The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 27, 1932, Page 4

SETE, Pr Racine city from fro. cee. er that Mr “socialism ods in because ficial.” you're ter-charges and § Racine, had of conduct “I quit coun- the 8S. P. and jury and rculated by the that this r the elections, otic all this out Tom Duncan who the case of went over to the Progressives. ‘The maneuver is essentially the same, on a tiny scale, as that of the S. P. in Great Britain in the MacDonald Bouma and Christensen of Racine fulfilling the role of Henderson, Coleman Hoan and Riot-gun Al Benson of Milw ng the same; while Duncan and Swo pygmy MacDon- alds of the two “mircale cities.’ Was anything done by Swoboda con! the S. P. policy? No! He acted entirel: with the S. P. policy—and his departure fr the S. P. now, is solely to save face of the third party of capitalism before the starving, sped-up workers of Racine and the whole coun- try for all of that. The Racine incidents clearly show the full-blown maturity today of the S. P. as capitalism's third party. First let us see the situation at Racine, t forms the background for his comic-ope: cine is the second largest city in Wisconsin—a large industrial center. The industries are near- ly all shut down. There is mass starvation amongst the unemployed—and mass discontent not only among them, but among those still working. Armstrong, former mayor of Racine, is the political boss of the city, intimately linked up with the great manufacturers, Case, Horlick, ete. To forestall the discontent of the workers, he inaugurated a relief system that was quite lib- eral compared with that of Milwaukee, for in- stance. But the corruption of his regime was so apparent to the workers that his usefulness to the bosses was wearing out. It became neces- sary to supplant his with a more clever betrayer. Swoboda, 2 young Legionnaire, was chosen as the man, Swoboda joined the S. P. and ran for the mayor’s office. He was elected because Arm- strong threw his whole support behind him. These ate facts known to every worker in Wisconsin. ‘The S. P. of Wisconsin thus stands exposed as ‘an open dealer with the mantifacturers’ political machine. ‘Was the State Central Committee unconscious of the fact that Swoboda was connected with one of the most corrupt political machines in the State? Why, then, did it cooperate with it to get Swobods elected? Why didn’t the State Com mitiee in 1930 accuse Swoboda of conduct un- beceming @ public official” for allying himself with @ proven racketeer and political machine man? Answer: Because the State Committee itself was guilty of this same “offense,” being the head of the bosses’ third political party. Swoboda’s first action on getting in office was to appoint a “citizens’ committee” to advise him, ry to election. | | official?” Wast 1 Daily, Worker’ SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; siz months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Berougs e@ Manbattsa and Bronz, New York City, Foreign: iz months, $4.60. WHEN THIEVES FALL OUT. — composed of Commerce. representatives of American Legion, Manufacturers’ As- A. F. of L. leadership, and all other d reactionary organizations—with NOT WORKER REPRESENTED. Why P. State Committee speak up against the Chamber of composition of this committee? Because ‘oboda copied his “Citizens’ Committee” from Mayor Hoan’s Milwaukee “Advisary Council,” h just such mposition. This was in line | and still is, with the S. P. policy. { Swoboda was in office only a little while, when | he caused forced labor for the unemployed to be | introduced on Racine public works. The cost of relief was deducted from wages supposed to be paid. The Racine Manufacturers’ Association | was behind this, it is clear, because soon the } system was extended to workers laid off by J. | I. Case,, Hamilton Beach, and private homes of the capital: It was worked through the Rae [| cine Associated Charities, using the funds of the { Community Chest, robbed from the employed | workers to maintain the clerical staff, | Why didn’t the State Committee of the 8. FP. | oppose this anti-working class move, which materially lowered the Racine workers’ stand- ard of living? Answer: It was and is the policy of the S. P. We know this, because the Racine forced la- bor scheme was copied from Milwaukee where it was introduced upon the motion of Supervisor rank Heath, a socialist, and another resolution later on sponsored by Supervisors Metcalfe and Melms, both socialists under the slogan “the un- employed want work, and not charity.” The S. P. pretends to be against war. Why didn’t it force Swoboda to disconnect himself from the fascist American Legion? When he was elected, the S. P. knew he was a member— this was one of their endorsements of him; one of the reasons they put forward for his Now he