The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 19, 1932, Page 4

% Sunday, Cable “DAIWO: treet, New York, N. ¥. at 60 Bast Sy mail everywhere: One y: et Menbattan end Bronz, New SUBSCRIPTION RATES: York City. $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; Foreign: one year, $ epting Boroughs siz monthe $4.50. By JAMES W. FORD $e JAMES W: FORD oposed Candidate he Communist for Vive-= conditional He writes: America have com- and have practiced nists in led for conter equality of all races, and in their many act- ivities, have accepted Negroes into their ranks in both high and lowly positions; more, they have di ed the disadvantages of the N gro by w in a body out of a jim-crow Pittsburgh hospital (not a hospital but the Monagahela Hotel—J. W. F.), by aiding ejected tenement dwellers, and in industrial strikes directed by them fighting against the prac- tice of excluding Negroes from labor unions. All these accomplishments go to-the credit side for the Com 4 the Communist into its ranks, , toward the Negro masses. We Communists re- | ject Mr. Young’s attempt to saddle us with such | an attitude. It is not a matter of the '‘Com- munist Party “accepting” Negro workers. The | Communist Party is NOT a party of white work- ers condescending to “accept” Negroes in their ‘anks, The Communist Party IS EQUALLY THE PARTY OF THE NEGRO AND WHITE WORKERS. The Communist Party is the ad- vance guard of both the Negro and white Amer- ican proletariat. It is a party of Negro and white workers, in which the Negro workers, as admitted by Mr. Young, participate in the lead- ership in the fullest degree. Negro workers are on its highest bodies. Negro workers are the leaders of two of its district organizations, as district organizers in Cleveland and Buffalo. I } cite merely a few examples, |: Likewise, it is not a question of the Commun- | ist Party “aiding” evicted Negro workers, but of | the Communists organizing and leading the joint struggles of Negro and white workers to | fight against and prevent the evictions of un- employed Negro and white workers from their | homes, against Jim Crowism and lynching, against unemployment and starvation, against | forms of oppression and persecution of the | Negro masses and for their immediate daily de- | mands and for the overthrow of the system out | of which this oppression and persecution grow. | Mr. Young starts out by pretending “fair- | | | play” and “interest” in Communism in order to conceal his real aim of attacking Communism, of attempting to block the left-ward trend of | the Negro masses and their growing resistance | to imperialist oppression, To the bourgeois out- | look of Mr. Young, the Negro croppers of Camp | Hill, Alabama, who organized-into 4 union to | resist the attempts.of the landowners: to cut | off their food supplies were criminals whose re- | sistance to the efforts of the landowners to starve them disturbed the good relatfons exist- ing between the Negro bourgeoisie and the mur- derous white ruling class, Forced to recognize the leading role of the Communists in the grow- ing struggles of the Negro masses against starv- ation and national 6ppréssion, _Mr. Young charges. thé Communists with-having aroused | “such charged feelings‘in many sections which | make it difficult for the best. of both races to get together and study and correct problems in an orderly way.” Mr. Young here crassly expresses the mingled Tammany’s Underworld Agents Vote While Thousands of Workers Can’t Vote By JOE PORPER Ts now engaged in res which will place the on the ballot, are daily m of capitalism. In the as the lower East Side, and trickery are daily nd Street, there is an old which the City Board of Registered Voters), istered voters.” Bath bawdy-houses can boast of voters” that are amazing in we consider the , to learn that ly fake, steal and void large sections of the working Imost completely disfranchised;- de- h Negro is “barred is in the South; that the Seamen e sections of the unem- ther revealed the democracy in the t th at’ the Negro Can't Vote ed that the 14th and wing citizenship upon . In this position S not here is not a single who proposes any way to stop er and terror employed by the against militant Negro work~ social: the bru white r this program of betrayal actions of the Communist zation the Negro and -Hill, Alabama; for unemployment Cleveland, involv- in arousing defense of the Nine ious lynch ver- , a8 the main social support our enemies on this burning t of the picture. To com- we must SEE, on one side