The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 11, 1932, Page 4

Page Fous Agth 8, ‘Address and ma DRAFT RESOLUTION AND DIRECTIVES OF'| ° THE T.U.U.L. BOARD ON WORK OF T.U.ULL. IN UNEMPLOYED STRUGGLES UNIONS HE Natio League « unions, put into effect meetings o Internationa reiterate of the every their immec revolutionar) We mus yolutionary until now leagues and ganizations and members. nal, sporadic attempts on the part me of our organizations to develop organized tivity among the unemployed, only serve to illustrate the quite general neglect, underestima- tion and irresponsibility towards this important task of the revolutionary unions, leagues and minorities. Such an attitude is inconsistent with the most elementary duties of a revolutionary economic organization, and if persisted in, would prove disastrous. for the workers, who are dependent upon the revolutionary trade union movement fo> leadership and for these organizations as such. To neglect unemployed activity means to neglect’ 12,000,000 totally jobless and 10,000,000 part time workers, or more than two-thirds of tHe working-class population which is directly affected by unemployment. It means to fail to recognize a factor that is decisive in every l¢ to organize the unorganized; against wage cuts and worsening working conditions. Zé means that our unions remain without organic comiact wjth these great masses of workers that they fail to properly concern themselves with and provide leadership to the unemployed who are already members of our unions. 1, Role of the Revolutionary Economic Organization in the Unemployed Movement 1. The reyolutionary unions, leagues and minorities. haye no separate program of unem- ployed work. The program for the Unemployed Councils is their program also. 2. They must become the leaders, the con- scious organized force that puts this program into operation. 3. They must be the initiators and or- ganizers ‘of the united front movement and or~ ganization of the unemployed; of the unem- ployed .committees in the neighborhoods, flop- houses, breadlines, the employment offices, face tories, trade and industrial markets, etc., ete.; and of the Unemployed Councils which are based upon delegates from all committees, as well as from all possible organizations of working class membership. 4. The members of the revolutionary unions, leagues, minorities, must be organized for active Participation in the daily work and struggles of the unemployed on the basis of the neighborhoods where they live, as well as the trades and fac- tories in which they are employed, and the or- Sanizations of which they are members. They constitute the fractions within the unemployed Toward Revolutionary Mass Work 4 Tesolution of the 14th Plenum of the Cen- tral Committee contains a sentence that must be read and read by every Party member. “Thus the Party appears before the masses as a Party FOR the workers, but not the Party OF the Workers.” Just as the resolution poses once again the basic problems of the Party in the Present périod and tells the Party that the es- sential change has not been made; that we are stil in the same groove, despite some successes im mass work; that we are still sectarian and have not“fiade the sharp turn to mass work in the factories, among the unemployed, etc. so too this sentence must be read and understood, otherwise we will not make the turn in our work, “A Party FOR the masses, but not the Party QF the masses.” This is not only a question of how-we speak to the workers—whether we address them as “they,” in relation to ourselves. Tt is not only a question of whether we regard them as friends who can be won for the revo- lutionary movement, or as enemies. It is a question of our isolation from the masses—as a Party outside the masses, having little “direct Personal contact” with the masses. If we had this contact; if we talked the lan- guage of the masses as a result of the contact: if we knew what the masses were thinking and were willing to struggle for, as a result of voic- ing their immediate needs, we would not, in 60 many cases—yes, in most cases—formulate de- mands that do not rally the workers. We would not be abstract, but would be able to express the inmost desires of the particular groups of workers among whom we are working. Some Experiences. Why {s this not the case? Because we are isolated from the masses. A clear example. Our Unemployed Councils work among huge masses of workers. This is not always organized con- tact, but daily touch with masses of workers, Our organization is very poor; we are not able to draw the workers into regular, systematic steuggles. Some time ago we put forward the demand of $25 a week for immediate relief, plus %8 for each dependent. This did not help us to effect organization. We reduced the demand to $15 plus $3 for each dependent. ‘This did not help us to move forward to better organization or struggle. Which was the correct demand? Certainly the workers are entitled to decent @6 % result of unemployment, for which Pinaatl [ Publishes by the Comprodaily Publishing Ce., ine, Telephone ALgonquin ¢-7956. Cable ke to the Daily Worker, 50 Bast 13th Street, Ni Gally except Sunday, at 60 Bas! “DAIWORK. iow York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: — By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $8; two months, §1; excepting Boroush# of Manhattas and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. organiz: the plans ati nd have the task of carrying out and decisions of the proper leading the unions, within the unemployed leading organs of the unions must be ted in the leading organs of the unem- movement, so as to facilitate the closest and supervision. This must not, how- effected mechanically. Leadiag members unions must be active in the work of the s and by virtue of this secure election to leading bodies of the unemployed. 