The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 28, 1932, Page 9

, THURSDAY, APRIL 28, 193z INTS) PARTY OF THE: U.S. A, . Central Committee Plenum | to the proletarian democracy of the Soviet Union, which it represents as a reign of dictatorship which should be “democratized” and by this they come forward as representatives of the interests of those who want the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union. The Muste wing of social fascism, which also includes the various renegades, Slutsky, Lore, Cannon, Lovestone, is playing a particularly dan- gerous role in this situation, trying to hold back the most radicalized workers from genuine strug- gle against the capitalist offensive under the lead- ership of the Communist Party and the revolu- tionary trade unions. While talking about the the “deepening of the crisis and mass misery” they are trying at the same time to secure the leadership of the developing struggles of the work- ers in order to disorganize the workers’-ranks and lead them to defeat, helping the employers to put through the most vicious wage-cuts (hosiery workers). Where the workers inside the A. F. of L. are trying to organize the struggle against the capitalist offensive in spite of and over the heads of the A. I’. of L. leaders (Green, Woll- and Com- pany) the Musteites with their “Left” demagogy, step forward to “lead” these struggles in order to bring about the defeat of the workers, to liqui- date genuine opposition movements, to strengthen the position of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy and to prevent the development of class consciousness among the workers. While they weep about the misery of the unemployed workers, the Musteites stand on the same platform as the Socialist party. They are opposed to the demands of the unem- ployed and in practice carry through the Hoover- Green unemployment program in the unions. In order to divert the growing class consciousness and desire for class organization shown by large sections of the working-masses and sidetrack it into the camp of bourgeois ideology and influence, the Musteites are bringing the agitation for a labor party’ into the foreground. For the same purpose the Musteites utter meaningless dema- -gogic phrases against Hillquit, Thomas and Com- pany, and even speak of forming of a new “genu- ine, realistic, militant, revolutionary left party,” in an effort to prevent the movement of the mas- ses towards the Communist Party, against which they coneentrate all their struggles. The Mus- teites are particularly subtle in helping the capi- talists in their war preparations, aimed primarily against the Soviet Union. They see the leftward Il. move of the workers and the growing popularity of Socialist construction in the Soviet Union. Therefore they are carrying on their policy of undermining the growing influence under the guise of support for the Soviet Union. Therefore, they together with Lovestone-Brandlerites and Cannon-Trotskyites, carry on their counter-revo- lutionary agitation against the policy of the policy of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. They attempt to prevent the mobilization of the masses against the war danger by declaring that . there is no such war danger and that “the sharp- ening of ti.e crisis furnishes the guarantee against imperialist war and attack on the Soviet Union.” THE SITUATION OF THE C. P. U.S. A. AND ITS URGENT TASKS The radical turn towards revolutionary mass work among the basic sections of the American proletariat, which has been demanded by the E. C. C. I. in tts resolutions and directives, has up till now essentially not been carried through in practice. Although the Party has recognized the necessity of this turn, and although the Party can show a number of successes in the attempt to carry out the turn in practice (strikes, Scotts- boro, Hunget March), the work of the Party fundamentally remains in the same groove. This is to be seen in the backwardness of factory work and in the building up of the lower Party organ- izations, in the weakness of the struggle for un- employment and social insurance, in the still ex- tremely weak state of the revolutionary trade unions, in the extremely weak development of the work in the reformist trade unions, in the failure to carry out the required concentration on the The Party must definitely sharpen and broaden its struggles against social-fascism and carry on a persistent struggle inside the Party against the underestimation of the role of and the fight four districts (Chicago, Cleveland, Detroit and Pittsburgh), in the marked decline of the circula- tion of the Daily Worker; and in 100’per cent fluc- - tuation of Party membership. The Party is still isolated from the masses of workers and working women. It has not yet learned how to link up its every-day work with the systematie exposure of the bourgeois state and of the policy and dema- gogy of the open bourgeois and social fascist par- ties. A special weakness of the Party is the ab- solutely inadequate fight against the social fasc- ists, first of all, against the Muste group which, as the present strikes and the elections show, have increased their influence among the ranks of the workers: The Party has failed to bring the revolutionary way out of the crisis to the Amer- ican workers, as it also failed to popularize the victorious Socialist construction in the Soviet Union. against social fascism in the United States. The increasing influence of the social-fascists in the United States during the crisis in contrast to the capitalist countries of Europe is undoubtedly due to a great extent to the inadequate exposure of the social fascists by the Party. The Party must also understand that as a result of the crisis and rationalization large numbers of workers in the A. F. of L. are in the process of radicalization, and that the characterization of the masses of workers in the A. F. of L. as “labor aristocracy” is incorrect. The chief obstacles which stood in the way of carrying out a correct mass policy and in the fur- ther development of the Party are the following: 1. The strong sectarian tendencies in the entire work of the Party, as well as in the mass organ- izations—tendencies which are based on a deeply rooted formalism. The Party carries through the policy of the united front in a rigid and formal way. It has not yet learned how to connect itself up firmly with the broad masses of non-Party and reformist workers, work in the old unions, to work on the basis of their concrete needs (general de- mands) and to draw up the demands together with them. Thus, the Party appears before the masses as a Party for the workers, but not the Party of the workers. 2. The bureaucratic methods of work, which are expressed in the “circular letter” method of leadership and in an excessive number of paid functionaries at the head of the Party and the auxiliary organizations, paralyzes the work in the lower Party organizations, and sidetracks them from genuine mass work on to “inner Party and routine work, and hinders the development of cadres and the initiative of the lower organiza- tions. The Party has not yet established collective leadership of genuinely functioning apparatus in the lower organizations, and has the tendency to conduct the work only through individual or- ganizers. In order to overcome sectarianism which con- eileen