Wall Street, and the big Socialist party, the Lovestonites ‘yites; and on the other side, in defense of the everyday needs of the workers, against hunger, oppression and imperialist war, the Communist Party and the revolutionary proletariat. Seamen Can’t Vote When ships dock, it must be our duty to speak to the seamen explaining to them their dis- franchisement, On the waterfront, to the sea- man who is “on the beach” (and they num- ber thousands), a definite sentiment must be developed among these workers against the trickery of the bourgeoisie. Jobless Can’t Vote The unemployed workers must be reached, in the flophouses, on the breadlines, at the em- ployment exchanges, and made to resent this last insult, which renders them impotent to even vote and thus register their indignation, their growing resentment ageinst the Hoover-Hunger Program. The Constitution of the State of New York states “the right to vote shall not be denied to any citizen because he or she may be wholly or partly maintained by public or private char- ity.” And yet, is it not a fact, that the Municipal Lodging House (a City institution) refuses lodging to any unemployed worker for more than one week a month? And does not the Election Law requires a “legal residence”? And does not the bosses’ hunger drive force workers out of their “homes” into the streets? ‘mame we understand the role of | And yet, a gambling dive, or worse, is a “legal” | residence under the law of the State of New York, by the Grace of God! The unemployed must be made to understand that not Jimmie’s Beer, nor Hoover’s Recon- struction Board, nor any of the remedies which the spokesmen for the parties of capitalism will so loudly shout for during the Election Cam- paign, will have any effect on the mountifig numbers of the unemployed, on the growing conditions of mass starvation. Only the will to struggle, organized, and led by the Unemployed Councils and the Communist Party, can de- termine what relief the bosses will be forced to concede. Fight For Right To Vote During the Election Campaign especially, the struggle for the rights of the Disfranchised (the Negro, the seamen, the unemployed) must be Sharply raised; the leadership of the Commun- ist Party established. In the simplest manner, we must explain to the workers, that the only way capitalism can be “cleansed,” is by rooting out the whole mass of corrupt capitalist relations; by the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of a Work- ers and Farmers Government; only then will we finally put an end to the hypocrisy, the trickery and corruption of the capitalists, By LIAM O’SLATTERY. DUBLIN, Ireland (By Mail).—William T. Cos- grave and his “Association of the (Boiled-Shirt- ed Gael” have been booted out after ten years | of office, Eamonn de Valera and his “Soldiers of Destiny,” the “left” opposition party of the bourgeoisie, haye risen to power. And the Irish working Class, in the -persons of two Commu- nist candidates in Dublin, has emerged as a def- initely independent political force. ‘These are the chief results of the Free State General Election, now concluded here. And all of them reflect the deepening of the economic crisis, the leftward swing of the workers and small farmers, and the rumbling discontent and restlessness of the petty-bourgeoisie. | Consider Cumannan Gaedheal’s foul ten-year record. The patty which had sold out the na- tional struggle and made its peace with British | imperialism, it built up the Free State by slash- ing the standard of living of every section of the working population. Unemployment jumped, while workless pay dropped. Under its rule the bosses in every industry hammered both wages and working conditions. The agricultural worker was reduced to penury; the small farmers sank further into debt. Civil servants, teachers and even the police all came under the lash. Co- ercion filled the jails with revolutionary fighters. The Lesser Evil. The kicking out of Cosgrave is the reply of the masses, expressed through electoral support for the “lesser evil” of de Valera. “Give us the divil we don’t know; we're tired of the divil we've ha dfor ten years” was the feeling of the masses. So Cosgrave, conducting his campaign under the slogan of “Stump out the Commu- nist menace” was himself stamped out. Mr. de Valera, cloudy Gael, Catholic obscur- antist, and chief of the Republican wing of the bourgeoisie, is to be the leader of the Fianna Fajl-Labor Government; the Irish capitalists and landlords are to rule through their opposition