The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 5, 1932, Page 4

i ; New York and mail all City. N. ¥, Telephone Algonquin 4-7: checks to the Da: Cab! ly Worker, 50 Bast 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. “DATWORK," By mail everywhere: One year, $6; siz months, ef Manhattaz and Bronx, New York City. Es: two months, $1; excepting renin: Foreign: one year, $8; six montha $4.5¢. as Before the Conventions of Our Enemies BE YOURSELF, MR. THOMAS Article 1 HE liberal Barnes in a ser World-Telegram, advises Norman Thomas to becomes his own self, a true liberal and not to be burdend” by the name of Socialist. The Reverend objects” Why? Let us examine it a bit more Josely In the d was xit of articles in the of ‘prosperity” Norman Thomas is to prove that the Socialist Party was nothing but a liberal Party. Was not then the “class struggle” clause eliminated from the Constitution of the Socialist Party? Now, that even the capitalist politicians speak of sapitalism in the United States being on trial, now when the toiling masses, faced with starva ion, are beginning fu ly to resist the war and hunger program of the bourgeoisie, the “class struggle’ phrase is being introduced again and Socialist P: throws off its liberal coat and b to use revolutionary phrases. Why? nd James inly not! 9s Norman ‘Thomas, Hilquit d a change of heart? Ci What then is the reason? The answer is clear. The growing radicalization of the masses must be stopped, at least arrested; diverted into safer channels. In order to accomplish this the So- cialist Party (that by its acts of treachery is laging the basis for Fascism) is using radical phrases, even revolutionary phrases. The “Objections” of Thomas Let examine the answer, the “objections f the “revolutionary firebrand” Thomas to his liberal friend Barnes, a friendship to be sure which ghly valued by the two gentlemen, out of the deep respect to each other's service in their joint mission of saving the dying capitalist system. The World-Telgram of April 27th publishes Norman ‘Thomas’ letter to his liberal friend. There we read “Socialists differ from Communists mostly in respect to tactics. In general, Socialists and Communists share the same economics and look forward to similar forms of society after Socialism is achieved.” (What about the forms of struggle that will lead to the achieve- ment of Socialism, not merely to will happen after Socialism is achieved Why, a sudden, does the Reverend display such Christian charity and generosity, a willing- ntss to identify the revolutionary goal of the Communists with the counter-revolutionary practice and goal of the Socialist Parts Three years of crisis, three years of mass hun- ger, the triumphant march of Socialism in the deepens the waning faith of the in capitalism, increases tt faith in et Union, brings them closer to Com- ism To Stem the Tide Toward Communism. ‘To stem the growing tide towards Communism, | Socialist Party attempts to identify (by per- versions of course) the theory of the Socialist Party which is based upon its counter revolu- | tionary practice, with the Communists who, by leading the daily struggles of the workers, are organizing the masses for a revolutionary way out of the crisis. To keep the workers from fighting the offen- sive of the bourgeoisie, Mr. Thomas says: “So- cialists differ from Communists mostly in respect | to tactics.” It certainly is not a difference in By SAM DON tactics. This is merely stated to confuse the workers. However, we may say, that the forced admittance of a differnce in tactics is the dif- ference between the revolutionary practice, the strategy and tactics of the Communists in or- ganizing the workers for their daily struggles to improve their living conditions, and the coun- ter-revolutionary practice of the Socialists, in order to disarm the workers. Let us take’a few examples. Morgan speaks for the Block Aid system, so does Thomas. The Communists are in the lead in the struggle for unemployment insurance and immediate relief. But Thomas also claims to be for unemployment insurance But what is the differnce? While Thomas speaks for the Block Aid, while the So- cialist administration in Milwaukee follows the same program of starvation (forced labor), the Comunists are training and organizing the workers that only through mass revolutionary struggles will the workers compel the bosses to grant their immediate demands. And the¥e is’a world of difference’ between the ‘Workers Unem= ployment Insurance Bil which is based on mak- ing the state and the employers bear the entire expense of unemployment insurance, and the unemployment insurance proposals of the So- cialist Party which are worked out along the lines of the liberals to lessen greatly the respon- sibility of the state and employers for