The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 20, 1932, Page 4

33th St, New @eRbNNE Dy the Comprodatiy Publishing Ca, ine, daily except Sunday, at 50 Bast York City. N. ¥ ‘Address and mail all checks to the Daily Lelephgne ALgonquin 4-7956....Cabie DAIWORK.* ‘orker, 60 East 18th Street, New York, ‘N. ¥. — — SUBSCRIPTION RATES: jw York City. Foreign: one year, By mait-everywhere: One year, $6; Bix" months, “$3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Menbattan and Bronx, $8; six months, $4.50 THE N.A.A.CP. GOES INTO ACTION “ON MANY FRONTS” By DOUGLAS McDONALD mal Association for t d People is alre in Washington y, Colonel J. E. Spingarn, white A.CP., is reported as te ti-American” it would be ted States such a workers d dictatorship an economic that Colonel is this of continuing the aders. “The Negro doés not ‘bélong’ to any aid Senator Capper. “I would say, let ) citizen hold to an independent mind, ing his decisions and ‘choices in ding to the circumstances.” Why | is the Senator so anxious to keép the Negro “independent?” Is he afraid that Ne- awaken to the fact that the -Com- Party represents the interests of all ; white and black? Why does he say n be but one issue for the colored unless, he, who never lifted a hand for sboro boys, is afraid that Negroes are bs the need for solidarity with the hite workers? ary Ray Lymah Wilber, a member of Herbert Hoover's cabinet, is also go~ address the N.A.A.C.P. Conference. He onally bring a message from President Hoover to t d annual conference,” the asso- announces. What is this message from or-hating, Jim-Crow capitalist President Is this message, by any chance, an ent that hereafter he won’t permit w restaurants in Washington, the. capi- tal city? That he won't. permit Jim-Crow ho- tels, Jim-Crowing in railroad and bus stations, Jim-Crowing in theatres and in jobs? Is this ill pe dit A NEW SWINDLE OF THE RENBGADES stone paper, under ren’ negotic.tir through The C Statements ¢ cloth. est i has learned that th form Party, attempts the masses of \ rumors among the penetrate the Party with t through he less-developed members, laboration with the social fascists and even with the po- Niece, These renegade groups perform the role of provocateurs and stool pigeons. The workers will never for; the eve of the May Day dem , 1930, came forward in the capitalist pré hief as- sistant of Police Commissioner Whalen, with a denunciation of the Communist Party as guilty of provoking Whalen and the police to violent suppression of the M Day demonstration while Gitlow called upon the workers not to come to Union Square at the call of the Communist Party. Workers will never forget the record over | Many years of open collab ion of the renegade groups with the soci: A. F. of L., and Musteite strike-breaking activities, especially in | the needle trades and textile and their slanders | against the Soviet Union, which are part of the imperialist war preparations. The Commu- nist Party has only one relationship towards such elements as the renegade groups: that is, ruthless struggle, exposure and liquidation of these grourg as enemies of the working class. ‘The Lovestone-Cannon unity swindle is mere- ly a coniinuation of all of its previous attacks upon the Communist Party. In order to manu- attempts to Toward Revolutionary Mass Work who announced that he had severed all rela- tions with the renegades and upon this basis tried to approach personally at different times, Comrades Weinstone, Bedacht and Stachel. Both Comrade Weinstone and Comrade Bedacht in- formed this agent of the renegades that they have nothing to discuss with enemies and re- quester he leave the office. Comrade Stachel was approached outside of the office and lis- tened to what Dr. Bertan had to stay. Bertan informed Comrade Stachel that he had in- formation that Lovestone personally recognized the bankruptcy of his renegade group and want- ed to negotiate new relations with the Party upon the basis of attending a Brandlerite con- ference in Berlin and disrupting it from within. Comrade Stachel immediately reported this to the Party without discussing it with the Love- stone representative; a decision was at once made that the Party was not interested in any of Loyestone’s plans except to fight them, a decision with which Comrade Stachel fully con- curred. It is highly characteristic of the un- principled political character of thé ténegade groups that this visit of Lovestone’s emissary to propose the disruption of his own group was put forward as a bait by which they hopéd to involve the Party in conversations to furnish new ammunition for their strugglé against the Party. For the members of the Party, this incident should be another lesson not to allow such in- triguing counter-revolutionary elements any in- fluence whatever on them or on the workers gen- really. Those fine, honest workers who formerly followed the renegades, have returned to the Party. The Lovestone and Cannon renegades have but one purpose—to hinder and obstruct the struggles of the workers and try to destroy the Communist Party, the organizer and leader of the workers. The entire Parfy from bottom to top should answer their latest attacks by com- pleting their exposure