wing. For the workers and peasants the advent of the new government means the continuance and intensification of the fuling class offensive. Fianna Fail had steadily moved to the position it denounced in 1921; during the election cam< ae ite openly, declared for a mew deal with’ {UNISM AND THE NEGRO ; fear and contempt in which the Negro bourge- oisie hold the tolling Negro masses. Any ate tempt on the part of the Negro toilers at re- sistance is frowned on and attacked by the Ne- gro bourgeoisie. The conception of the Negro bourgeoisie of the role of the Negro masses is one. of passivity, servile acceptance of oppres- sion, and blind dependence upon the traitorous leadership of the Negro bourgeoisie and its shameless co-operation with the imperialist op- pressors. In other words, the Negro masses sre merely the base for the building of the eco- nomic power of the Negro bourgeoisie, And for izational expressions of the united front of the Negro bourgeoisie with the enemies of the Ne- gro masses as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. The Negro bourgeoisie has a stake in the sys- tem of Jim Crow capitalist oppression of the Negro masses. Revolutionary ctruggle against that system menaces the class interests of the Negro bourgeoisie as well as the class interests of the imperialists. Thus. we find the Negro bourgeoisie viciously attacking the mass fight of Negro and white workers against the Scotts- boro lynch verdicts, the. mass defense of Orphan dones, Willie Brown and numerous other Ne- gro victims of class justice. The Negro bourgeoisie energetically defend the lynch courts and try to bolster up the shat~ tered prestige of these instruments of the ruling class for the suppression of the struggles of the oppressed and exploited Negro. snd white mas- ses, for the maintenance of the. system of ex- ploitation, national oppression and murder. The Negro. bourgeoisie shamelessly offer. their. ser- vices—at a price—to the white -imperialists against the growing liberation struggle of the Negro masses, against the Communist Party, which alone leads and organizes that struggle. Thus, Mr. Young concludes his article with the following bid for the guidance of the Negro masses away from Communism, away from the revolutionary struggle: “If the Negro masses are to be made Com- munism-proof, the disadvantages which have been raised against them by the white majority in power, must be voided by the union of the whites and Negroes of vision working together —iighting by all legal and sane means the pros- criptions which are neither Christian, humane, or ut the spirit of the fundamental laws of the land.’ What does Mr. Young mean by the “white majority in power”? Everybody knows that a small group of capitalists control the United States and its government. Ex-Ambassaffor Ger- ard, a representative of this group, sometime ago admitted that the government was con- trolled by 59 capitalists! Twelve million work- ers, the majority of them white, are out of work today and starving. Are these Mr, Young's “white majority in power?” Other millions are on part time and having their wages constantly slashed? Are these Mr. Young’s “white major- ity in power?” Are the ruined farmers and starving agricultural laborers the “white major- ity in power?” I have already commented on Mr. Young’s proposal for a “united front” of the Negro bour- geoisie with the imperialist enemy of the Ne- gro masses. This is the program being car- tied out today by the Negro bourgeoisie. It finds its sharpest present expression in the shame- less betrayal by the N.A.A.C.P. misleaders of the fight to free the Scottsboro boys. Mr. Young prattles of “legal” and ‘sane means”—in other words of “boot-licking diplo- macy” and childish faith in the lynch courts of the ruling class. He not only supports * white tuling class oppression of the Negro masses but he proposes that the Negro masses prostrate and castrate themselves; unquestioningly accept the lynch verdicts of the murderous lynch courts. He prates of “proscriptions which are neither Christian,” etc. As if he were ignorant that Christianity (and religion in general) is an instrument of the ruling class to befog the minds of the masses and divert them from the struggle against their oppressors; as if he was unaware that Christianity has always defended the exploiters and oppressors, that the Christ- jan churches even defended, condoned and JUSTIFIED the horrible institution of chattel slavery! The Political Situation in Ireland British imperialism. And while on the one hand it lavished promises upon the workers and 'farm- ers, On the other it assured the conservative bourgeoisie that it would have no touch with Communism; that, in fact, for private property it-was ‘the only alternative to Communism, Fianna Fail takes office with the world capi- talist crisis sucking Ireland more and more into the vortex. There is a budget deficit of nearly | $10,000,000, a large sum for a statelet like the Twenty-six Counties. .The trade figures for 1931, just published, show a.drop.in the total of $75,000,000 or nearly 15 per cent.’ Imports out- value exports by $45,000,000—and the total trade, it should be remembered, amounted last year ’to only $451,000,000. And week after week, agri- cultural prices tumble down. - Every company meeting—Great Southern Rail- way, Great Northern, Grand: Canal Co., Dublin Tram Co—is openly. declaring for immediate wage cuts; the attack will be launched’ as soon as the new government takes hold of the reins. In addition, there are to’ be widespread tariffs, pl pen gee eee ad aie Cara ed evitably will bring. - ‘These, then, are. the -realltiessof-the . present situation in Ireland... The.Communist candidates told the workers, that the fight between the two capitalist parties was just a sham fight, and the die-hard British “Observer” underlines this very neatly in a recent issue: “There was not even @ flutter on the Stock Exchange.” Canalized. Revolt ‘This “lesser evil,” therefore, will be the great- est enemy of the Irish masses. It canalized the growing revolt, kept it within constitutional limits, and it now has the task of continuing the offensive and dsembowelling the militant Republican forces of the petty-bourgeoisie. Communists Get 1,100 otes ‘The policy of running independent working class candidates was, therefore, quite correct. And despite the ferocious whoppings of the pol- iticlans and the virulent campaign of the bishops and priests, eleven hundred Dablin workers gave their first preference votes to the two Commu- nist candidates and declared unhesitatingly for the revolutionary fight against capitalism. This when Jim Larkin, Sen., the corrupt and despic- able Labor Party, and ‘the physical ‘force Re- publicans were all giving up'the ghost and fall- yA the furnishing of funds to such typical organ- } STOP THE SHIPMENT OF W2 UPPLIES BY THE U. S. TO THE JAPANESE ROBBERS! By BUECK (Speech Made at the 14th Plenum of the Central Committee.) | Rie going to deal with the question that Com- rade Weinstone, reporter of the Polburo, did not find time to deai with, i. ¢., the agrarian work of:our Party. We must understand, com- rades, that our Party will not be able to become @ real Bolshevik Party unless it becomes the leader of all the toilers, Even in ordinary times, this work from the point of view of Leninist conceptions, is one of the most important phases of the work of the Communist Parties. But now we have a special situation from the pjoint of view of the struggle against the imperialist war, from the point of view of approaching our national election campaign and also from the point of view that there has been a continual agrarian crisis which is deepening together with the general economic crisis. This work assumes @ very great importance also from the point of view of the Negro liberation struggle in the South with which our agrarian work should be linked up. Although there are yery great shortcomings of the Party in ‘this field of work, and a Teal turn in this field of work is required, there was some attention given to this work during the last Plenum and also immediately after the Plenum by the Polburo.~ And partly as the result of this attention we have made some advances in | the work between the time of these two Plenums. We have now definitely a weekly agrarian paper, “Producers’ News.”: The paper was taken over by the United Farmers’ League. It is pub- Ushed in Pleritywood, Montana, and together, with this paper was amalgamated the mailing lists of the old Unitéd Farmer. The paper has continually improved and we now have between 5,000 and 6,000 circulation for.the paper. Al- though there are yet many shortcomings in the paper, it is very much liked by the farmers and there is considerable farmers’ correspondence in the paper. The Militant Struggles of the Farmers. We have alsé made the beginning of the for- mulation’ of an immediate fighting program for the smaJl farmers in the form of a pamphlet and other literature. But the most ‘important of all these activities is that. we have