miller writes, “we can* expect to see the pious crew of liberals, senators, cabinet members, newspaper editors and preach= ers lyr:<\. the Scottsboro boys with the same fers vor with which they defended the Hawaiian lynchers.” | Correct! And that is a long road from the NAACP, cry, “Don’t organize—den’t protest— rely on, the fairness of the courts—on the in- stitutions of American .capitalism.” Indeed, trem March 1931, when the Scottsboro boys were ars rested, to May 1932, the 122nd anniversary of ‘Tom Brown, is a long, long time. Negro and white workers have learned many things since large fee. _ But the NAACP, mouthpiece, the Pittsburgh: then, Lf