The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 4, 1932, Page 4

FORD. Cor and May iss Mr. C. F. R: of the Houstor forced to adr of Comm among the a result of organized JAMES W: oon nan FORD ist terror vities of the as been held litera een n Scylla a Democratic ¢ ~ several the Negro ial serfdom”, Mr. Richardson danger not capital ism 1! He considers the leftward but Cor f the Negro masses a He e danger’ exploited, maltreated and disady taged group, there is grave danger (empha niine—J. W. F.), that Negroes will embrace doctrine which offers them relief from cer | oppressive, repressive and depressive conditions | under which they live and eke out an existence in various parts of the United States.” How does it happen that a Negro editor con- to siders the willingness of the Negro mass struggle against “certain oppressive, and depressive conditions” as a “grave Because, as I pointed out in my first article, the objective role of these bourgeois Negro editors is determined by their special class interests, Jim- Crow: m furnishes the Negro bourgeoisie with | conomic base for the exploitation and loot- | (through oppressive rents, etc.) of the Negro | es: While Jim-Crowism means increased | itation, misery and degradation for the Ne- | gro masses, it is accepted and defended, slyly | “and openly, by the Negro bourgeoisie as affording | them the opportunity for careers—a chance to | | pik the pockets of the Negro toilers of the few pennies left after the white capitalists have done | their looting. The revolutionary struggles of the white and Negro workers against capitalism | and its national oppression of the Negro natio- nality threatens with destruction this Jim-Crow- economy base of the Negro bourgeoisie, There- fore their gnashing of teeth at the growing in- fluence of the Communist Party among the Ne- gro masses On one hand, the Negro bourgeoisie seek to block the growth of the revolutionary movement. | On the other, they engage in an opportunist ex- | ploitation of the fact of the growing radicaliza- tion of the Negro masses in order to wring pet- ty concessions for themselves from the white | ruling class. They use the radicalization of the | Negro masses to scare the white ruling class in- to conceding them a greater share in the bitter | exploitation of the Negro masses. In other words, they offer themselves as betrayers of the struggles of the Negro masses, as hangmen of the Negro workers, FOR A PRICE! This Judas bid for a few additional crumbs from the white ruling class is accompanied by an intensive campaign directed at confusing the Negro masses. Illusions are shamelessly peddled, such as the “possibility” of liberation without a struggle against imperialism, of real democracy under robber capitalism, of emancipation from the skies, i. e—by supernatural means, etc., etc. In his article, Mr. Richardson peddles these il- lusions. He does not attempt the hopeless task of “proving” that Communism is a danger to the Negro masses. He rather defends the glorious ideals and institutions (among which are in- duitably lynch terror, legal lynching of Negro Four Fi rame-up Pamphlets Cable ept Bunday, at 60 East a 6. “DAIWORK.” ‘ast 13th Street, New York, N. Y¥. Daily ae Rin. Worker’ punt Porty USA of Manbattas SUBSCRIPTION RATEO By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $8; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Foreign: one year, $8; six months $4.50. and Bronx, New York City. renin the courts, etc.) ~ class. His opposition to based on a defense of the t oppressors, and of the ghetto interests ‘0 bourgeoisie. He says: ‘ism is a menace to Ameriean ideals tutions, the only panacea or solution appears to be real democracy—‘ government of the people, for the people, and by the people, rather than government of a people, for a people and by a people.” Mr. Richardson thus pretends that the white ses participate in the government of this under capitalism. He cannot see the ty of the capitalist dictatorship behind the nibbl loleths of democracy and the pretense of government. Yet, as notable a represen- ve of capitalism as Mr. James W. Gerard, ner U. S, Ambassador to Germany, stated a year ago that the United States “was by 59 men.’ Mr. Gerard gave their names. were naturally all capitalists. The Commu- Manifesto long ago pointed out that “the executive of the modern (capitalist) State is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.” Even a casual study government apparatus of the capitalist States prove the truth of this analysis. In his article, Mr. Richardson shows a com- plete lack of understanding of the fundamental m: for May 7th THE FRAME-UP SYSTEM, by Vern Smith, Second revised edition ................106 MOONEY, BETRAYED BY LABOR LEADERS, issued by the ‘Tom Mooney Molders Defense Committee . 