led farm- ers into struggles against evictions, sheriffs’ sales, against the burdens of taxation, and also ar- ranged: some -hunger -marchers. Immediately after the last Plenum our comrades organized the. St. Louis County farmers’ hunger march of 2,500 poor farmers. A sifnilar number of unem- Ployed ‘workers greeted them’in Duluth. This hunger march established the United Farmers’ League and our leadership among the poor farm- ers in the Northwest. As a result of this march the organizational growth has’ begun atid many local struggles against’ evictions and. sheriffs’ sales occurred, many of which wefe successful. ‘Thousands’ of farmers formerly under reformist leadership .and. even religious’ farmers took part in these struggles... As the result of these strug- Bles, Mirinesota, Northern. Wisconsin and Upper Michigan, in the Dakotas and Eastern Montana there has been laid a mass basis of the, United Farmers’ League in the Northwest. However, there is a danger that the kulal farmers are coming into the movement. Where our movernent is weak the kulaks are attempt- ing to lead struggles against taxes and this is dangerous, as they will mislead the toiling farm- ers. There is also danger that the United Farmers’ League will be developed by the mef- ing into are arms of Fianna Fail, 4 ‘The small, but’ vigorous young Communist groups are now going gorward to play their part in the immediate struggles, and a drive is being made for the relaunching of the “Workers’ Voice” and the building of the foundations for the early formation of the Communist Party of Ire- land. Editor’s Note:: Since this article was written Toward Revolutionary Mass Work ( AGRARIAN WORK OF OUR PARTY By H. PURO 8. Emergency relief for the poor farmers without restrictions by the government and banks; exemption of poor farmers from taxes and from forced collection of rents and debts. (from the draft election platform.) bers of the United Farmers Léague into a polit- ical party in some localities not consciously but unconsciously where our ‘leadership is weak. Of course, so.far these farmers havé been ready to be corrected and have rallied around the elec- tion program of our Party and atound ‘the de- mands of our Party. In this spring’s elections we hhave elected already a few county, Officials to , office. This. shows the tremendous possibilities’ of growth of our influence among the toiling farmers, especially in the Northwest, where we have built the United Farmers’ Leagué, upon the mass basis in connection. with struggles. Last fall our comrades in the Boston District conducted an .agricultural strike, and, while small, this was important. Also in Northern Mintesota last. fall there was ‘a ‘strike >on the | county roads where farmers worked part time. This strike, conducted by the United Fariners’ League, under the leadership of our Party, also established our work amolig the farmers to a Sreat degree. In the Northwest also among the youth our comrades, especially ‘in Districts 9’and U1, have been doing very good. work and have developed many, new ‘forces ‘for se agrarian _ work. Concentration ‘Amongst. the: Agrattan Workers. Of course, the agrarian workers.are the: imdst important element in thé villages. In thié ré- spect we have not made iuch advance, although lately we have again made a beginning in or- Sanizing the beet field workers in Colorado and some very good beginning has been made’ in this Tespect. But we must, regret’ that from’ the Iniperial Valley in California, where we havé had such a glorious’ struggle a couple of years ago, we have: not: heard anything. lately. “Evidently our Party in California has altogether forgotten this field of work, which was to establish our organiza- tioh among this important category of tae agri- cultural~ workers. I think a great part of the neglect : athoiig “this most -important element in the villages. is- due to Party.and the T.U.U.L.' center and the’ dis- trict centers which have not’ paid atention to the work among'the agricultural workers, We must emphasize that the T.U.U.L. must pay more .atetntion » and-give-more help to those districts where we have these agricultural workers. ._ ‘Share croppers, after ‘the: agrarian workers, are.a\very important. element, and. while .we have had “in, Alabama the”Camp Hill struggle, ewe have some gontatts in’ both’ Districts"16 and ‘17, our) comrades’ have: paid: very little-at- tention to, the. organization of the share crop- pers... Syst now. comrades tell me that. there ss a spontaneous strike taking. place in