before the workers as strike-breakers and renegades and drive their remnants out of the ranks of the working class movement. facture “evidence” to convince guillible workers of the reality of their negotiations, they sent a hypocritical “unity” letter to the Party, and several times tried to send emissaries to the Party. In the last period a particular emissary chosen by them was a certain Doctor Bertan, Message an announcement that he is going to demand from Governor Miller of Alabama an immediate. and unconditional release for the nine. innocent Scotsboro boys? Or perhaps (happy thought!) President Hoover is just go- ing to ask this conference of Negro misleaders to be sure to round up all the Negro votes and deliver them, as usual, safe and sound, into the republican camp, thus to make sure of continu- ing a. nice quiet lynch-law program. Senator B. M. Cutting of the Southern state of New Mexico is going to be at the N. A. A. C. P.. Conference, too, and everybody is looking forward to seeing this veteran fighter for the rights of Negroes—though the only fighting he is going to do is to present the Spingarn medal to good old Dr. R. R. Moton of Tuskegee, where they teach Negroes to be nice and “unassuming.” Has Senator Cutting done anything about the Scottsboro case? Is anyone at the conference going to talk about the Scottsboro case, or the Orphan’ Jones case, or the plight of unemployed Negroes who don’t happen to belong among the bourgeois misleaders of the National Associa- tion for the Advancement of Colored People? The N.A.A.C.P. reports that in Monroe, Louisi- ana, a city judge, whose name is not given, but who has been a judge for 31 years, announced (atter hearing William Pickens speak) that he was going to give money to the NAACP. “I am making my contribution to this organiza- tion,” he said, “and I think all of you colored people ought to do your best by it.” Since when have white Southern judges advocated the best interests of Negroes? Is this white Southern judge protesting the legal lynching of the Scots- boro boys? Or is he supporting the N.A.A.C.P. ex- actly BECAUSE the N.A.A.C.P. doesn’t bother about the Scottsboro boys, and therefore is right in line with the wishes of the Southern bosses? The N.A.A.C.P. quotes approvingly an editorial from the New York Evening Post about “Justice to the Negroes,” but not a word appears in the editorial about the justice that has been dealt the Scottsboro boys. What is the meaning of NAACP, justice to Negroes? Why all this soft optimism? The N.A.A.C.P. news releases give prominent space to their worries about a bill that has been introduced into Congress providing for a Jim- Crow veterans’ hospital as Senate bill S-3302, and introduced by Senator David A. Reed. The matter seems to be nicely settled, however, since Senator Reed assures Walter White, N.A.A.C.P. secretary, that he merely introduced the bill “at the request of the American Legion,” and-didn’t consider himself. as “committed to it in: any way.” On the other hand, General:Frank T. Hines, Administrator of the Veterans: Bureau, assures thé N.A-A.C.P. that all veterans receive “the same high standard of medical care and treatient, without discrimination based on race, color ot éreéd.” 8 now everything’s rosy, and the N.AA.C.P. has won ahother great victory— except for the fact that Jim-Crowism is as ram- pant as ever, and Olarence Darrow’s name still appeats Withoub cfiticism or comment on his fecént lynch-law ‘propaganda, on the Board of Directors of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Darrow was too old and too tired, he said in a letter to the International Labor Defense, to take part in the Scottsboro Defense. But he was not too tired to defend the white lynchers of the Ha- waiian boy, J. Kahahawai. The association does one thing which has a slightly new ring: It uses a considerable amount of revolutionary phraseology.- -Though it- re- fused to carry the Scottsboro case to the masses, it speaks of holding a “mass meeting” and it announces that it is waging “war on Jim Crow- ism on many fronts.” Now what does this means? It means what revolutionary phrases and treacherous deeds always mean in the maze of the class struggle—that the misleaders of the Negro masses, like the misleaders of the Ameri- can Federation of Labor and of the socialist party, and of all such camps, are trying the same old scheme of deceiving the workers in order once again to betray them. DISCUSSION O THE 14TH PLENUM Shop Work by Means of Personal Contact IN stating that the main task of the Party is “to firmly root itself in the decisive industries,” the 14th Plenum resolution points out that this @lso is to be done “by means of solid personal contacts with the workers.” This means that when a unit carries on fac- tory concentration it is not enough to merely sell Daily Workers, to distribute leaflets and to hold open-air meetings at the factory in a gen- eral way. It is absolutely necessary to concen- trate’ on a number of workers in the factory, even if it is only one to begin with. It is neces- sary to concentrate on those few workers who Most always buy the Daily Workers that we sell, who most eagerly take the leaflets we give out, those who listen