10c THEY SHALL NOT DIE (The Scottsboro Story in Pictures) . FREE THE IMPERIAL VALLEY PRISONERS issued by the International Labor De- fense .. TOM No better analysis of the frame-up system as a weapon of capitalism in its war on the work- ing-clas could be had than Vern Smith’s pam- phiet on that subject. Himself a prisoner many the author knows from first-hand ex- perience of what he is writing. Sitting in the times, | Pinevile, Kentucky jail for nearly four months, Comrade Smith devoted his time to prepare a second edition of his pamphlet, by bringing it up to date. Now the workers will get in this see~ ond edition, an analysis of such event as Mayor Walker's demagogic trip to California to make political capital out of the Mooney Case etc, ‘The other three pamphlets mentioned above are | on three of our present outstanding cases. ‘Tom Mooney exposes in his own words the rotten betrayal by the A. F, of L. leaders of the fight of the working-class for his unconditional release. Scottsboro in Pictures gives a vivid account of the whole story of this flagrant frame-up against the Negro nation in America; this unsucessful attempt to keep the Negroes cowed and afraid to fight under the leadership of the Communist. Party for equality and self-determination. The Imperial Valley pamphlet is a masterpiec of workers’ self-defense in court. ALL THESE PAMPHLETS MUST BE UTIL- IZED TO MOBILAZE FOR MAY SEVENTH— INTERNATIONAL SCOTTSBORO DAY! The International Red Aid has set aside May 7 for an international demonstration for the safe and unconditional release of the Scottsboro boys. In America, particularly, this day of interna- tional struggle must be utilized to demand also the release of our other class war prisoners— ‘Tom Mooney, the Imperial Valley prisoners, Edith Berkman and the Tampa prisoners, Betore the Conventions of Our Enemies rE THE MATERIAL submitted to the coming national convention of the Socialist Party in Milwaukee the agenda committee, composed of Hiliquit, Oneal and Laitdler, outlines a long state- ment on trade union policy. This is a charac- teristic combination of de gy and subservi- ence to the A. F. of L. bureaucracy. The so- called left wing also submits its program in the form of a resolution, which is a fit companion of the official statement of policy The proposals of Hillquit et al are, in sub- stance an appeal to the A. F. of L. leadership for reeognition as the party of the trade unions. The main difficulty is that the A F. of L. bureau- crats do not see the need for the Socialist Party as their official party The central problem, as the report sees it, is “the lack of satisfactory understanding between the trade unions and the Socialist Party,” that is, between the Green-Woll leadership and the S. In the whole document, there is not a single word of criticism of the A. F of L misleaders, not one denunciation of their shameful betrayal of the unemployed, of their wage-cutting policy, of their gangsterism and graft, of their support of American imperialism’s war preparations Doubtless Green and Co. will be duly appreciative of this pledge of support by ‘tthe 'S. P. They will correctly understand it as ® proposal for a united front against the revo- lutionary unions of the T. U. U. L, and the growing minorities in the A. F. of L, Demagogy. ‘Of course, tlie committee demands the six-hour day and five-day week, and it has the cheek to | add “without reduction in pay.” and‘ demagogy of this “demand” is exemplified by_the fact that in every country the Socialist, trade unions are busily accepting wage cuts, forcing them through, in fact, while at th me time lengthening the hours and speeding up the | workers. The experience in the needle trades | here shows what an utter fake is the proposal for no reduction in wages. The fact is that the Socialists, no less than the capitalists, accept as i oa ——— | racy The cynicism | L. pppoe Caener lS TN By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER a matter of course that wages have to come down in the crisis and they base their wage policy upon that conception. Their proposal for the six-hour day, five-day week is only Hoover's stagger plan in overalls. At a time when the tyrannical of | democracy in the trade unions and the ‘unspeak- able gangster rule fairly cries out, the Socialist Party passes over the whole situation with a glib sentence that Socialists should work for democ- “wherever undemocratic practices may exist.” Inasmuch as its own unions are the most, gangster-ridden in New York and the most de- void of rank and file control, this whole question is a touchy one for the S. P. People who live m glass houses are not given to throwing