The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 7, 1932, Page 4

Page views left: 0

You have reached the hourly page view limit. Unlock higher limit to our entire archive!

Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.

Text content (automatically generated)

_DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 7, 1932 vage a ON THE TASKS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY TRADE UNLON ORGANIZATIONS IN WORK AT THE FACTORIES ~— Congress demanded ns a radical turn in the matter of the reconstruction of the revo) y trade union move- ment on a facto. Dur ionths, cer- y be noted in this direction or Germany and partly, and that onl; duriag very in Czecho-Slovakia in these ct Ties in W ‘e are factory de uniott groups, these do not yet by far always and every- where ca’ on d do not ders, or amor factories, reformi: ally cons mags influe expose organization- nor mic stru for th past per The only from THE BASE IN THE FACTORIES 2. All sections of the R. I. L. U. must immediately enter upon the roconsiruction of the revolution- trade union movement on a factory besis, taking into account, in doing so, the experience of the past, and it must be borne in mind that this” recons.ruction cannot ie 9) bare ‘on ing, cement tnut go on as an i ent part of the fd lecGer sip ‘of conere-e ud other ad the torts of mass revolutionary nd the un- he present of- ‘The recon- cay tal. : of the revolutionary t «meat on a fac- 0 3 in every country, nis! 453° most or . nich the oNensivye of capital o? the proctariat and wu... eon cauonce of this, thee 4 the .arce favorable objective situ- a. un for the 15.2 uaacy mobll- ication of the masses, . the factory revolutionary {rade union group should, accord- ing to the decisions of the Vth Congress, include the members of the Red Trade Unions, the revo- tuiionary opposition and the re- other reac.ionary nions, working in one and me factory. It is the main organization of the revolutionary trade union movement (revolu- tionary trade unions, and revolu- tionary trade union oppositions), 4. The ‘most important condi- ton for the penetration into the | faciories and for winning it is the capacity of the rank and file leading organs of the revolution- ary elements (including also the revolutionary and opposition ele- ments among the social demo- crats and members of the reform- ist and other reactionary trade unions) in the factories, and also | | @ skillful and proper approach to | these elements and their organi- zation, ‘To penetrate into the factories and to establish contact, dozens of all sorts of methods may be utilized, ticularly in such countries in | ich the revolutionary trade union movement is legal and semi-legal: (1) the calling of open or half- open. tHose factories in which there are m6 members of the revolutionary trade union organization, for the discussion of various questions of the struggle and their immediate demands (including also small fly- ing meetings of five or ten per- sons); (2) systematic’ discussion of questions of defense of the inter- ‘ests of the workers in the given fac- ‘tory at regularly convened meetings jof members of a given trade union working in a given factory (and at aD such meetings workers who are not members of the revolutionary union organizations may also present); (3) the calling of the workers of a given factory who are members of various mass organiza- ,tions connected with the revolu- tionary trade union movement, for ‘example, the Red Sportsmen, Red Aid, etc.; (4) the calling of readers of the revolutionary trade union press working in a given factory; if the police conditions permit it, organization of meetings of the torial committees of the revo- tionary papers and journals to workers of the given factory who are in sympathy should be in- vited; (5) the utilization of the con- per eee secured | such a way that it should imme- ' the proletariat. | METHODS OF PENETRATION | | | | ists and employers so as to estab- | | | | \ (depending upon the police | conditions) meetings of workers of | 7) in Poland and the proletariat is the mobilization of the working masses, and the members of the trade unions in the first place. Thts can be doi Lr easily in the factories than any where else. The Central Council demands from all scz-ions to place | in the center of their attention the speediest reconstruction of all their | work on a factory basis. The Central Council demands the blishment of systematic control over the actual realization of this direct#ve and the removal of all those leading functionaries who will turn out to be incapable or will not desire to carry oyt in practice and replace them by fresh militants who will arise in the process of struggle | (organizers and leaders of strikes’ | and various movements of protests, ete. The faci and the big factory ‘a the first plate, must be won and must become the fortress of the revolutionary trade union move- ment—such is the fundamental | slogan of the international