the main- tenance of the unemployed. Indeed Thomas spoke for the Block Aid system, but the New York Unemployed Councils arranged a militant demonstration against closing the Relief Buros, with the immediate result (by no means satis- factory but significant just the same) that Tam- many was compelled to vote a $5,000,000 bond dssue for relief. Thomas will speak in favor of anemployment ‘insurance in order to stop the workers from resorting to mas militant action, the only way to compel the granting of unem- ployment insurance, As we can see the difference in tactics (adopting for the sake of argument Thomas’ phrase) is the diference between fighting cap- italism—the road of the Communist—and mak- ing peace with capitalism—the road of the So- cialists to adopt without strugle and in submis- sion the capitalist program of hunger and war. Indeed the daily practices and experiences of the working-class in testing the leadership of the Communists and the Socialists is the best answer as to’ where revolutionary workers be< Jong, and a smashing answer to the counter- revolutionary attempt of ‘Thomas to identify Comunism with his liberal Socialsm. Negro Soldiers and Imperialist War Today the Daily Worker begins the publica- tion of a series of three articles, compiled by the editorial board of the Liberator, exposing the facts of the shameful discrimination practiced against Negro soldiers during the last impe- rialist war—a discrimination that ranged from Jim-Crow rest-rooms and mess-halls to brazen and brutal lynchings and massacres of the Ne- gro workers and toilers in uniform. The Daily Worker asks ex-servicemen, both Negro and white, and all workers, to send us additional facts, which we shall print. Article No. 1 DAY, on the eve of a new imperialist war the bosses, and the misleaders of the Negro people, are considering the question: How are we to drag the Negro masses into another war? And already the Negro misleaders, such as Gar- vey, Pickens, etc., have begun a barrage of poi- sonous propaganda to the effect that Japan, who is attacking Manchuria in preparation for a general imperialist attack on the Soviet Union | by America, France and all other capitalist powers, should be supported as a force that will “unite the darker races.” This propaganda is part and parcel of the war preparations. But the Negro workers and farmets will nét | so easily be fooled into another imperialist war. | The treatment received by Negro soldiers during the last war, the continued Jim Crowism in the years since, the terrific increase of lynchirigs and lynch frame-ups—all these things have opened the eyes of large masses of Negro workers to their real enemies, who are also the enemits of the white workers—the bosses. The facts about the shameful treatment ac- corded Negroes during the last world war should " be known to every worker and should be spread Plans to Enslave the Working Class in War Time By DAVID MARTIN Bae gene workers may think that the conscription of all the workers of the nation during the war is a fantastic idea only existing in the heads of a few fascisti, This is not so at all. It is on the contrary the logical working out of the most | modern theory of war as thought out by the best | capitalist minds, both civil and military. That this theory involves a highly developed fascism only proves that there can be no real difference between the avowed fascists and those who claim to be liberala, The conception of the “Whole Nation At War” developed toward the end of the 1914-18 world slaughter. Up to then war was conceived as be- ing fought between armies and navies. But that war showed that for a country to win a war, it must be able to swing the whole nation to a war basis in the shortest possible time. Bernard Baruch, formerly head of the War Industries Board states the case very clearly in a lengthly monogram submitted to the War Pol- icies Commission hearing held in 1931. He writes: “What it really means is that in the next major conflict the entire population must sud- denly cease to be a congeries of individuals, each following a self appointed course and become a vast unitary mechanism, composed, in our case, ‘of some 125,000,000 co-related moving parts all working toward the end of directing practically all our material resources to the single purpose of victory.” “Modern war requires that the full power of the nation be extended in the shortest possible space of time, not only to the violent beating down of the enemy by any destructive ma- terial force we can invent or use, but also to every process of slow and often insidious economic strangulation and political isolation that we can devise and administer.” (Require- ments of Modern War—Hearings. Sec. 2, p. 31). Baruch is one who in the hearing expressed Bimself against the conscription of labor for industrial purposes in the next war. But who can doubt that his own conception of war leads directly to ‘industrial conscription.’ How else can 125,000,000 individuals “become a vast unit~ ary mechanism” working toward the single Purpose of victory. It is not only financiers who are giving serious thought to industry in the coming war. The military leaders also have their plans ready to put into operation the moment war seems imminent. Thus General Douglas Mao- Arthur, chief of staff of the U. 8. Army, pre- wented a treatise to the Commission entitled “Plan for Industrial Mobilization.” He also recognizes the need of forced labor. He writes on labor; | Seation 1~ (c) “Labor: ‘The assurancé to industry of jan adequate labor supply, both in numbers rs by occupational qualifications, will require ee erin of 9 lnhas edrsaiticntion ib } an administrator of labor appointed by and directly responsible to the President at its head. In addition labor will be represented in the organization of the director of war industry by the appointment of its NATURAL LEAD- ERS to positions on the war service commit- tees.” “Among the more important problems to be considered are the minimizing OF EXCES- SIVE MIGRATIONS OF LABOR by an equit- able distribution of war orders, THE PREVEN- TION OF UNETHICAL COMPETITION FOR LABOR by war industries, compilation for the information of the President of lists of in- dustrial deferments required for efficient op- eration of war industries. THE AVOIDANCE AND SETTLEMENT OF INDUSTRIAL DIS- PUTES and the co-ordination of employment services.” (Emphasis ours. D.M.). Page 413, Part 2. Role of A-F.L. and Social Fascist Leadems The war department is carefully taking into consideration the necessity of using “natural leaders” of the working class in putting over its fascist war program. First and foremost they will depend on the fascist leaders of the A.F.L., Matthew Woll, Green, etc. But in a war period they will need more cunning betrayers of the working class, then Muste, Norman Thomas, Hillquit, Heywood Broun, the tearful hypocrit~ ical pacifists of today will have their place in the sun. How they will glory in being part of the war department's labor administration. The Tasks of the Party ‘The war program requires the co-operation of a docile and servile working clas. In this lies our strength. We must not, however, expect that the workers will rise spontaneously against this fascist program. Instead we must NOW bring to the working class our program, our struggle agains; war. We must organize the workers in the factories, mines, mills and in the fields in our revolutionary trade unions, and into the Party. War is imminent. The Hoover government is already proceeding with the first part of the war program, “insidious economic strangulation and political isolation,” against the Soviet Union. It refuses to consider a boycott against the mur- derous Japanese imperialism but has in effect already a boycott against the Soviet Union. The next step is war. We must put forth every energy to build our trade unions and organize the workers in the shops. This is our most effective answer to the Hoover War Program. Every shopnucleus, every Red Union is a weapon in our hands to ham- per in every way the war program of the Hoo- ver government against the Soviet Union. Build the Party! Build our Revolutionary Trade Unions! Build Anti-War Committees! Only by carrying out these tasks can we make real slogan TURN b D broadcast to disillusion the Negroes with the fake promises which the misleaders will certainly put forth as soon as war is declared. Here, then, are the facts: “Every dollar loaned, every sacrifice made, every useful service performed, will tend to win for the colored American everywhere the fullest measure of American opportunity,” said Emmett J. Scott, Negro assistant to the War Department) in 1917. How this promise has been fulfilled, the lynchings, frame-ups and continued discrimi- nation in the years since the war can testify. The promise that was made by Scott was in | line with the bait held out to the Negro workers. The famous editorial by DuBois, “Close Ranks,” urged the Negroes to “forget” lynching, to “for- | get” persecution, and to join hands with the bosses in the imperialist war. Kelly Miller and all the other misleaders swung into line, As early as the spring of 1915, a group of Ne- gro bourgeois newspaper editors were called to Washington, osterisibly to attend certain social functions and to lecture, but in reality to con- fer with the white masters as to how best to pull the Negro masses into the slaughter when the U, & entered it. Another conference was held early ifi 1917, A committee of 100 Negroes— Preachers, doctors, editors, university directors, etc.