Alabama among the Negro share croppers. hice we discovered forty Negro subscribers to Daily Worker in the same rate. yeaa shins districts have no co:nection with these elements. I don’t know how it is that the Party has no connection with the struggles of these share- croppers in the South? ' Of course, we must un- derstand that our forces in the South are yet very insufficient, and. comrades have not enough . forces and not enough time: to give. attention to this work, but the Central Committee must see to it that serious work among share. croppers will be’ taken up, and also give more help than hitherto to our comrades in the South for this work. This must be done because, as I un- derstand it, the most important field for our agrarian work is particularly in the South, and therefore our next concentration must be there, AAA eee heads Mee ena et lp the ‘fitst issue of the “Workers’ Voive”since its. of Kansas \ (which - Suppression; has ‘come off the press) wate states) “because” our | Party shas. been» sleeping DISCUSSION THE 14TH OF PLENUM == there as far as farmers are concerned. Activities in the Industrial Districts, a. We have made also some beginnings in so- called industrial districts—some contacts have | been made in Chicago, also in Detroit, in Cleve- land, in Pittsburgh—although these contacis have not been developed systematically in these districts. The: response of the farmers to our work is very good, very excellent. As I stated that espe- | cially from the point cf view of struggle against imperialist war and from the point cf view of the election campaign, it is now very important that we will begin to make a real turn in our agrarian wark. also. As far as the center is. concerned, it has not been able to give enough help for the districts. We have practically no literature, though: there is sonie in the making now. I think our observations and our contacts) with the farmers, especially in connection with the local hunger marches and also through the national hunger march, shows what tremendous Possibilities there are among the poor farmers and I would like to emphasize that the work. among the unemployed should be more .closely linked up with thé work among the farmers. I think in'many small towns and smaller indus- trial cities the farmers could be drawn into joint — activities with the unemployed. Also, unem- | ployed industrial ‘workers should be sent to the | meetings of farmers to help them to fight against sheriffs’ sales, evictions, etc.. By doing | this we would establish’ a real contact with the | poor farmers and feally would lay the basis for j the revolutionary: alliance between workers and. | poor farmers in the spirit of Lénin’s teachings. Comirade. Browder emphasized last fall—when we spoke about “concentration points’—that while wé must concentrate for the’ important agricultural states, we must also work around the big industrial cities, to establish connec- tion of the industrial workers and with the poor farmers, even in such districts as New York and Chicago. | There are about 900 farmers in the Party,-as I saw from the statistics, but the weakness shows. itself in that about half—if not more—are in on ° district. When we broaden our agrarian worl ‘we must at the same time establish Party nucle: We must recruit agricultural workers and the } poor farmers into the Party nuclei and through them give proper guidance and leadership for | our work among the village masses. - | | Eye-witness Account of the Melrose _ Massacre " gous in the, demonstration at, Metroed Paste and was arrested there. However, before I was arrested, they made us line up against the wall on the vacant lot, near an oil station. Myself and rai hi ip feaemaleh ist up ones the wall, but it was no use arguing. Then the fire department came and parked across the street. They turned the hose on us, but as police were coming towards us, the hose loose and it turned upon the firemen and police, %, Then the started. I started running a they started shooting at me. That is all I know, Later on, in jail, we heard some arguments between some comrades and the police and the next thing we heard a revolver went off. We later found out that the police were beating une of the comrades with the butt of a revolver and at the same time the revolver went off. Another young Negro worker, about 21 or 22, was put up against the wall in jail and beaten up. They told him they would fi him full of “bullets, but they didn’t do anything to him. SR Ce ee 0S a i SD SR a AN nar ARE saan * a /