6. The members of the unions within the lea z bodies of the councils constitute the leading fraction of the unions. They are respon- sible to the proper leading committees of the unions and in turn direct the work of the mem~ bers of the unions within the subordinate bodies. of the councils. 7. Under no circumstances shall separte Spe~ cial organizations of the unemployed be set up by any unions or leagues as substitutes for the united front unemployed organizations. Special | forms set up for the unions shall not be allowed | to replace the basic forms of the unemployed movement. The revolutionary unions, etc., do not build their “own” unemployed movement, They are responsible for building and providing leadership for the whole united front move- ment, 8. The members of the revolutionary unions, | leagues and minorities must not place them- selves above the discipline and decisions of the proper organs of..the, unemployed movement. ‘They must undertake ta convince’ the’ workers and avoid imposing mechanically any decisions | of the fractions. 9. The leading fraction within the National Committee of the Unemployed Councils directs the daily work for the TUUL Bureau; in matters affecting unempoyment, its directives must be treated as directives of the TUDL. Il. Special Issues and Demands 1. In addition to the general program and demands of the unemployed movement_and the local issues around which the struggles of the | unemployed are conducted; all revolutionary unions, leagues and minorities must work out a special program of concrete demands to cor- respond with the special needs of the workers in the respective industry. 2. Such programs shall indicate—(a) how work can be provided for large numbers of jobless in the industry (shorter hours, no speed-up, no overtime, etc.); (b) demands upon the employers for direct relief to their former employees; (0) demands upon the bureaucrats in the reactionary unions. 3. The struggles for these special demands must never be isolated from or a substittue for the demands of all the unemployed in the given locality. 4. It is the special task of the revolutionary unions to see that all stfuggles are linked up with our central demands for uneniployment insurance at the expense of the bosses and government. 5. The unions, leagues, etc., may either di- rectly or through the councils call special united front conferences on special burning issues that arise within their oun industry. Til. Unity of Employed and Unemployed. 1. This must not be conceived of (as has been the case up to naw) as merely involving the unemployed in support of strike struggles. This is necessary, but can be effected only to the By 1. AMTER or $15 was not too much—but the workers thought otherwise, for they were not moved. It is not the point here to discuss what the work- ers should demand—this has to be taken up with the workers. But it was obvious that some- thing was wrong—and that.was that we did not consult the workers; we.did not thoroughly dis- cuss the demands with the workers; we wete not as a result able to formulate the demands that were OF the workers, not FOR the workers— and as a result they did not struggle as we should expect, in view of the tensity of the crisis, the militancy that the workers have shown, and the devotion and leadership that our comrades hhave furnished. Or another example: In an important metal shop, employing several thousand workers, a shop nucleus has succeeded in building up a shop group of more than 70 members, This union group was able to influence the workers to some extent. Mass lay-offs began. Our bul- letin dealt with lay-offs, but did not forulate definite action—nor did the union in any way take action. The union had several demands, but did not have sufficient daily personal con- tact with the workers, did not note the change ; in the situation when the lay-offs began, and when more thousands faced lay-offs, The re- sult was that after a time our leaflets did not find the same response, the workers did not Against Routine--- for Genuine Mass Work ‘The bureaucratic methods of work, which are expressed in the “circular letter” method of leadership and in an excessive number of paid functionaries at the head of the Party and the auxiliary organizations, paralyzes the work of the lower Party organizations, and sidetraCks them from genuine mass work on to “inner” Party and routine work, and hin- ders the development of cadres and the inti. ative of the lower organisations. The Party has not yet established collective leadership or genuinely functioning apparatus in the lower organizations, and has the tendency to conduct the work only through individual or- ganizers. (From the main resolution of the 14th Plenum of the ©.P,U.S.A, printed in full in the April issue of the COMMUNIST.) DISCUSSION O THE 14TH PLENUM, Becoming a Party OF the Workers extent that the unemployed are convinced, through active support of their struggles by the employed workers, of their common interests. It is also dependent upon the extent to which the direct needs and interests of the unemployed are specifically dealt with in the strike program. 2. The part time workers are the most direct link between the unemployed and the employed workers. They must be organized into the com~- mon united front and into the unions, leagues and oppositions on the basis of their special demands, 3. Wherever shop organizations of the revolu~ tionary unions exist, these must be required to regularly take up problems connected with the struggles of the unemployed and to cooperate with the Councils operating in their territory. 