with the greatest interest | at the factory-gate meetings we hold, etc. We must not feel that concentrating on only @ few responsive workers is too slow a method for us to use. As soon as we make one solid personal contact we have achieved an important victory. We have gained a position from which we can now advance our work at the factory to’a higher level. From this worker we can get information as to what is going on in the fac- téfy, and ‘this information will make our shop papers and leaflets more concrete, more inter- esting, more of a living issue for the workers in the factory. With this information, this knowledge of the workers’ grievances right inside the shop, our speakers at factory-gate meetings will more easily hold the interest of the work- ers and will find greater response to our general agitation and propagenda, And, most important, this one contact, will be | aihe es sepouetts win Ue nemas oe otter works ers in the shop who are, like he is, willing to take up struggle to improve their conditions in the shop. What was true of the first contact is also true of every other contact. In addition to adding to our forces, each new contact we get will tell us more of conditions inside the shop and will supply us with more contacts, a a torah tant By A. LERNER ‘Thus we see how from a tiny acorn a mighty oak can grow, Can we say that since the 13th Plenum, held last August, the Party has not increased its work at the factories? No, I think we cannot say this. In general, after the 13th Plenum, factory work was taken up with a good deal more seri- ousness than before; at the same time a great many more street nuclei began to carry on fac- tory concentration. But when we look at the results of this increased activity we see that the number of new factory nuclei and shop groups established is absolutely insignificant. What is the main weakness of the Party units in carrying on factory concentration? The main weakness of the units can be found in the misunderstanding which éxists of the method by which the Party and the revolutionary trade unions can root themselves in the factory, In the great majority of cases the units carry on work in a general way, considering the mass of workers in the factory as one solid whole. We have found out that unfortunately things do not work out this way. Thus when a wage-cut or some other attack of the boss against the work- ers takes place, our call to the workers to take strike action finds small response, and we won- der what is the matter with these workers: There is nothing the matter with the work-- ers. The fault lies with us. If we had our net- work of contacts we could directly, personally, as part of the workers at the bench and at the machines, crystalize the discontent which is at this moment heightened to a tremendous pitch. However, without contacts, we can only appeal to the workers as some outside group, we can only work through leaflets, and very often not even in this way on account of police and. com- pany terror. ad What then is our task in the Party units? We must understand that the method of general work in factory concentration will bring us no- where, _We must understand that when we talk of rooting ourselves in the factory we mean rooting ourselves in the mass of workers in that factory. To begin this work we must overcome the idea that winning an individual worker is too slow and only a waste of time. . To begin to root ourselves in a factory, we must concentrate upon the workers of that fac- tory. Improve .the Discussion The last Plenum of the Party decided to launch an enlightenment campaign in the Daily Worker, so that the entire Party will be mobilized for the decisive turn to mass work. It must be stated that so far the discussion section on the 14th Plenum not meet the requirements and needs of the enlightenment campaign as decided upon by the Plenum. What is the basis upon which the enlight- enment campaign is to be developed in the Daily? The Plenum gave the following basis: “..« « to bring together concrete experiences .and methods which will aid the Districts in putting the resolution into effect.” What does the Plenum column suffer from? Precisely from a lack of a discussion of concrete ex- periences and methods of mass work. ‘The leading functionaries must help in de- veloping the discussion in the Daily as re- quired by the Plenum decision. But this can be best accomplished if the comrades from the lower Party organizations will be actively mobilized to write up their experiences and Let us not wait until the weeks pass by and then we wilt “indulge in a little bit of self- criticisi NOW IS THE TIME TO IM- PROVE THE DISCUSSION. “DON'T Wooo’ THIS YEAR, WE HAVE ENOUGH.” HEYWOOD BROUN’S DEFENSE OF THE NAVAL LYNCH GANG By H. M. WICKS. EFENSE of lynchers has become a part of the every day activity of the Socialist party lead- ers. This is in accord with the role of the so- cial-fascists to try to carry into ‘the ranks: of the ‘working class the policies of the —— class. Lynch terror against the tolling masses, par- ticularly against the Negro workers and poor farmers in the United States and against the colored inhabitants of the American colonies, is rapidly increasing. It is part