revolu- | lionary trade union movement for the nearest time. the main organ of contact of the revolutionary trade union move- ment with the proletarian masses on the basis of the day to day defense of their interests and the struggle against the employers | aud their police, the fascistg and | sovial-fascist agents. The fundamental method of the | work of the factory group % the united front from way of drawing into the day to day struggle of the broadest masses of workers in the given fac- lory, ixrespective of their political convictions, sex or age. In con- | formiiy with this, the work of the | factory group should be built up in taccies of the below diately respond to the everyday | needs and requirements of the wor.ers of its factory, and its work should in this manner become filled with live day to day content on concrete questions of the organiza- tion of the -workers in the factory | and their mobilization for the struggle in defence of the: inter- ests—it is only in this way-that the factory revolutionary trade union group will be able to win the con- fidence of the working masses. To seize upon everyching, including the | smallest of questions which arise wa the day to day lite of the tac- tories. to mobilize the working masses for the struggle for their vital demands—such is the chief task of the groups in the factories, | Such is the substance of its day to day work, the main path towards | the solidarity of the trade union groups with the broad masses which ig one of the most important pre- requisites for the independent lead-. | ership of the economic struggle of through various revolutionary mass organizations connected wih the revolutionary trade“ union move- ment; (6) the sale of the revolu- tionary trade union press, particut larly of specially published factory |newspapers and the establishment of contact in the spreading of such press; (7) individual conversations with workers at the factory gates before they leave or begin work, in restaurants, etc.; (8) organtation of flying meetings at the factory gates; (9) penetration at workers’ meetings organized by the reform- lish contact with these workers in opposition to and dissatisfied with the policy of their leaders; (10) util- ization of the revolutionary minded unemployed and late workers in the given factory, etc. In waging various general cam- paigns, and also in the mobilization | of the workers of a given factory | | for the struggle for their daily de- mands, an attempt should be made to organize all kinds of workers’ meetings and conferences and in organizing individual and group conversations with workers, it is necessary every time to prepare carefully, and take into account all the peculiarities of every such meet- ing and conversation, and take into account that there must be one approach to the skilled and elderly workers, and another to the juve- nile workers, and a particular ap- | proach to the women workers; meet- ings and negotiations with foreign workers must be prepared in a special way. It is necessary to pre- pare with special care talks for members of the reformist and other reactionary trade unions, where the line of the united front from below must be carried out in the most elastic forms, but without opportunistically glossing over the counter-revolutionary nature of social-fascism ag the main social prop of the bourgeoisie. In such cases it must be particularly stressed that our attitude to the leaders and the honestly erring — International of Labor Unions workers is not the same. In the reconstruction of the revolutionary trade union movement on a factory basis, there will be cases in the future, ‘as there were in the past, of. resistance and direct counter- action.on the part of comrades who do not understand the importance of the work in the factories or on the part’ of the opportunist ele- ments. In such cases, while pa- tiently and persistently reconvinc- , ing.and re-educating such comrades, | portan the necessary changes in the meth- ods of work and organizational structure of the revolutionary move- ment must be secured, rely#ag upon comrai who understand the im- of this work. In striving to penetrate into the factories, the formation of strong revolutionary. trade union groups in the main leading shops must be striven after with particular persistency. THE FIGHT AGAINST TERROR 5. The revolutionary trade union movement in all countries, in the reconstruction of its work on a factory basis, comes up against the system of terrorism and cor- ruption which is applied by the employers, the police, the social- democracy and the fascists. Es- pionage in the factory, the system of buying functionaries, trans- ferring them to better paid jobs. fascist groups in the factories, of spying upon them and bring> ing to light the revolutionary workers and watching workers outside the factories with the object of discovering the readers of the revolutionary press—such is the international system of the factory administrations, the