stones. ‘The question of industrial unionism is handled - with typical hypocrisy. The committee’s pro- posal favors “consolidation and amalgamation of unions wherever practical.” This fg almost as what the A. F. of L. said 20 years ago at its Rochester convention when Gompers, a militant enemy of industrial unionism, wrote the resolu- tion. Every labor faker in the A. F. of L. will subscribe to the S. P. conception of industrial unionism. Just how much the Socialist Party fights for industrial unionism is indicated by its stubborn and long resistance against every at- tempt to amalgamate its needle trades craft unions. Here, evidently, the question is not a “practical” one, The committee's proposal reiterates the tradi- tional S. P. hypocrisy that the Party does not seek to dominate the trade unions. And this in the face of its complete control of the A. F. of needle trades unions. These like their similars in Europe, do not take a single step unless it is first OK’ed by the leadership of the S. P. ‘They, like Socialist unions in gen- eral, are only mass auxiliaries of this reactionary party There is not ® word in the proposed trade unior program of the official leaders of the So- cialist Party that Green and Woll will object to, nothing that they would not vote for. BernsiSh te " Principles of Communism and the historic role of the classes in society. In his zealous crusade in defense of his capitalist masters, Mr. Richard- son misrepresents Communism as just another of the “new cults and isms” whch “seek to ap~ peal to the weaknesses and prejudices of the desired converts and prospective adherents just as the klan movement did in its sweep of the country immediately after the World War.” { Mr. Richardson deliberately ignores the fact that the appeal of the Klan was directed at ex- ploiting the racial prejudices instilled in the masses by the ruling class, while the Communist Party wages a relentless struggle for the up- rooting of these prejudices by which the capital- THE ELEPHANT AND THE DONKEY—OR THE HAMMER AND SICKLE By MYRA PAGE (Foreign Correspondent of the Daily Worker) Re year of 1932 will witness sessions of many political parties—parties that are responsible for policies of government in their respective countries determining the welfare of several hundred millions of people. In Italy the Fascist Party will convene; in Germany the Social De~ Mocratic; in the United States the Republican and its Wall Street twin, the Democratic. And in the Soviet Union the Communist Party has recently held its Seventeenth Conference, fors mulating policies, and checking up on results of the past year’s work, In outlook, guiding principles, in whom it rep~ Tesents and in results achieved, this last Party differs as fundamentally from the others as the new community dining rooms and teeming fac- tories of Stalingrad and Magnitogorsk differ from the bread-lines and silenced work-shops of Chicago and Berlin. ‘Two worlds, and Parties of two different classes leading them—the one to further chaos and ruin, the other to socialist construction and a free, classless world, Within the Kremlin ‘This is being written during the sessions of the Seventeenth Party Conference meeting, in the Andreivsky Hall of the Kremlin. Its high, gilded columns, brilliantly lighted chandliers and pol- ished, inlaid floors are reminiscent of the days when it served as a ballroom for the czars. The revolution has made few changes in its material aspects, all energy having been expended on more important work. The czar’s picture and throne were removed and Lenin's picture placed above the new wooden rostrum on which are carved the seals of the seven Socialist Republics composing the Soviet Union. A broadcasting system has been installed, rows of conferences benches put in place, the seal of the Imperial Eagle replaced by that of the Hammer and Sickle,—and that was all. Today, however, its golden arches that once echoed to the drunken laughter of the old aristo- cracy now echo to the vigorous reports and pro~ posals of working men and women who for four- teen years have carried the responsibility of leadership of the great Soviet Union. As I look about the hall filled with 1,200 del- egates, mingle with them between sessions in the Delegates from Azerbaidjan (Oil Region) corridors, listen to their detailed reports on how the first Five Year Plan is being carried out in the Urals, Don Bas and Northwestern Siberia, I think of the radical contrast between the men and women composing this conference, and the The Socialist Party and Trade Unionism i business transacted, with that of the coming Republican and Democratic conventions that will soon take place in the crisis-ridden United Indeed, in past conventions