of the general imperialist policy of trying to find a capitalist way out of the crisis. It is used to aid in im- posing mass hunger upon the tolling masses to forward the imperialist war drive. The vicious frame-up against the Scottsboro boys, the legal lynch conspiracies against Willie Peterson in Birmingham, against Orphan Jones in Maryland, against Willie Brown in Philadel- phia are attempts to defeat the growing unity of white and Negro workers against the com- mon enemy, capitalism. Norman Thomas, presidential candidate for the Socialist party, tries to aid the supreme lynch court of Alabama in the attempt to burn alive in the electric chair the innocent Scotts- boro boys. Thomas, in the New Leader of April 2, says: “The Communists’ tactics of exploiting labor struggles and examples of racial prejudice for party purposes probably helps to explain the action of the Alabama Supreme Court in con- firming the conviction of the Scottsboro de- fendants.” : ‘Thus, according to Thomas, if the Commun- ists did not irritate the judges by organizing mass protests and exposing the frame-up, the ruling class might voluntarily release the vic- tims of their.own monstrous lynch’ conspiracy. It is not the lynch ruling class that owns the courts that is responsible for confirming the conviction of the innocent Scottsboro boys, says ‘Thomas, but the action of the revolutionary Par- ty of the working class “probably helps to ex- plain” it. ‘Thomas further tries to conceal the class character of the lynch campaign by referring to lynchings as “examples of race prejudice.” In every way Thomas re-echoes the capitalist press in slandering our Party. This is an at- iempt to hold back the increasing mass resist- ance that threatens to defeat the lynch drive of the capitalists, ree ae Norman Thomas defends the Alabama lynch gang. Heywood Broun, another Socialist party lead- er, defends the Hawaiian naval lynch gang. In the World-Telegram of Friday, May 6, Broun says: “Secretary Wilbur is quoted as saying that Governor Judd of Hawaii ‘has found an ad- equate solution for a difficult problem’ in com- muting the sentences of Lieutenant Massie and his associates. For the first ume in many months I am in almost complete agreement with a member of President Hoover's cabinet.” In his article, Broun, the social-fascist, has not one word of sympathy for the Hawaiian lad, Joseph Kahahawai, who was so, brutally butchered by Lieutenant Massie, his society leader matron mother-in-law, Mrs. Granville Fortesque and the two enlisted naval men, Lord and Jones. Broun evinces concern only for the welfare of the lynchers and praises Wall Street’s governor, Judd, and Clarence Darrow, for their part in trying to establish a reign of lynch terror in Hawaii as a prelude to and ace companiment of martial law, It is not enough for the journalistic prostitute, Broun, to praise the upholders of the institution of lynching. He tries to insert some typical socialist party demagogy by referring to the Mooney case. Here are his comments: s “It 4s particularly unfortunate that the Massie case and. the attendant commutation should have followed s0 closely upon the heels of Governor Rolph’s action in regard to ‘Tom Mooney. ‘There is, of course, not the. slightest connection between. :those two: functioning of “Americari justivé save” ne ace cident of time.” ney __Unfortunate for whom? Broun is concerned because these two acts, set side by side before the workers, helps to expose the class nature of capitalist justice. Mooney, the working class fighter, is kept in rison on a framed-up charge, while the capit- alist murderers of Kahahawai are set free. The socialist leader, Heywood Broun, has the insolence to declare that there is “Not the slightest connection” between these two cases, these two “examples of the functioning of Am- erican justice.” Any wide-awake member of the Pioneers, the Communist children’s organization, can refute this twaddle of Broun. A pioneer would tell him that both these cases as well as the Scotts- boro frame-up, the Berkman deportation case, show the vicious class character of “American Justice.” To claim that there is no connection between the two cases is the most crude dema- Gogy. Not only is there a connection between the liberation of the Hawalian murder gang and the continued torture of Tom Mooney, but these two cases are a part of one indivisible capitalist policy; a policy that manifests itself in increasingly violent attacks against the work- ing class. Just as Norman Thomas aids the Alabama lynchers in maintaining their terror regime against the Negro masses by denying the cap- italist class character of the Alabama Supreme Court, so Broun tries to create similar illusions about the action of the Wall Street hireling, Governér Judd, in placing the stamp of ap- Proval upon those who are trying, to establish the institution of lynching in Hawaii. By placing the question of the Hawaiian trial as an isolated thing, not in any way connected with the general imperialist policy of Wall Street, the socialist leader, Broun, deliberately excludes the central point of the whole case— the importance of the Hawaiian Islands as a naval and army base. No avowed capitalist writer has