po- lice, the soeial-democracy and fast s, whose object is to prevent any kind of revolutionary work in the factories. Resolution of the Eighth Session of the Central Council of the Red | which the revolutionary trade union ; elected .shop,. shift and ~ brigade movement is illegal as well as in those where it is legal according to the laws. However, all these diffi- culties in the work of the revolu- tionary trade union organizations in the factorles can be overcome by way of properly arranging the work, provided the factory groups will be built up as illegal organiza- tions which will ensure contact with the wide masses of workers of the factory by way of a proper co- ordination of the illegal methods with the semi-legal and legal ones. The work of the factory revolu- tionary trade union groups of. sec- tions must be built up in such a way that, while preserving at all costs the mass. and, as far ag police conditions will permit, open charac- | ter, they should be at the same time defended against the repressions of the police and employers’ - terror. With these objects in view, the fac- tory trade union groups (or sec- tions) should: (1) be built up ac- trade union delegates; (2) prepare and catry through mass’ action, relying upon the various factory or- ganizations such as factory shop committees, revolutionary delegates, workers delegations, elected dele- gates, Various kinds of committees of struggle strike committees and committees of struggle against lock- outs, etc.; (3) the factory groups must be surrounded with a network of various openly existing and for- mally not connécted with the fac- tory organizations, such as mutual aids funds, cultural and educa- tional circles, clubs, sport groups, etc. taking upon themselves the initiative of the formation of such groups and adopting measures so that every one of them should have @ firm kernel from consistent ad- herents of the revolutionary trade union Movement; these organiza- tions should, at the same time, be the organizational. base for the | mass work. The members of the factory gtoups musi carry out in ¢ below whin all these auxiliary organizations. The permanent and temporary | factory organs, such as workers’ | delegates, factory shop committees, | strike committees at times of | strike, etc., elected by and repre- | senting all the workers in the fac- tory, are of particular importance. Such organs which arise on the wave of the inass revolutionary ac- tivity. of the workers are the trans- | mission belts which link up the fac- | tory. groups of. the revolutionary trade. union. moyement with the masses and, at the same time, by | relying upon such organs of mass revolutionary activity, it will be possible to break through. police barriers, for instance, to establish’ by direct action the control over the employment and dismissal of work- ers, to secure changes in the inter- nal regtilations of the factory, to carry through proposals for the expulsion of spies, also the expulsion of foremen and technicians hostile specially introduced into the working masses with the object italist and The National Board of the Trade Union Unity League Reviews Its Work and Outlines Its Tasks These difficulties exist tn all cap- colonial countries, in | brigades everywhere cording to the shops, shifts and by their the most consistent mannér the tactics of the united front from JHE National Executive Board of the Trade * Union Unity League met in New York City | on April 20 and 21. In addition to the regular members of the NEB there were present a num- er of comrades from the factories, the organ- | izers of the most important districts of the TUUL and other active workers in the revolutionary trad® union movement, among them comrades active in developing the opposition work in the | old unions, railroad workers, building trades work- ets, printers and others. Comrade Minerich of | the National Miners Union was elected chairman | for the first day and Bill Siroka of the National | Textile Workers Union, recently released from | jail, having served a six months sentence in connection with a textile strike in Putnam, Conn., was elected chairman for the second day. The agenda was the report on the work and | decisions of the 8th session of the RILU Cen- | tral Council by Comrade Stachel followed by | reports of the secretaries of the National Miners, | Union Gorich), of the Metal Workers (Meldon), | the Marine Workers (Hudson), the Textile | | | Workers (Burlak), the Railroad Workers League | (Wangerin), and a report on the New York Dress Strike (Wortis), as the first point followed by a | report on the tasks of the TUUL unions in the work among the unemployed. Of particular im- portance was the report of Comrade Foster on | the work in the reformist unions. In addition to these main points there were reports on Labor | Unity, the campaign against deportations, with | special resolutions against lynching, for the re- | lease of the nine Scottsboro boys, protest