of the A. F. of L. they have already accepted these platitudes and evasions The S. P. trade union program is not one of opposition to the A. F. of L. bureaucrats but of unity with them It provides a united front basis for their common struggle against the Communists and militant masses of workers. As for the trade union policy of the “lefts” or “militants,” submitted in the form of an amend- ment to the committee's proposals, tt is vague and absurd. For many months these “lefts,” the Muste wing of the S. P., have been talking | “radical” on the trade union question in the 8. P. And now when they come forward with their definite proposition it sums up, after a few mild whereases of criticism of the A. F. of L. leadership, as follows: that there be called a conference of all organizations and individuals who favor their kind of labor unionism and that there be set up an American section of the Am- of dual unionism, but the whole project is couched so ambiguously that we are not let into the secret of just what is meant by it ¢xactly. In any event it will give the “left” social fascists something radical to talk about, and that is all they need. Experience, as well as their proposals to the S. P. convention, shows clearly that their policy is the same as that of Hillquit and Green, and their differences with them are only a matter of words, ‘The proposals of both the right and “left” wings of the Socialist Party show that this organization has no program of militant struggle for the workers, The whole thing is just s pres- entation of the A. F. of L. line of class collabora~ tion, dressed up here and there with radical terminology to adapt it to the growing radicaliza- tion of the workers From the 8. P. the workers can expect only treachery and betrayal. Only in the T. U U. L. unions and revolutionary minor- ities in the A. F. of L. unions is there a policy to be found of militant leadership correspond~ ‘ing to the teeming needs af the Workern, ee ee Comrade Kaganovich, Secretary of the Moscow Party Committee States. Under the patronage of the Elephant and the Donkey, loud-mouthed |orators, ward-heelers, Jarge-bellied capitalists and their sleek gangster henchmen will vie with one another in belching forth gas about “prosperity around the corner”— if only the m&sses will follow the Elephant, or Donkey. (Their hides are covered in checker-red suits, their flapping ears are topped by silk hats and derbies). Behind closed doors, graft and vote-swapping deals will be put over, more schemes laid for further lowering the standards of living of workers and farmers; while in costly speakeasies and roadhouse these leaders of the Great Demo- cracy, including Al Capone, will plot how to liberate the world from the Bolshevik Menace, and the chances of victory in another imperialist slaughter. Such will be the sessions of the Tweedle-dum and Tweedle-dee of American capitalism. Will any workers, toiling farmers, or their represen- tative attend these conventions? Even to ask the question draws a smie, When Bearers of the Hammer and Sickle Gather The Party Conference which we are now at- tending is a gathering, not of cheap politicians and mouthy demagogues, but of a new type of statesman. These are members of the vanguard of a new ruling class—the workers. Simply dressed, in the prime of life, they move and speak with straightforward vigor,—active builders of a new social order. Let us see: Who are the delegates? Directors of the great plants of Stalingrad and Amo; Kali- gia, woman textile worker and chairman of a District Soviet (Council); Telegin, Communist sailor from the Baltic Fleet; Andreyev, former railroad worker, now People’s Commissar for Transport, Postyhev, who until four years ago worked at his trade while carrying on Party work in the North Caucasus, now secretary of the Party’s Committee, Kalato, head of the Gosisdat, the largest publishing house in the world. Yotte, Volgin and other outstanding scientists who for several decades have devoted their energies to the cause of the revolution, Kaganovich, sec- retary of the Moscow Party Committee, who knows the capitol and its inhabitants as probably no other man has ever known a great city. Swernik, former worker, now secretary of a trade union movement embracing over fourteen millions, Kalinin, once a peasant, then metal worker in the Leningrad Putilov works for over a decade, now president of the first workers’ republic. Voroshiloff, a miner who took up his rifle during } the revolution, and today serves as the com- mander of the Red Army and Nayy. Party workers from every industrial region, collective farm members. And Stalin, whose long record of untiring, courageous activity first’ during the czarist re- gime, then on the