is “against the workers.” That Swoboda's jingoism, patriotism, is part of the S. P. program, in action if not in words is clear | from the fact that Mayor Hoan of Milwaukee led Preparedness parades in the last war, and was chairman of the council of defense; that on the recommendation of Hoan’s advisory com- | mittee, a big appropriation was put through the | Milwaukee Common Council to give the Auditor- | | ium, denied to the Communist Party, free of | charge to the Spanish-American War veterans | during their coming encampment. It is shown by Hoan’s being scheduled to speak at a meeting of the Army and Navy Club, on April 6th, the anniversary of the beginning of the last World War. He cancelled this engagement only because of the militant anti-war demonstration before the City Hall the afternoon of April 6th, and the demands put to him by the workers’ com- mittee. But his excuse for not speaking was not that he was against war preparations, but that he was tired from too many speeches in the election campaign. The 8. P. State Commit tee is responsible fot Swoboda’s stand om War— it is the stand of the 8. P. On Nov. 3, the day before the fall elections, & workers’ demonstration was up in Racine by American Legion members and police, under orders from Swoboda Why didn’t the State Committee of the 8. P. bring charges against him for “conduct unbecoming a public | The workérs in theif statement after the demonstration, by their tremendous turn-out to protest demonstration a week later, brand- ed Swoboda as an enemy. But the S. P. did not then oppose Swoboda for the same reason it did | not impeach Milwaukee’s Mayor Hoan on March 6th, 1930 for sending the police to club the work- ers and arrest their leaders. This is the policy of the S. P, Beuch and Krzyski, who as sheriff The Marine Workers and the Struggle Against Imperialist War By A. SEAMAN R. over seven months now Japanese imperial- ism, with the active support of the imperial- ists of France, England, Germany and the U.S. A., has been plundering China. Thus marking the beginning of a fresm world butchery for the division of China and intervention in the U.S. S.R. Along with the pacifist bosh on the part of the bourgeois diplomats and leaders about disarmament and the interference of the League of: Nations for the purpose of liquidating the “Japanese-Chinese conflict,” in all large ports of Europe and America war supplies are being feverishly loaded, troops are being concentrated, | for carrying out the further robbing plans of Japanese imperialism — to smash the Chinese Red Army, to secure its rear and then transfer to the long-desired spot—to conquer the Soviet Par East ‘and Siberia, What, then, do we transport workers do to @efend China against division, to stop the hand of the robbers, not to permit them to stifle the Chinese Revolution, not to let them put obs- tacles in the way of the victorious Socialist con- struction in the U.SS.R., this only fatherland of the toilers of the whole world? ‘Transport workers, we must directly realize ‘that so far we have still remained passive, that we looked upon the imperialist war in China ‘and the occupation of Manchuria as something not exactly concerning us. We have not made even one serious attempt to come out actively against imperialism and not permit Japan to be supplied with arms, for the purpose of des- uroying the lives of hundreds of thousands of Chinese toilers. We have adopted hundreds of vesolutions, we organized demonstrations, we keep on exposing the imperialists by sending in- tormation to the press about the real content of the enormously large cases and sacks, which are being sent under the label of different paris of machinery and other harmless goods, but we have done absolutely nothing to actually detain these death weapons, we have not stopped even one load full of war supplies and armaments, Must Move to Deeds We eannot remain satisfied any more with mere words; it is high time to go over to deeds, ‘We must presently come forward actively in the struggle against imperialist war. Why, haven't we had any experiences in this field? Have we forgotten how our brothers in the U.S.A, in ‘Ytaly, England and other countries found it pos~ wible not to permit any war supplies pass for and against Soviet Rus And today, do mot those of who are more active, conscious, indicate the road to us we must all go? Remember the Lancashire Lei, us take, for example, the crew “ more cls “upon which of tne | directed to divide China and to wage an armed | capitalist system and crisis, to starvation and out openly against imperialism, refusing to transport soldiers from Bombay to China. True, they only succeeded in holding up the transport, but not preventing it altogether, this because they were only 30 strong; if, however, these 30 men had been supported