attempted to conceal the importance of this “chief military outpost in the Pacific.” Only the Socialist party leaders, in keeping with their social-fascist flunkeyism, try to deny the danger of war—at a time when imperialist war By a National Guardsman y ete war preparations are going on in the leading quarters of the Army and National Guard. General mobilization ‘plans are being discussed and put pod practice with feverish speed. A letter to the Corps Area Commanders, which speaks for itself, follows: “In accordance with the plan of general mobilization, the following letter from the Adjutant General, dated Jan. 27, 1932, is quot- ed for your information and guidance: “1, VACANCIES FOR BETWEEN 12,000 AND 13,000 NATIONAL GUARD OFFICERS WILL BE CREATED BY THE EXPANSION OF THE NATIONAL GUARD TO ITS WAR STRENGTH UNDER THE ‘WAK DEPART- MENT GENERAL MOBILIZATION PLAN. All plans for the procurement and promotion of officer personnel in the event of a general mobilization have reserved these vacancies to National Guard organizations in accordance with the broad principle enunciated in Section 76 of the National Defense Act. “2, It is desired that the Chief of the Mil- itia Bureau inform the’ National Guard au- thorities to this effect and to the end that divisions and other separate units of the Na- tlonal Guard may be prepared to fill vacancies under the war strength tables of organization from Promotions or appointments recom- mended from thelr own personnel.” “3, The War Department desires to have olin cach state secure sufficient prospective officer “personnel to fill all yacancies in the National Guard: in all the units that have been allotted to that state, active or inactive. It is partic is already raging in the Far East. Japan is now the Chinese people. Heavy concentration of Japanese troops in Northern Manchuria for war against the Soviet Union has the support ot United States imperialism. In Western Europe frantic preparations are going ¢1 for military intervention in the Soviet Union. In all these Preparations American imperialism is an ag- gressive accomplice. Wall Street urges Japan to war against the Soviet Union, in the hope, as the Moscow Pravda (Truth) said months ago, of: striking a vital blow et the Soviet Union and at the same time weakening its imperialist rival, Japan, in the conflict over the mastery of the Pacific. Of course, one whose political role is to ime plant pacifist illusions among the masses, in an effort to dull their vigilance against imperial- ist war, must try to conceal the fact that the Massie case is used to aid in imposing martial law upon Hawaii, as part of the preparations for war in the Pacific. The rank and file members of the Socialist party should openly repudiate the infamous treachery of their leaders and withdraw from that capitalist party. » To support the Socialist party is to aid the Wall Street butchers carry on their lynching campaign against the Negro masses at home, against the workers and peasants in the colo- nies and semi-colonies, to further beat down the standards of life of the masses ey and to foment imperialist war. ‘The Communist Party is the only party of the working class; the only Party that fights against capitalist despotism; the only Party that wages the class struggle. Every act of the Socialist party leadership emphasizes the correctness of the resolution for the Fourteenth Plenum of the Central Com- mittee of ou> Party, which stressed the neces- sity of mcreasing, sharpening and improving the fight against social-fascism, as the main enemy in the struggle for the successful mobilization of the masses in the fight’against the bourgeois offensive and the war danger. | THE NATIONAL GUARD MOBILIZES FOR WAR larly desired that the ‘key’ positions in the in- active units be filled, either by name or rank (i. e., a certain man may be selected, or a cer- tain unit may be designated from which the ‘key’ man is to be taken when required). The War Department desires to stress the im- portance of having a reservoir of officer ma~ terial large enough to fill all vacancies in the National Guard, should a major emergency arise, “4, The following are the sources from which the Militia Bureau considers the desired personnel may be obtained: “a. Commissioned officers of the National Guard. “b. Selected officers from the National Guard Reserve. “ec, Enlisted men holding Officers’ Reserve Corps commissions as 2nd lieutenants, inelud- ing these now assigned to organizations and those unassigned, “d. Selected enlisted men of the National Guard. “5. It is requested that the desirability of obtaining Officers’ Reserve Corps commissions for all prospective officers be stressed; and that all state Adjutants General be urged to encourage to the utniost the securing of these commissions by the enlisted men. To this end it is haiuiy necessary to point out the value of the War Department extension courses, “6. You will shortly be furnished the in- formation necessary for allotting to the states concerned the vacancies, war strength, in the staf's of spit uals, Lists shewing all other vacancies in your Corps Area will also be sent “TOWARD REVOLUTIONARY, - MASS. WORK"—Price 10 Cents { vy carrying on a bandit war against }