Civil War front, and since Lenin’s death as secretary of the Communist Party, has won him the warm loyalty and con- fidence of both Party and non-Party masses. The Bolshevik Stalin Mussolini, MacDonald, and Hoover, use every chance to play to the gallery. Stalin has a healthy dislike of theatrical entrances and per- sonal demonstrations, Usually he manages, like Lenin, to avoid them. However, there are times, ‘as at the opening of the Conference, when his mere appearance on the rostrum with the others calls forth a stormy ovation from these who know him as their trusted comrade and leader, In subsequent sessions he has slipped quietly into his place, keeping well in the background, meanwhile following closely making notes of the proposals of the various reporters. Between times he stands to one side, head cocked, listen- ing and drawing on his pipe, Frequently Kubi- shev, Orjonkidze, and other leading members of the Central Committee gather round him, for some brief ‘discussion, When a speaker drives home his point with keen-edged humor, no one enjoys it more than Stalin. Much has been said about him as a “man of steel. As a tried Bolshevik of more than two score years’ testing, he well deserves the title. Beautiful shining metal, tempered, flexible, able to drive through all obstaclffies, eyes always on the Communist goal. A man who words such terse fighting slogans, immediately seized upon by the working masses, inscribed on their mae chines in the factories—"There ts no. fortress. Ra: which we Bolsheviks can not take. As you watch him here and elsewhere among his comrades, mingling with the toiling millions from whom he has sprung, hear the stories they tell of him, you know that a warm heart beats beneath the steel surface, guiding the sure hand and great mind of the world’s outstanding leader. When Communists Give an Accounting What have the delegates to say? ‘The Conference deals first with the economic program for 1932, the last year of the “Five Year Plan in Four.” The undisputed successes, have brought genuine prosperity and unparalleled economic and cultural development throughout the Soviet Union. Think what loud braying the elephants and donkeys would make, if they could give evidence of one-tenth the results in the countries under their control. Here, however, there is marked absence of flowery oratory. The speakers waste no words, yet what they say is charged with power. Be~ cause of the will behind it, and the clear Com- munist perspective. They deal, like economic ex- perts, with problems of cost of production, waste, labor productivity, fertility of agriculture, muni- cipal housing plans, extensive. development of natural resources, raising the masses’ standards of living. While capitalist politicians try to hide their failures, these Communist leaders expose them boldly. For they know that only through the practice of thorough self-criticism can short- comings be corrected, and the most rapid tempo of socialist development be assured. And where has Communist leadership brought the Soviet Union? To the complete liquidation of unemployment, an industrial expansion at a rate that the word has never seen before, to increas- ing wages, shortened hours of labor, tremendous development of science and agriculture; and a widespread cultural revolution far greater than that which Western Europe witnessed during the Renaissance, When Republicans, Fascists, Democrats and Socialist Officials Give an Accounting What accounting can the Fascists, Social- Democrats, Democrats and Republicans give of their leadership? In the countries, states and cities under their guidance, devasting misery, tens of millions standing before closed factory gates and farmers driven off the land. Children too hungry and poorly clothed to go to school, but forced into hard labor instead. Workingman, half-crazed by starvation and worry, jumping from New York’s statue of Liberty, unemployed throwing them- selves into the Danube and Thames. And when workers strike. or demand bread, they find Socialist, Fascist, Democrat and Re- publican—it makes no difference which admin- istration—ready to greet them with billies, ma~ chine guns, and tear-gas. Also they find the one Party fighting side by side with them, leading their struggle, is the Communist,—brother Party to the one which led the Russian workers to freedom, and the workers and peasants’ state. The Party that will lead American, German, Italian, Japanese workers to their freedom,.and their own Five Year Plan, Conference Adopts Second Five-Year Plan How Soviet workers feel toward their Party has been daily demonstrated during the Conference. Telegrams come from all parts of the country, Delegates from a Far-Eastern Republic sending