by all of us, would it have been possible even for orie soldier, for one machine-gun, or one bullet to reach Chinese land? Railwaymen, iongshoremen, seamen, must realize that the imperialist war, which has al- ready broken out in the East, will be more ter- rible, much more bloody and fierce than the first world war of 1914-18. /We must now un- derstand that all efforts’ of the imperialists are attack upon the Soviet Union, and that this at- tack, if we fail to prevent it, is not a matter of years and months even, but may be carried out within the next few weeks, days, hours, Already now we must begin work for organ- izing committees of action in each and. every. port, at every junction, everywhere, wherever: there are factories and workshops producing | war supplies. It is necessary that everytime | that war supplies are sent the whole line along which these war supplies will have to pass should be immediately notified, and that all possible steps are taken in order to detain them on the way, to prolong the time as much as pos- sible of the freight moving from the place of | production to the place where it is supposed to be loaded. Loaders must absolutely refuse to amd under-sheriff in Milwaukee County, caused the death of pickets during the Cudahy packing plant strike in 1919, were run again in 1932 as camdifintes of the & P. “on their record” of 1919! The S. P. charges \“graft and corruption in Racine politics." Why didn’t it bring these charges against Swoboda last winter when two “unemployed benefit” affairs were run under his and their auspices? A bill of $1,000 was pre- sented after the affair for “wages of the hired help.” The “Unemployed benefit” fund was paid out in wages—to whom? Hangers-on of the P.! The State Committee knew this before—it is directly responsible for the “graft and corrup- tion” of these “unemployment benefit” affairs, ‘The excuse of the S. P. is that Swoboda was allied with gamblers. But it is common knowl- edge in Milwaukee that Mayor Hoan has been allied with Morgenroth, runner of the biggest gambling house in Milwaukee, and had business transactions with him, Why isn’t Hoan threat- ened with impeathment? Perhaps the time is not yet ripe for Hoan to turn into a pygmy MacDonald, like Swoboda, in order to save the Socialist party's face to fool the workers. Bouma and Christensen of Racine are now “lily-whites,” who have engineered the launder- ing of the S. P.'s dirty skirts in public. But they consented and took part in all the affairs.men- tioned before, along with Swoboda, They are A Soviet Workers’ Shock Brigade Adopts the Name just as “guilty” as the “boy-mayor.” Bouma will run for office this fall—let the workers: remem- ber that. What is the real reason for this new. split among the leaders of the 6. P. in Wisconsin— Swoboda’s. graft and corruption? No, it is a fight, among the fakers over the division of spoils—over the lion’s share of the graft and cor- ruption. The incident that led to the split, as outlined in one of the capitalist newspapers, was the squabble over who was to be appointed as chief of police in Racine. The State Committee wanted Sheriff Anderson of Racine County to have the job. _Swoboda had’Sherman appoint. Lutter, who joined the S. P. to get a job. Swo- * By BURCK of the Daily Worker By DOROTHY M. PAGE PF (Our Correspondent in the Seviet Union) MO you think the American ‘Daily Worker’ would grant us the privilege of calling our shock brigade in its name? We promise to do our best to prove worthy of it." This was the ques- tion with which a group of metal workers of the Lepse Electro-Motor Works in Moscow greeted me, when I visited with them recently, during their noon hour. I’m sure that every Daily Worker comrade, after reading the collective letter which these Russian workers wrote for-our paper, (given below), telling the record they have made in furthering socialist production in their plant, will heartily second my answer, “You bet your life.” And that we, in turn, will do our part in speeding the organization of American work- ers into the Communist Party and revolutionary ‘unions. A photographer went along with me, so that you might get a look at your friends. However, since part work day shift, and part at night, two men being attached to each machine and able to see after its good condition, unfortunately we could not get a photo of all. But the brigade, which is enlarging, says they will all get together on @ free day, soon, so that the Daily can expect another complete photo with their next letter. Four members of the day shift of the Lepse | Motor Works shock-brigade named after the Daily Worker. Second from the right is the brigade’s leader, Comrade Khalemevof. load war supplies on the ships, they must, with the help of other workers, hinder the supplies to be loaded, if it