—was formed, whose function was to hold out fake promises, and to quell the discontent of the Negro masses with lynching and Jim-Crow, in elvilian lifé and in the army. Lynching of Negroes an@ Negro Soldiers During the War. With the declaration of war,a wave of lynch- ing swept the country. The Messenger, a Negro magazine, gave the figure of 247 Negroes mobbed and lynched in the first year after the war. Tuskegee Institute, whose figures are always far below the actual total, admits that 58 Negroes were lynched in 1918, and 38 in 1917. Five of these were women. In many places, Negro soldiegs appearing in uniform Were mobbed. At Vicksburg, Miss., Lieu- tenant Joseph B. Saunders, a Negro officer, was abused, knocked off the sidewalk and beaten. Lieutenant Charles A. Tibbett, on his way to Fort Sill, Okla, was stopped by a sheriff and a lynch mob, which ordered him off the train, jailed him, and fined him “for riding in a car with whites." The Eighth Illinois Regiment, travelling to Camp Logan, Texas, was jeered at and stoned on the way, and a massacre of these Negro troops was barely prevented at a way- station in Texas. Noble Sissle, a member of the 15th National Guard Unit in training at Spar- tanburg, 8. C., went into a white hotel to buy ‘@ Newspaper. He was knocked down by the white Proprietor and nearly lynched. With the help of Emmett Soott, the men of the regiment were persuaded “not to do anything about it.” The crowning infamy in the treatment of Negro soldiers during the war was the hanging —legal lynching—of 13 members of the 24th In- fantry at Houston, Texas, in 1917. When the 24th Infantry arrived at Camp Logan, near Houston, they made it clear that they resented the local Jim-Crow laws, which the officials were determined to enforce, On August 24, 1917, 2s é 35 in the U. 8." At Camp Dix, N. J., the 349th and 350th Field Artillery were forced to stay on the grounds for many days, on the excuse that some member of the regiment had raped the actress sweetheart of Captain Schultz. At Isortile, France, a Negro soldier was lynched in 1918, on the charge of raping a white girl. Actually, @ white soldier, taking advantage of the feeling engendered against the Negroes, had blacked his face, At Locatine, Army Post No, 76, 16 Negro soldiers were arrested in Octo- ber, 1918, on the charge of attacking a French girl. Om this excuse the M. P.’s attacked the Negro troops, the members of the 317th Ammu- nition Train and the 349th, 350th and 351st Field Artillery, and the Negro troops were forced to break into the ammunition and shoot in self-defense. What the boss press called “race riots’, but what were—like all “race riots’”—carefully planned and prepared attacks upon large groups ee eee en bebemab tennigylbonysl espe nyy nbc arg ; 3 BAD NEWS wy ptt MAS 7, DEFEAT THE BOSSES | / Toward Revolutionary Mass Work ( DISCUSSION OF THE 14TH PLENUM. BETWEEN THE 13th AND 14th PLENUMS (Excerpts from Comrade Weinstone’s sammary remarks at the 14th Plenum) 51 eae have we been discussing? What has been the theme of the remarks by most of the comrades? What had we in reality been trying to solve as a result of this prolonged dis- cussion? Very briefly, we have been trying to solve the problem of correct mass work. ‘We thought at the 18th Plenum we had made the beginning of the turn. And for that reason we were not fully aware of the situation in which the Party finds itself. But, comrades, have we here in the resolution of the Communist Inter- national really a correction of the estimation of the Party at the time of the 13th Plenum? Or have we in the resolution of the C.I. an estima- tion of the work of the Party just more or less a few minor pluses of minuses? Notatall. Because since the time of the 13th Plenum life has not stood still At the present Plenum, the 14th Plenum of the Party, the question has been put more sharply than it has in the past, and we will not be able to appreciate the significance of this resolution if we do not understand the sig- nificance of the moment in which we are dis- cussing this resolution. Since the time of the 13th Plenum of the Party the crisis in the United States has deep- ened. Since that time we have seen growing struggles of the masses. Since that time we have seen that our enemies have not been quiet, they have understood the menace of a Communist Party. They are challenging with new methods the leadership of the Communist Party of these radicalizing workers, But above all, the situa- tion since the time of the 13th Plenum is char- acterized by the fact that the war clouds have gathered, that we stand upon the eve of a world war, and that this challenges the Party with the necessity for drastic transformation of its entire methods of work and challenges it to change the situation which has existed within the Party. The Party is not mobilized, has