greetings, declaring new production achieventents in the Conference’s honor. Stalin- grad workers increase their output to 130 trac- ists seek to split the working-class and weaken its struggle against capitalism. The Communist Party fights for the solidarity of the whole working class, for true proletarian international ism, Tomorrow 1 will deal with the position of Mr. Richardson, showing his complete confa~ sion with regard to the revolutionary methods and aims of the Communists. Pu “The Communist” May Issue _ tae May issue of The Communist, which Is Just off the press, is particularly rich in material for the guidance of the Party membership and revolutionary workers in their every-day work. The speeches at the Central Committee Plenum by Comrade Browder on Japan, America and the Soviet Union, by Comrade Hathaway on the Election Campaign, by the fraternal delegate from the Canadian Party to the Plenum on the Canadian Party and Its Struggle Against Tllegality deserve particular mention. The resog lution of the E. C. C. I. on the Lessons of the Strike Struggles in the U. S. A. should not only be read but studied by every Party member and revolutionary worker and utilized in coming struggles of the workers. The full contents are as follows: MAY DAY, 1932 JAPAN, AMERICA AND THE SOVIET UNION Extracts from the Speech of Earl Browder at the Plenum of the Central Committee, April 17, 1932 LESSONS OF THE STRIKE STRUGGLES IN THE U. S. A. Resolution of the E. C. C. I. LENIN’S INSTRUCTIONS TO THE DELEGA- TION AT THE HAGUE CONFERENCE FOR A COMPLETE MOBILIZATION OF THE PARTY FOR REAL MASS WORK IN THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN Extracts from the Report of C. A. Hathaway on the Election Compaign, delivered at the 14th Plenum of the Central Committee THE GROWTH OF THE PARTY IN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST CENTRISM AND SECTARIANISM By Alex Bittelman THE CANADIAN PARTY AND ITS STRUGGLE AGAINST ILLEGALITY Extracts from Speech of the Fraternal Delegate of the Canadian Communist Party to the Cen- tral Committee Plenum THE END OF THE THIRD YEAR OF CRISIS REVEALS FURTHER DEEPENING By Labor Research Association MARXISM AND THE NATIONAL PROBLEM (Continued) By J. Stalin ON THE THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS OF MARXISM-LENINISM (Concluded) By V. Adoratsky x MARXIST STUDY COURSES No District, Section or Unit of the Party should be without an adequate supply of the May issue of The Communist particularly. See that your bundle is ordered before it is too late. Individual copies may be ordered at 20c each, or subscrip~ tions sent in at the rate of $2 per year. Send orders to Fhe Communist, P.O. Box 148, Station D, New York City. i tors a day, Magnitogorsk sends word that the first metal has come forth from the furnace, Nizhni-Novgorod sends a delegation who pre- sent’ the Conference with the first fifteen auto-, mobiles made in their recently completed plant. | After discussion on this year’s tasks, in com~ pleting the first Five Year Plan, Molotov pre~ sented the program and directives of the Second Five-Year Plan. Formerly a metal worker, Mo- lotov, has become a leading Bolshevik and chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars. ‘The Second Plan calls for an even more ambitiou economic and social development than the first. But there is no question of its practical realiza- tion, even over-fulfillment. For, as Molotov commented, the plan is not a product of mere desk work, but of millions of workers enthusias~ tically building socialism. It is a task set by, life itself. Its concrete provisions are already broadcast, which by the end of the Second Plan, will triple the population's standards of living, and so develop productive forces of the country that all remnants of capitalist elements, classes in gen~ eral, and exploitation of man by man will be com- pletely ended. In the words of the thesis, “the Second Plan will “transform the whole of the toiling population into conscious, active builders i} of a classless, socialist society.” Two Class Parties and Two Worlds ‘The only perspective that all parties of the capitalist class, including the so-called socialist, can in reality hold before the masses is that of increasing misery and oppression, and imperialist wars, ‘The perspective that the Communist Party. holds before the masses, as demonstrated by, what is taking place in the Soviet Union is rising, economic and cultural standards and—following the vanquishing of the bourgeoisie—unbroken international peace. Two worlds, and two classes, with their Parties leading, the one to destruction, the other to construction, There can be no doubt as to the road and the leadership which the world’s masses, will choose,