is to be done by backward un- class-conscious workers. But if, in spite of all, the war supplies get into the ship, then you, seamen, must come out and declare that nei- ther will you go nor will you permit anyone else to lead the ship towards its point of des- tination. Follow in the footsteps of the heroic example of the “Lancashire” seamen, do not let the banner of struggle fall, which had been raised by our 30 comrades, now languishing in prison, In the struggle a jt imperialist war it is a matter of life and death for us: either we emerge victorious and put an end to the hated suffering, or we, as obedient slaves, carry out the orders of our masters and tls ourselves help to tighten our chains, to become still more enslaved, to worsen still more our as it is miser- able existence. We have nothing to lose in this struggle. We, as it is, often sacrifice our lives in order to increase the profits of our bosses. It is our class brothers who are shedding their blood on the battlefields of Manchuria and Shanghaj, it ig ouy Grothers whe are mortally peoduaeag children. Must Stop Arms Shipments Let us bring back to mind the valorous affair of Marty and his followers, let us remember hundreds of thousands of transport workers who did not stop before any difficulties and came out against armed intervention in the Soviet Union; let us follow in their footsteps. The hour of struggle has come, we have po choice to make. There is only one path—the path of ac- tive struggle against the imperialists and in the defense of the Soviet Union, China and the toilers of the whole world. Against imperialist transportation of war plies! Against, utilizing the merchant fleet for trans- porting troops and ammunition! For the demilitarization of labor of the sea- men in the merchant fleet! On May First the seamen, dockers, railway- men, will not only express their readiness to fight against imperialist war and an attack upon the U.S.S.R, and the Chinese Soviets, but during their demonstrations in the ports and vallwfay, junctions will come out in a most de- termined fashion and not permit the transport~ ation of war supplies and ammunition! wil tame ton bg) guns a.optier sup- ! By tie way, there are shock brigades in Lepse named for our brother papers, the British “Daily Worker,” and German “Rote Fahne,” (Red Flag), and there promises to be some lively competition between them, as to who can set the best record. Our Brigade Grows At present our brigade is composed of seven members from the dry polishing section of the tool department. Eight workers from the wet polishing section and twelve from thé lathe sec- tion have asked to be allowed to join ,which will bring the total to twenty-seven. The Lepse factory has set a high standard, fulfilling its part of the Five Year Plan in two years and seven months. Naturally the workers came back with their counter-plan, which they are also overfulfilling. The works have grown, since its foundation in 1927 from a@ force of 478 workers producing 4,964 motors a year valued at 2,058,400 roubles, to a force of nearly 1,000 workers producing 31,662 motors valued at 17,- 630,700 roubles. A rouble is equal to 52 cents). ‘That is, while the working force doubled, the output increased by nearly eight times. This ‘was accomplished by reducing the proportion of damaged goods from the extremely high figures of 50 per cent in 1927 to 7.37 per cent in 1930, by the better organization of the production process, and the workers’ enthusiasm for building socialism, and improving their technical qualifi- cations. Wages have increased steadily, a big factory kitchen, a club, and new apartments have gone up. Today abont eighty-three per cent of the workers are members of the Communist Party or youth league, and ninety-six per cent are taking part in socialist competition. During these three years, about 2,000 inven- tions and proposals made by workers for im- proving methods of production have ‘given an economy of over 200,000 roubles. Our “Daily Worker” brigade, as you can seé by the following letter, has played its part in the Lepse plant’s achievements. Dry Polishing Department Lepse Electro-Motor Works, Moscow, USSR. March 28, 1931. Dear Comrades, Readers and Worker Correspondents of the Daily Worker: We, workers of the tool department of Lepse Electro-Motor Works and members of a dry- polish brigade, after reading letters of our Am~ crican comrades in our factory newspaper, un- animously decided at our recent brigade meet- ing to get into contact with the American workers. We want to exchange impressions about our lives and work, in capitalist America and our socialist Soviet Union. We will tell you about our brigade. It was organized as brigade number 114 in November 1931, including 4 machines and 7 men. Of these are members of the Communist