4 ‘The organization of Unemployed Councils in all reformist union locals can be a further effective means for establishing unity of unem~ ployed and employed. IV. Recruiting Unemployed into Unions ‘With unemployment established as a per= Manent mass phenomenon, it is not possible to regard any workers as permanently unempolyed or employed. Those drawn into the unemployed movement must be given the opportunity of learning the meaning of revolutionary trade unionism and made members of the revolu- tionary economic organizations. The TUUL fractions in the unemployed or- ganizations are responsible for the organization of special “trade union subcommittees” within the councils and committees that, shall have the task of winning. the unemployed for the unions, V. Putting These Directives into Effect 1. The leading committees of all unions, leagues and minorities shall immediately insti- tute a discussion in all sections of their ore ganizations on the tasks of the revolutionary unions in the unemployed movement. 2. All members (employed or unemployed) of the revolutionary unions shall be required | to become “registered supporter” of the unem- | ployed councils, and to affiliate with the basic unemployed organizations in their neighborhood. 3. Those who are not able to affiliate to an already existing unemployed organization, shall be formed into initiative committees and assigned the task ef forming an unemployed committee under the direction of the nearest Council or of the union itself’ where a council does not exist. 4. In cities where TUUCs exist these shall coordinate the work of members of our various unions through the medium of the leading frac- tion in the city unemployed council. 5. All unions must immediately check up to see that they have delegates in the corresponding unemployed organizations. These delegates must be required to act in a leading capacity and to devote their major attention to unemployed work and must not remain mere formal delegates. 6. The work of our fractions and the progress of the unemployment movement as ‘a whole must regularly appear on the agenda of all units and leading committees ‘of our unions, leagues and Sitetion and these must come to feel respon- sible for all phases of this work. 7. As a further means of supporting the unemployed movement and establishing the responsibility of our revolutionary economic organizations towards this movement, each sub- division shall be required to pay a nominal monthly affiliation fee to the corresponding subdivision of the unemployed movement, believe that we intended or were able to take action, even though they believed that we were the things we lack in our work. This is what makes us yet a Party for the workers, but oe the Party of the workers. Or, again-the Negroes. In Harlem, the Party is isolated. from the Negro workers... It. is true that. we talk to them in the Unemployed Coun- cils,on the street corners. We have them in some of the industrial unions and leagues. But they are a group apart from the other workers. They believe that we can do something for them, not that they become a firm part of the Party and through the Party meet the demands of the workers at the particular time. ‘The proper approach; the understanding of the immediate needs of the workers concretely; the formation of the demands not by ourselves but in direct consultation and discussion with the workers, so that the demands are the de- mands of the workers, not of the Party for the workers; the closest, personal daily contact with the workers, which alone will enable us to form- ulate the immediate burning demands and make us the leaders in the struggle for them—these are the main shortcomings in our work. This is what makes us yet a Party for the workers, but not the Party of the workers. With the 14th Plenum Resolution demands an making decisions without the workers. These decisions are empty, for they can only obstruct the work. That our Party will grow into a mass Party by becoming the Party OF the masses, is clear. It is our task in carrying out the task set up by the 14th Plenum and the Communist In- strations of the unemployed against hunger. 'This is particularly demanded by the imminence of war against th eSoviet Union, which will leave our Party merely declaiming against imperial- ist war, but unable to carry on the basic work in defense of the Soviet, Union. The demands of the 14th Plenum are im- perative. Our Party. must, seh.down to work to By BURCE Before the Conventions of Our Enemies Left” Proposals at the Socialist Party Convention the year 1928 the socialist party at its na- tional convention decided to officially sub- stitute Ford for Marx, and took the class struggle clauses out of its constitution. Hoover heralded @ new day—a day with a “chicken in every pot and two automobiles in every garage.” Hillquit, Lee, Thomas and Co. decided that the class struggle had become out of style side by side of the chicken pot and the two auto garagé. Of course it did-not all really happen so suddenly. The class struggle which was burdening the Socialist, party all these years in the constitution did not really stop the socialist party and its leaders from singing praises to “organized capi- talism” and fighting against the interests of the toiling masses. The socialist party which was always dominated by an opportunist leadership stopped being a working class party with: the split that followed the war and the Russian revolution with the crystalization of the Com- munist Party in the U. S. A. after the split in September, 1919, when in this country all the revolutionary elements in the old socialist party organized a section of the Communist Interna- tional, the International of Lenin. But until 1928 the socialist