not been or- ganized for this historical moment and it is the purpose of the resolution of the C.I. to steel the Party, to equip it to be able to stand the blows of a war and to steel the Party so it is able to fulfill the task of being an active and Actual Experiences--Con- crete Proposals--Bolshevik Self- Criticism -- the Basis for the Plenum Articles the article of Comrade Weinstone we begin the Plenum column discussion in the Daily. The editorial which appeared in the Daily on May 3, already indicated the line and method for this Plenum section in the Daily. The article for this section must be based on actual experi- ences, taken up in the light of the Plenum reso- lutions. In order that these experiences may Serve as means of analyzing the reasons for the mistakes as well as the achievements, the meth- ods of overcoming the mistakes and continue and consolidate our achievements, the articles should be written in the spirit of Bolshevik self- criticism. Many meetings will be held at which the Ple- num resolutions will be taken up. If the discus- sion is properly conducted many valuable ex- Pperiences will be related and methods of inass work proposed, We suggest that the most im- portant experiences and suggestions be written up for the Daily, If the comrades find it diffi- cult to write, they should be assisted. The May issue of the “Communist” carries a number of very important articles on the Plenum resolution. It also carries the Strike Resolution of the ECCI. The May issue of the “Communist” is invaluable for the understanding of the Ple- num resolutions. The comrades most active in the labor or- ganizations, the comrades who have living per- sonal contact with workers, are particularly urged to contribute articles to the Plenum tm the Daily...» sa 5 By W. W. WEINSTONE determining factor in the outcome of war. To mobilize the forces of the Party and the working class to prevent the outbreak of a new world slaughter and if we fail in that, to organize our forces to successfully transform the war into a civil war. And we note that not only is the Communist Party transforming its methods, striving to transform its methods, called upon to transform its methods, but we see all the forces of present day society regrouping them- selves, reshifting themselves as part of the prep- arations of the new world war. We see it in the ranks of the bourgeoisie, the employment of new methods to deceive the masses, we see it in the ranks of the Socialist Fascists in the applice- tion of mew maneuvers, maneuvers for which we were not prepared, which we did not fully un- derstand, were not aware of, did not feel, and many times retreated and surrendered to it. We see the working class also in flux, growing more active, the Negro masses stirring, conser- vative workers in motion, and under these cir- cumstances are we not called upon to make a change in the situation in the Party, can we afford to remain fundamentally in the same Broove as we have in the past. Not at all. It is not a question, as seemed to be implied in the remarks of this or that comrade, whether or not we have gone forward. Who can doubt the fact that we have gone forward? Can we dismiss the significance of the National Hunger March and the stirrings of the workers around this hunger march, the echo it found in the ranks of hundreds of thousands of workers. Or can we underestimate agitationally the significance of the Kentucky struggle or of the events in Pitts- burgh or of the demonstrations that have oc- curred? Are these not pluses? But we cannot measure with this yardstick, we cannot put the question—have we advanced, have we improved here, have we gained some members, have we grown a little in the trade unions? The question which is put now by the entire conjuncture of events, by the demands made by the war situation, raises the question whether we have made the essential change in the situation of the Party. Whether we have been able to locate the Party, which is the van- guard of the working class, among the decisive sections, whether we are able to organize the working class for the decisive class struggles that stand before us and when we view the question, in this light, then we will see what a tremendous task we have to fulfill. Some comrades confronted with the tremen- dousness of the situation with the repetition of the fact that we have called for the turn from time to time, that we have recorded the neces- sity for the turn in our resolutions and have not made it—some comrades ask the question not just just in these words—is it not possible to give us a formula, some key with which really we can go back to our districts and open the door to the masses, Is it not possible after so many years of good intentions, efforts, energy, to give us some magic with which really