Party. We work on a basis of cost accounting, keeping ' a careful check on all unnecessary waste and damage, on amount of raw material used and studying how to reduce the costs of production. All the brigade members are subscribers to the state loans, called “Five Year Plan in Four,” and “The 'Third Decisive Year of the Five Year Plan.” Our fulfillment of our plan of produc- tion in November was 114%, in’ December 188.5%. ‘We have organized ourselves so that there are | no days or working hours when we are absent from work, or idle, and there are no delays. During January we carried out our program and We have «six-hour working day and a month's vacation with pay, on account of the work being considered injurious to health. Also, for this reason, we receive a pint of free milk each day. We earn two hundred and fifty roubles a month. Our brigade was judged the best brigade by the shop conflict committee and by the factory conference of all cost-accounting brigades. Our brigade leader received a prize, twice. On free days we decided to work for the benefit of our Red Army. Now there are two new machines mounted in our department, so we will mobilize ourselves in order to give more production to our factory, which has ‘been rewarded for its | record by the Central Committee of our Metal Union with a red banner’sent from the auto workers of Detroit. The shock brigade of fitters in our tool de- partment is named after the British Daily Worker, and we want very much to be named after the Communist newspaper of the Amer- ican working class, and we ask your agreement to this. Taking: the name of the Daily Workér, we take an obligation before all the American workers to fight, as before, under the direction | of our Communist Party, for the fulfillment of our plan of production, not to give up our tempo of work, so that carrying out our. proletarian duties here, we will quicken the hour of the world revolution. , Having a strong desire to be internationalist, we have decided to enter, as a body into the International Red Aid.. Our Leninist Commu- nist Party teaches us that there is no difference between all the peoples of the world, that all workers and oppressed are brothers of one class. We watch with great interest the trial of the Scottsboro boys, who are quite innocent and whom the hangmen of Sacco and Vanzetti want to put to death in the electric chair. We pro- test. very much against this ferocity of the American capitalists, organizers of lynch law, and we demand the immediate freedom of the prisoners. Wanting to follow all events which are taking place in America, and how the American work- ers fight under the direction of our brother American Communist Party against capitalism, we ask that you send us the Daily Worker for translation into Russian for our shop wall news- paper. Let this letter be the beginning of our un- breakable connection. » Long live our brother Communist Party and its fighting organ, the Daily Worker. Long live the American proletariat! With comradely greetings, eens, Leader Khaleminofv N. Kuzmnetdov P. Bucharev (On behalf of Brigade WILY.) boda did several of these little tricks—hence the rupture between him and the State Committee The S. P. is not opposed to graft and corruption In government—being the third party of the bosses, it calls for its share—and its only kick against Swoboda is that his group, a minorit group in the party, was getting more than its quota of the graft and thereby cutting off some of the share of Bouma, Christensen, Hoan, Ben son, Coleman and the official machine. The S. P. State Committee is finding Swobods guilty, and trying to absolve itself. The worker of Racine, when they hold their trial of Swoboda, will put Bouma, Christenson and the whole S. P. in the docket together—and will find the 8. P. guilty of all it ascribes to Swoboda; though not. taking any of the guilt of starving, clubbing, cheating the workers and trying to defeat their struggles and disorganize them, away from Swo- boda—who carried out so well the policy of the third party of capitalism that he exposed it in all its nakedness before the massés, and hence boars no more useful as a member of the 8. P. The workers of Racine now see that not all the radical phrases in the world make a workers, party—but the deeds are the gauge of a party's class affiliations. Swoboda’s common councit passed 2 resolution for unemployment insurance (ooked over and endorsed by manufacturers’ association). Hoan talks unemployment insur~ ance. But the only party in Racine that leads the struggle for real unemployment, insurance at full wages, against, wage cuts, against imperialist war, for the proletarian revolution, is—in spite of the revolutionary talk of the Bensons, Hoans and Boumas—the Communist Party. The work- ers will prove this by voting Communist in the fall elections, and by participating in the Na- tional Nominating Convention of the C. P. in Chicago, May 28-29, and the State Nominating Convention in Milwaukee, June 26th Lenin on Religion ‘The writings and speeches of Lenin are an inexhaustible arsenal for the revolutionary work~ ers. They embody a theoretical guidance for all revolutionary struggles in the period of im- Perialism; at the same tite they embody examples of proletarian struggle executed in accordance with Marxian ‘revolutionary theory, The writings and speeches of Lenin must there~ fore be made accessible to the masses of militant workers, Efforts in this direction were already made by International Publishers by publishing in a popu- lar edition the first four titles of Lenin’s com- plete works. This edition comprises six vol- umes and can be bought for less than ten dollars. This edition should be acquired and studied by every student of Marxism-Leninism, by every leading and active worker in the revolutionary movement. In addition to this edition of Lenin’s works, the International Publishers are now also issuing in & low-priced, populuar pamphlet form a series of Lenin’s writings and speeches arranged in accordance to important subjects. This edition must find mass distribution. Revolutionary workers must not only acquire and study these pamphlets; they must sell them to their fellow ‘workers in the shops and in the unions; they must make the discussion of the contents of these pamphlets a method of propaganda among these fellow workers. The price for this series varies from 15 cents to 50 cents rer title. This makes it possible for every worker to buy them. Till now, seven titles have been issued in this series. They are: The Teachings of Karl Marx, | The War and the Second International, Socialism and War, The Paris Commune, The Revolution of 1905, and What Is To Be Done? The latest. title just now published is entitled Religion. Lenin on Religion is a well chosen selection of writings and speeches of Lenin on this important subject. Religion is unquestionably one of the most effective bourgeois poisons; it is used to paralyze the class force of the proletariat. That is why the position of revolufonary Marxism toward religion was made the earliest object of attack on opportunist revisionism. The material- ist base of Marxism left very clear the anti- religious position of Communism. Revisionism, however, endeavored to obscure this clear posi- tion. It selected the programmatical formula- “tion that religion is a private matter. Thus the principle that the state, the government, should keep its hands from supporting, favoring or rec- ognizing religion was turned into the principle that religion was the exclusive province of indi- vidual desires. This was then interpreted by the reformists as meaning that even the revolution- ist had a right to choose for himself if he wanted or did not want religion. Religion is the anti- thesis of Materialism; Socialism stands unre- servedly on materialism. But the reformists used their formulation as a justification for revising Marxism from a materialist revolutionary science into a petty-bourgeois and anti-proletarian poison. In the booklet, Lénin on Religion, we find clearly formulated the position of the uncom- promising proletarian revolutionist against the “opium of the people.” In one of Lenin’s letters to Gorki reprinted in this volume, Lenin’s criti- cism of god seeking and god creating represents in a few paragraphs the full case of the working class against religion. ‘The bourgeoisie in the United States, through its apparent, but illusionary, separation of church and state, st led in preventing the develop- ment of a broad movement. ‘Therefore the struggle against religious illu- sions among the American workers is very im~- portant. Lenin on Religion supplics effective weapons for this struggle. Yet in all struggles of the workers the churches throughout the land play their role as retainers of the e~'t-"'-*s, Ta its teachings and dogmas the church endeavors to prevent the resistance of the Wor... to infamies of capitalist exploitation and oppression. It promises a reward hereafter in proportion to the sufferings borne patiently here. In its activities the church breaks strikes, expels workers: for striking, as was done in Blizabeth- town, and betrays the workers to the bosses wherever it has the opportunity. (A detailed study of the role played by the various churches catholic, protestant and jewish, in the class struggle in the United States is described in the pamphlet, “‘The Church and the Workers” by Bennett Stevens, which is No. 15 in the Inter- national Pamphlets series, and which sells at ten cents.) ‘The revolutionary workers everywhere should make a mass distribution of Lenin on Religion form of thair activities