party leadership could not sum- Mon enough courage to openly declare that it | was the third party of capitalism. That it had abandoned the path of the class struggle and the abolition of the capitalist system for a new faith, a faith in the permanency of capitalism, the “new,” the “organized capitalism” of Ford and Hoover. In the year 1928 and the early part of 1929 the socialist party openly gave up Marx whom they had vulgarized and betrayed for years and adopted Hooverism and Fordism. Crisis Exposes Socialists, But history played a trick on the socialist party. Just at the moment when they had openly proclaimed their new faith, the faith which they had worshiped for a long time with- out getting full due, the capitalist system be- came engulfed in what turned out to be the most. severe crisis in the history of capitalism. Marx Says somewhere that the capitalist system just behaves like that. That before a crisis it ap- pears to the naked eye to be more strong and ro- bust than ever. And now we can see that the severity of the crisis, the deepest economic crisis in the history of capitalism taking place on the background of the general crisis of capitalism which set in with the world war and the Russian Revolution, gave to the naked eye the appear- ance of capitalism being more healthy, more robust than ever in its history. It is thus that all the economists, publicists, professors, and all sorts of apologists of capitalism from the Hoo- vers to the Hilquits and Thomases got fooled. For they could only view events with the “naked eye.” ‘But already in 1927 the leader of the Communist International, Comrade Stalin, speak~ ing before the 15th Russian Party Congress pre- dicted that the events that were later clear to the “naked eye” were on the way. ‘The Com- munist International and its leader, Comrade Stalin, could forsee these events because it does not view events with the “naked eye” but is armed with the powerful “searchlight” of Marx- ism-Leninism, And all those who do not follow in the path of Marxism-Leninism, all those who deviated from the path of Marxism-Leninism could not but be exposed as fools by the devel- opment of events. Inside the Communist Party there were the Cannons and the Lovestones who had become infected with the propaganda of Hooverism, the robustness of capitalism and thus exposed themselves as foreign elements to the Party of the proletariat and were expelled. Only Marxism-Leninism is capable of analyzing these contradictions, only ‘the proletariat has the will to change the system of private property and exploitation. The socialist party not being @ party of the working class, the socialist party not based on the teachings of Marx and Lenin, therefore could not but find itself on the ques- tion of the crisis, as on al other questions, in the camp of the bourgeoisie. Socialist Theory of “Temporary” Crisis. The socialist party found it very difficult to admit this error, As did the socialists the world over. They tried hard to hold on to their theory of “organized capitalism” which bed torn By J. STACHEL. to naught as Algernon Lee proclaimed the teach- ings of Marx which were applicable “to an earlier period.” Together with the Hoovers and Mel- lons—the Butlers, and the Chases, the Hillquits and Thomases spoke about the “temporary” character of the present crisis. They predicted with Hoover that soon it will be over. And Jay Lovestone also saw the crisis just a result of some bad handling of things in Wall Street, but that capitalism was basically sound and still “on the up-grade.” But again things did not happen as the socialists wanted. The crisis grew worse. and it is still growing worse. The attacks on the masses increased and are still increasing. The Communist Party and the revolutionary trade ‘movement placed itself at the head of the growing struggles of the masses. March 6th, 1930, when over a million of unemployed dem- onstrated under the leadership of the Commu- nist Party, showed to the capitalists the danger. It showed that the socialist party, in order to fulfill its tasks as the main social support of the capitalists must change its “line” in order to be able to block the growth of the revolutionary movement in order to be able to do its share in trying to save the capitalism system . . finer division of labor between the open parties of capitalism and the socialist party, the third party of capitalism, became necessary. “Left” Socialists Are Old Betrayers. This explains the new songs in the socialist party. But they are being sung by the same treacherous chorus. And with the same aims to drug the working class into passivity. A new “group” has been formed in the socialist party known as the “militants.” These “militants” are the ministers and intellectuals, middle class elements that in 1928 and 1929 led in the praise of organized capitalism and “class peace.” It is they who were the apostles of the B and O plans, of labor banking, of harmony between capital and labor. It is they who formed the bridge and worked for the conversion of the socialist party into an open liberal party. And it is these gentlemen who are now the spear- head in the socialist party for a “new deal,” for a change of “line.” It is because these gentlemen are more conscious in their role of stopping the growth of the Communist move- ment and because they are not tied by their immediate interests to the AF.L. bureaucracy as are the Hillquits, Waldmans, Pankens, and Karlins, that they can best carry out the “di- vision of labor” given to them by the capitalist class. . Deeper Crisis, More “Left” Phrases. These gentlemen, the “militants,” have come forward with a program of their own for the coming, socialist party convention. “There will appear in