against the decision on Mooney, Defense of Soviet Union, etc. Significance of RILU Plenum Comrade Stachel in outlining the work of the RILU plenum emphasized that the plenum was especially significant for two reasons. First be- | cause it met already at the time when the Jap- | anese imperialists having invaded Manchuria | were threatening at the borders of the Soviet Union. Secondly, while the plenum of the RILU | did not have the same importance as the 4th | Congress when the basic line of independent | leadership was laid down or the 5th Congress which-elaborated on the basic line and laid down basic organizational principles it was the first plenum of the RILU in which it was possible to review the lessons of the struggles carried on by the RILU sections in the various counties under their own leadership since the period between | the 5th Congress (July 1930) and ‘tHe 8th ses- sion (December 1931) was the period during | which a whole number of the RILU sections led important strikes and unemployed struggles. Preparation of Struggles. the question of the work in the factories, the methods of work, the methods of penetration into the factories, the reorganization of the | TUUL unions and revolutionary oppositions in the old unions on the basis of the factory. He pointed to the resolution on Work in the Fac- tories adopted by the RILU plenum and stressed the final warning given by the RILU Executive that a turn must be made at once with regard ; to the work in the factories and that those trade union leaders who are incapable or unwilling to make this fi§rn will be exposed by the RILU before the masses, and their places taken by workers from the ranks who are willing and able to carry through these tasks. Why was this final warning given to the leaders by the RILU? Because it is impossible to carry through the leadership of the struggles of the masses, to develop the united front from below, to prepare and lead strikes properly without entrenching the revolutionary unions inside the factories. Unless the work in the factories is. seriously undertaken all other good resolutions remain on paper. Stachel brought forward numerous: ex- amples with regard to the preparation of strikes, the leadership of strikes to show how the failure to work inside the factories, to base the unions on the factories made it impossible to develop and lead the struggles of the workers (1931 wage cut in steel, the second Lawrence strike, East Ohio miners strike, etc.), and the loss of influ- ence to the reformists in the course of the strike as a result of this (Paterson). The TUUL lead- ership which has not yet made the turn to the work inside the shops is now before a test. The RILU has spoken quite definitely and sharply. ‘We must now give the answer. Not any more in resolutions. But in actual work of penetrating | the factories and in building our organizations * there. The leadership of the TUUL and the unions must make themselves responsible for directly undertaking the leadership of the work in a definite factory, learn through experience how to conduct the work, how to overcome the obstacles and make this experience available to | the entire revolutionary trade union movement. | At present our leaders have.too much the ten- dency to blame their lack of decisiveness and ini- tiative in carrying through the turn to the fac- | tories on the passivity of the rank and file | workers inside the shops. While here and there we can find this passivity to exist this is not the basic cause. We can not make the turn by denying the problems and difficulties raised by the rank and file comrades in the factorles. These problems.do exist. Our task is to help the | Workers to solve them. But to solve them we must have the knowledge of the conditions in | the factories and the various problem. This can | not be acquired merely by reading resolutions. In reviewing the work of the plenum Comrade Stachel emphasized the main points: first, the preparation for strikes, concretely pointing out the mistakes made by the TUUL unions in the failure to properly prepare the strikes (Penn miners’ strike, Kentucky, textile strikes, of Law- rence and Paterson, etc.). Secondly, the possi- bility of the development of other forms of eco- nomic struggle than mass strikes (exposure of conditions, stoppages, protests, slowing down on the job, department strikes, local strike, etc.), not as an end in themselves but as part of the development of the day to work of the unions development of the day*to day work of the unions and in preparation for mass strugglges. Already it was possible to give a number of illus- trations in the work of the Metal League (Mc- Keesport, Mansfield), of the Shoe Workers In- | dustrial Union, to prove how effective these other forms of struggle can be. He emphasized that at the present time our unions, though no longer purely in the agitational stage, still suffer considerably from this. They confine their work to agitation and propaganda