we can arouse, organize the masses, and establish the turn that is called for by the resolution of the Communist International? But unfortunately, we are not able to give such a formula. The situation really is not so simple. Yet in a sense the resolution of the Communist International, to which I should like ‘to refer in one part particularly, emphasizes the formulas which we must adopt and apply if we are to make a change in the situation, After describing the tasks which we have before us, the Communist International declares, in order that the Party be in a position to carry out » these main tasks of struggle against the eco- nomic offensive, the struggle for the needs of the unemployed and the fight against imperial- ist war—it says: “The Party must give careful attention in all its work to the application of a correct mass policy. This correct mass policy consists in developing the macs struggles of the workers, the working women and the young workers, on the basis of their immediate economic and po- means furthermore that these struggles must be carried through on the basis of the activi- ties of the masses, and that the tasks of the Communists are precisely to develop and or- ganize this activity and initiative of the mass- es. This calls for the most concrete applica- tion of the united front from below in ac- cordance with the varying degree of influence of the Communists, the extent of the radical- ization of the workers, the influence of the © social fascists, etc., thus applying the line of independent policy, not mechanically but on the basis of a careful analysis of the concrete conditions of work and of struggle. Inseparably linked up with this and as a basic prerequisite of our entire mass work, is the persistent struggle against the fascist and social fascist leaders of the A. F. of L. and against the so- cialist party, and particularly the left social fascists.” In a word, this is the heart of the resolution of the Communist International Strong Personal Bonds With Workers, I will call attention to some of the writings of the Russian comrades, which apply force- fully to this point of the necessity of the estab- lishment of strong personal bonds with the workers. And we can take to heart the remarks made by Comrade Schwerdnick, the head of the trade unions in the Soviet Union, on the relations of Party to non-Party masses, which he made at the 8th Plenum of the Profintern on this basic question. He said, describing the manner in which they have carried out their tasks in the factories: “We nursed the non-Party workers, we vis-) ited them in their homes and gave them our \ newspapers, we were not too proud to worry about one individual worker, because it was in this way that we forged a body of militants. “But what have we got now? We may hear such talk as t his in a number of sections of the Profintern, ‘If there is a gathering of a thousand workers, I will speak but if there are only a hundred persons, then it is not worth worrying about.’ This will not do. You have to | create your body of militants one by one. These units are not enrolled all at once, but later on they will be harnessed for the workers, |, Therefore, the question of educating the indi- | vidual workers is highly important. The prac- | tice of factory committees should not be to ‘+ come forw2:d in the open in a body so that all the members find themselves outside the factory gates at once. This would be a sign of cowardice, This is not a question of coward- | ice—this is a question of the ability to work.” | In this spirit must we understand the highly important point emphasized in the resolution of establishing solid personal contact with the masses, TO OVERCOME THE ISOLATION FROM THE DECISIVE SECTIONS OF THE WORKING CLASS The Communist Party of U. S. A. has made some improvement in its work in strikes, hunger marches and the struggles of the Ne« groes. Notwithstanding this, and the increas- ingly favorable conditions for the fulfillment of its daily increasing tasks in the struggle against the offensive of the bourgeoisie, against the pronounced aggressiveness of American imperialism and the immediate perspectives of a new imperialist world war, our Party has not yet made the essential change in its work necessary for the carry- ing out of its chief immediate task. This task is to overcome the isolation of the Party from the decitsive masses of the American proletariat, to come before the masses as their vanguard in the struggle against the offensive of the bourgeoisie and against the imperialist war, and to firmly root itself in the decisive industrics by means of solid personal contacts with the workers.—(Open- ing paragraph from the 14th Plenum Reso- lution printed in the April issue of the Com- munist and in the Daily Worker of April 28.) ag \ 2