the Daily Worker a number of ar- ticles dealing with the “left” proposals of the “militants” on such questions as trade union policy, Soviet Union, war, etc. In a subsequent article I shall deal with their proposals about “unity.” Here I wish to merely deal with the attitude towards the class struggle. And on this fundamental question there is agreement in the socialist party. In the DECLARATION OF | PRINCIPLES issued by the socialist party we find thaff the ‘socialist party in the name of Hillquit, Oneal and Laidier states that “the so- cialist movement grows out of the revolutionary class struggle.” And further, “the more capi- talism develops the more does it demonstrate its unfitness to serve general human interests.” What, happened to the writings of 1928 and 1929 that the class struggle theory has proven false in the face of, a new capitalism that brings greater and greater benefits to all including the toiling masses. Of course, one should not ask such embarassing questions of the Hilquits and ‘Thomases. But it is exactly this question that the workers must ask. It is exactly that taking out and “putting in” the class struggle that un- masks the role of the socialists as the main social support of the capitalists. Tt is the titude to the class siruggle that unc 6 408, socialists as the agents of the bosses in the ranks of the working class whom they are now trying to mislead in order to help the capital- ists to carry through thelr program. of hunger, rconsvant ion onaonui ae aS abe Socialists Fear “Ruin of Civilization” (Capital- | ism) and “Rise of Some New Form of Class Rule” (Dictatorship of the Proletariat.) And if any worker has any, doubts about the role of the socialist party the same DECLARA- TION OF PRINCIPLES furnishes proof beyond doubt as to the aims of the socialist party and its betrayers of every struggle of’ the workers, Says the declaration “... nor does it (the S.P.) think of its present task as being the negative one of destroying capitalism .. such a cataclysm might result in the ruin of civilization (read capitalism, J.S.) or in the rise of some new form of class rule.” So now we have it. The social- ist party is to put the class struggle back in its DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES. And what for? In order to fight against capitalism? In order to destroy the capitalist system? In ér- der to realize the rule of the proletariat? Oh no. They have just told us that they do not conceive their duty to be a “negative” one of destroying capitalism. They have just told us that this would result in the “ruin of civiliza- tion.”. And what is this civilization? It is good old capitalism. And the socialists certainly do not want to ruin civilization (capitalism). Or it may result in some “new form of class tule.” And what may this new class rule be? We have just been told that the “socialist move- ment grows out of the revolutionary class strug- gle.” And that there are two classes. Then what class rule are the socialists afraid of? Is it perhaps the rule of capitalists? But even the socialists will not be so stupid as to tell us that now we have the rule of the working class. They will readily admit that now we have the rule of the capitalists. Then what rule ¢an there be otherwise than the presents class? . Of course the proletariat. And the socialists certainly are afraid of that. They are afraid of the rule of the proletariat. They are afraid of the Dice tatorship of the Proletariat. They are trying to destroy the Dictatorship of the Proletariat which already rules over one sixth of the globe. They are trying to save the rule of the capitale ists, the Dictatorship of the Capitalist Class. And it is for this reason that the socialist party, fearing either the “ruin of civlization (capital- ism)” or “some new form of class rule (Dicta- torship. of the Proletariat)” which of course means the same thing, are trying hard to save capitalism. And once on this job they are, of course, ready to more than give a helping hand to the ruling class to get out of the present crisis, so that the socialist party shall be able | “to devote its efforts above all to the duty of pre- paring within capitalist society the conditions necessary for building of the cooperative Com-| monwealth.” This requires that the burdens of the crisis shalk be placed upon the shoulders of the masses, That the masses shall starve ard not fight for unemployment insurance. That the masses shalk accept and not fight against wage cuts. That the masses shall be ready to die in new ime perialist war in rder to save capitalisni. That the masses shall be ready to fight against the Soviet Union But the reader may ask, “Are not the socialists proc’-iming that they are for unemployment insurance, against wage cuts, against war, etc?” Of course they do. Words Versus Deeds. But Lenin has already taught us that “he who believes in words is an idiot.” The words of the socialists are but to catch the inexper- ienced masses and mislead them. To cover up their foul deeds with radical phrases. Their! declaration of principles makes things more than clear. Put the class struggle back agains to fool the masses and then do everything possible to stop the possibility of “ruin of civilization” or “some new form of class rule.” The Com-| munist Party is the only PartY of the working class, It is the only Party that stands on the basis of the class struggle of the exploited against the exploiters. Yes, the socialist party believes in the clacs struggle. But it repre- coms and fiz (TALIST CLASS, ' ‘The working cic ‘xo loadership of Come munist Party will carry on a struggle in de- fense of the interests of the workers and make it) more and more difficult for the capitalists ta) ge Ae ee a