and this activity is punctuated by strikes from time to time de- | pending mainly om the spontaneiity of the mass- | es (Lawrence, mining, etc.), thus the unions in between strikes carry on no day to day strug- gles. Under such conditions they can not prop- erly prepare strikes. He further emphasized that the question can not be put as some perhaps have a tendency to do: preparations or strikes, partial struggles or mass strikes, but that the | question must be put: preparations for strikes and the others forms of economic struggle, the day to day work, as part of the preparations for mass struggles, ‘The two main questions dealt with at the RILU Plenum were the questions of work in the factories and the tactic of the united front. | Work In the Factories. | Comrade Stachel gave the major attention to | Ohio among ‘This must be acquired through practical leader- ship and work in the factories. United Front. The RILU pointed out that the united front tactic is the best weapon to mobilize the masses for the struggle. Very often we fail to realize this and look upon the united front tactic as merely some maneuver in the course of the struggle. We fail to realize that unless we watch every move of the reformist bureaucrats, counteract it and exopse it they are able to blame us for disunity. Recently ‘the social fascists have take move and more to maneuvering. They are applying the most radical phrases in order to misiead the masses. We in many instances allowed them to get away with these maneuvers. We did not ex- pose them. We have underestiinated their ability to maneuver because we already spoke of the complete fascization of the trade unions, But what do we see in practice? While we assured the workers that the reformist bureaucrats will not undertake strikes, they do undertake strikes. Thus we appear before the masses as ridiculous. Instead we should have warned the workers that seeing the mood of the masses for suruggle | the bureaucrats will not hesitate to use the mest radical phrases in order to fool the workers, will not hesitate to call strikes in order to defeat the demands of the workers, to stop the development of the revolutionary trade union movement. In recent months we have seen in the U,S.A. how this has proven correct. In Paterson and Law- | rence the A. FP, of L, and its Musveite wings have carried through such strikes. Just recently they have carried through such strikes In East ‘ve miners, among the longshore- men in New York City. In Illinois we could see the extent of the maneuvers of the bureaucrats when in answer to a demand for a 60 per cent wage cut on the part of the operators they an- swered with demands for a 20 per cent increase in wages and for the 6-hour day, never intending to fight against.the wage cut but merely to se- cure the confidence of the miners. Already they are, through- agreements as to stoppage, causing the demoralization of the miners and jJaying the basis ‘for the wage cut which they have already accepted in part in the negotiations they are now carrying through. The RILU pointed out that we in this country have reduced the united front to's mere formula which’ is the same for all occasions.’ It pointed out that the forms of the united front tactic must be varied depending upon the special con- ditions in each instance, that we must not be- lieve that because of the growing radicalization of the masses all necessity to maneuver in or- der to defeat the reformists is no longer necessary. On the contrary the growing radicalization of the massés, the consequently increasing use of demagogy and maneuvers on the part of the fascist and social fascist leadership of the A. F. of.L. requires greater maneuvering on our part. But that while we must vary the forms of the united front while we must take the initiative in the fight for unity which the workers are pressing for, we must never deviate from the fol- lowing basi¢ content of the united front tactic from below, The united front organs should be: 1, Formed for the struggle against the em- ployers. 2. Elected by the workers in the factories. 3, They should consist. of. workers of various tendencies. . 4. They should not substitute for reyolution- Comrade Stachel dealt briefly in the course of his report on the. work atfiong the unemployed and ‘the:work inside the ‘reformist unions since there were special reports on ‘these two ques- Fight Agsinst White Chauvinism. ’ The final point in the report’ was the work among the Negro masses, Sharp criticisms were made with respect to work of the revolutionary unions among the Negro masses and in the first place regarding the ork of the TUUL Bureau itself. Two points were particularly em- phasized, That, while we telk generally. about the winning of the Negro Workers for the trade unions. we have made no real steps forward in putting forward special concrete demands for the Negro workers. Where demands are being put forward they are of the most general char- acter such as “equal pay for equal work”, but the concrete demands for the Negro miners, steel workers, etc, are not being put forward. ‘This was clearly seen in the complaints raised by the Negro miners in the recent convention of the National Miners Union, Secondly, that the revolutionary unions do not carry on a struggle against the existence of white chauvinism in the | ranks of the revolutionary unions, It was pointed out that not always does this white chauvinism expose itself openly but hides itself under many flags, We have not been sharp in unearthing and exposing this concealed form of white chau- vinism. One of the manifestations of this white chauvinism is the failure to put forward and develop leading- cadres from° among the ranks of the Negro raembers of our unions. War Danger Center of Al Our Work, ‘Throughout the report Cornrade Stachel em- phasized that in all our work we must bear in mind that already war rages in the Par East. That Japanese imperialism isn’t only making war on the Chinese people, but is moving closer and closer to the borders of the Soviet Union.’ That U. 8. imperialism is dotng everything possible to hasien the attack of the. Japanese imperial- ists against the USSR as part of its struggle for hegemony in the Pacific. That the U. 8 is carrying on a double faced policy. It is shipping munitions to Japan to be used e°a'nst the Chi- tes? people and aga’ st the UZ Prom this it follows that we must do all in cur power to mo- Dilise the masses against U. S, iuiperiali against the ruthless tinperiatism of Japan and for the Defense of the Soviet Usdon. This re- quires that we undertake iramediately practical steps with regard to the work in the basic: in- dustries, in the munition plants and to stop the shipments of war supplies and munitions. This requires not a change from the detailed prac- tical day to day struggles in the factories for some general activity but on the contrary the most painstaking attention to these tasks. to the workers, etc. The various kinds of elected or-» gans of struggle (strike committees, ete.) formed in the factories, must be elected by all the workers and not only by the members of the fac- tory groups, but the factory groups of the revolutionary trade union opposition, as is stated in the reso- lution of the Vth Congress, must take upon themselves the initia- tive of .the . formation of such organs. and the direction of their activity. from within. Two dangers must .be avoided !n this in their interrelations with the organs of ~ struggle from. the factory revolu- tionary trade upion opposition; as is stated in the resolution of the Vth Congress, must take upon themselves the initiative of the for- mation of such. organs and the direction of. their activity from WORKERS’ All the measures of self defense against. the employers’ terror car- ried out by the revolutionary trade union’ factory group must under no circumstances serve as a pretext for the justification of opportunist moods which are to be found among the adherents of the revolutionary trade union moyement, such as, for examplpe, the fear to come out openly in the factory. The best means of defense of a factory trade union group against repression, ter- rorism and dismissal is that it should win the workingmen of the factory. While it will be capable to liquidate a trade upion group which is isolated from the workers, | eVen the most’ perfect system of within. Two dangers must be avoided in this in their interrela- tions with the organs of struggle: (a) naked commanding and the striving to lead. by orders,. (b) the separatiop of the orgafis of strug- gle from the factory revolutionary trade union groups. The latter must, establish close | contact with the factory organs of struggle by way" of work from within. They must.secure by way of persistent and patient explana- tory work the adoption of the line of tactics of the revolutionary trade union movement by the entire mass of workers andsecure on the basis of elections of such..composition of the organs of struggle which would fully ensure the line of the revolu- tionary trade union movement; (4) to penetrate into all enemy organizations. which exist in the factory, ‘also in. to all organized by the employers (workers’ mutual aid funds, sport, etc.), to utilize as far as possible also their premises / (names et¢,). so as to get into con- tact with the workers who. are members of these organizations and by way. of persistent educational work to win them over to the side of the revolutionary trade union movement; (6) while forming vari- ous organs of struggle, not to in- clude in them the entire factory revolutionary trade union active and factory group,’ but always to leave a reserve against cases of Possible repressions; (6) unem- ployed members who were previous- ly working in the given factory, also workers of Other factories, should be appointed for the accom- plishment of work which may more easily draw the attention of the police and employers’ spies (speak- ers at factory gates, distributors of literature outside the factory, etc.) ; (1) the factory ‘newspaper, legal and illegal trade union literature and the press of other mass revolu- tionary trade wnidh organizations, should be widely utilized for spread- ing the slogans and directives of the reyolutionary trade union move- ment among the workers in the factory. ~ DEFENSE terrorism will proye powerless be- fore..a factory revolutionary trade union organization “which has the capacity of penetrating into the very depths of the ‘working masses. The factory groups must therefore be broadened by ‘enrolling new members from among the factory workers. This wilt make it possible for the trade union group to extend its influence in the factories. The extent to which ‘the revolutionary activity of the proletariat and the @ consolidation of-its:elass factory or- ganizations will grow, to that extent will the possibility of the applica- tion of repressions become more difficult and the conditions of rev- olutionary work in’ the fattories become easier. ; DAY TO DAY WORK 6. The factory trade union group must carry on intensive day to day work. This work. must be based on the demands in every factory, which must be formu- lated on the basis of the gencral Hine of the revolutionary trade union movement and in applica- tion to the concrete conditions of the given factory. The day to day work must also consist in the explanation of this. program of action and, together with it, the aims and tasks of the revolution- ary trade union movement to the workers with whom the work has to be carried on (carefully select- ing every time.a special form of approach and avoiding provoca-~ teurs and reactionary workers who are collaborating with the police), exposing at the same time the reformist social-fascists and fas- cist leaders. Every event in the taciory and outside it which affects the inter- ests’ of the masses (reduction of wages, dismissal for revolutionary work, deductions, rude treatment on the part of foremen, cases of in- jury, etc.) mist be immediately taken advantage of in individual agitation by way -of-the holding of meetings if possible in the place of work, and the shops (even though these meetings be numer- ically small), so as to explain what has to be done, arid to-defend the interests,of the workers, and also by way of elucidating all the ques- tions of the struggle of the work- ers for their vital demands in the factory newspapers or special leaf- lets. [Initiative should be taken in putting forward questions \of car- rying through -various kinds of mass action, meetings, demonstra- tions, shop and general factory | 4 eed sn eS SSS conferences and strikes according — ye to the situation, also initiative in the formation and-organization of various kinds of .organs of the strike committees~and committees of struggle against Jockouts, ete. RECRUITING In the process of this work, cf mobilization of the wo.kers of the fectory around the concrete factory demends, there must also proceed dey to day work of re- cruiting of new members for the factory group. Col'ections for the needs of the revolutionary trade Union movement, the press, a fighting fund, a sirike and lock- out fund, ete. In connection with the’ sums collected, regular re- porting must be organized, pub- lishing in the press statements of all sums collected and disbu'sed. ‘The whole of this work can only be.carvied out provided every mem- ber of the group will d'spicy a an of initiative at the place dirsetiy in the factor- ies and will himself be able to reiy upon @ lently tporiant circie of syiapathizing revolutionarily and oppositionally inclined workers who, for some reason, have not yet joined the factory group. Another necessary condition of the success- ful work of the revolutionary trade union factory group consists in the presence of proper contact between the individual shop and shift cells of the groups, regular joint meet- ings and conferences of the shop and shift representatives, « 5 which experiences ‘should be“ exchanged and self-criticism take place in re- gard to the work performed. and in which the immediate tasks and the methods of their realization should be indicated. It is particu- larly important and even necessary to have such’ meetings and con- ferences when deciding questions of generel factory demends and when deciding a question’of general fac- tory movements. Finally, the whole structure and forms of work of the leading organs-of the revolu- tionary trad? union movement faust be bwit up in’such a way as to éncure th’ possibility of ‘the epesdiect contact with the live day to day leedership~ of the work of the faciory group. ‘Phis reconstruc- tion must, in tie’ first place, be carried through in telation to the factory groups wiiféh are working in the leading. big'factories, where the question of-the-organization of resistance to the offensive of capi- talism is more acute! “ f (To be concluded)

Other pages from this issue: