The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 16, 1932, Page 4

Page Fou New ¥ shed by the Comprodaily Pu York City. Address and mail al) checks to the n 4-7956, Cable Gaily except Sunday, at 50 East t 13th Street, New York, N, ¥. DAIWOLEL* By mail everywhere: One yes: of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $6; 512 months, $3: _Forsignt a THE SCOTTSBORO BOYS YOT BE MURDERED! SHALL Yo the Toilers of All Countries: : | and national-reformist agents? all prepara- against the by. elec- Scottsboro postponed to eoisie, faced on the one st economic crisis in its er par with the increas- white and to smash common. struggle ge cuts, rationaliza- we and white terror. ly oppressed and | This is why a sweeping over the Uni- nough to satisfy the Ne- cotton-mill barons of | t er determined ht Negro boys, the | years old and the | he death sentence still | e sons of workers and | t presentatives of the | Supreme Court—“con- | object of this execution, as of the rising | or all over the United States, is to to the hearts of the toiling nd black; to crush out their t the active participa- lism in the imperialist dy started in the Far East and in the for military intervention against continued outrages against the toiling nd the Negroes in the United States have resulted in a world-wide wave of indignant t and burming condemnation among the rican itself and those of every In the face of the open hostility of the ultra-reactionary American ion of Labor, the social-fascists, the Ne= rmist National Association for. the .Ad- Colored People and the Universal jectively supporting this frameup, the ¢ whole world have already raised t under the leadership of the In- Red Aid, the International Trade ittee of Negro Workers and other y organizations. 's cannot put trust in the “Justice”~ is courts. We have not forgotten gs case, the Sacco-Vanzetti Harlan frame-ups! It. is. only. tions of the working class world that can restrain the labor the Mi hating c ts and landlords of the state of Alabama carrying out their murder pro- gram Mass Action and International Solidarity Must Sa Toilers in all countries! Demand the immediate, unconditional release of the Scottsboro Negre boys, including the boy sentenced to life imprisonment! Down, with the lynching of Negro workers in America! For the united front of the Negro and white workers of the United States against the class terror of the bourgeoisie and their social-fascist Long live the international solidarity of the toilers of all races | and nationalities! (Signed): Executive Comittee of International Red Aid. Executive of the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers, | | shown in Labor and Coal. | taxes, interest, and reserves for depreciation and Profits in Coal Mini By Labor Research Association (OST coal operators claim that they are selling coal below cost. By this they mean that they are not covering all the amounts drawn off by the capitalist class before corporations begin to | reckon “profits” on their stock—as we have | Capitalists include as costs two kinds of items: | first, the costs such as wages, electric current purchased from a utility company, and materials and supplies other than the items charged against the miners; second, rents, royalties, depletion. They are not selling their coal for | less than the total of the wages, materials and | electricity. From. figures published in Coal Age and in | reports of the United States Bureau of Mines | it is clear that the industry had a margin of about $230,000,000 in 1930 and about $219,000,000 in 1931 to cover the capitalist costs and to pro- vide profits for stockholders in a very few com- paniés. What small share of this.margin went to support the capitalist state as taxes, we do not know; but most of -it went directly into the pockets of the capitalist class or into reserves set aside to protect their capital. Glen Alden Coal Co. paid $7,377,873 in divid- ends in 1931, after payment of $369,222 in rents and royalties, $2,280,883 in interest, and unstated amounts for taxes depletion, and depreciation. It added “$13,536 to surplus, which stood at $6,445,468 at the end of 1931. Lehigh Coal and Navigation Co. is thought by Wall Street Journal to have probably covered its dividend payments in 1931. It operates a canal_and owns a railroad. It had smaller “losses” in the coal department during 1931 than in 1930. United Electric Coal Companies (Illinois) cut production costs more than 20 cents a ton in 193} and is showing a rising profit after payment of-interest, etc. Its net profit for the six months ending January 31, 1932, was $175,887, a decided increase over the profit of $59,715 for the six months ending January 31, 1932, Pittsburgh Coal Co. reports a net “loss,” but this means that after paying nearly $2,000,000 in interest the operating profit was not large enough to cover amounts set aside for deprecia- Hon-and depletion. without drawing: ‘on..accum- ulated-surplas. Production’declined less than the average for the country. Viriginia Iron, Coal and Coke Co. showed & small net profit after interest, etc., for the first time in several years, Women Heroes of Socialist Construction By MYRA PAGE. (Our Correspondent in the Soviet Union) . Soviet Union has developed a new type of hero. You find their pictures and stories on the front pages of the daily papers. Magazines devote illustrated articles to them, their faces Mlash across the movie screen. In workers’ clubs, entrance rooms to skating rinks, movies, thea- tres, and on collective farms, in factories, and museums, you come upon galleries of life-size drawings and busts of these “heroes of socialist construction.* There are literally many thousands of them— workers whose valiant efforts and noteworthy deeds their fellows have been quick to honor. Among them are many women. Resourceful, in- dependent, and with minds largely freed from all those petty household cares that hampered them in the past, these women devote their energies to building the new life, in factory, club, and community. “The Working Class Should Know Its Heroes” Recently I attended a small conference of working women in the Moscow Region who had received the Order of Lenin (the highest honor. awarded by the Soviet Government to those of outstanding achievement). They had been called together by the Communist Party, which has been reviewing in this fourth, decisive year of the first Five-Year Plan, the work of indus- try’s best shock brigaders. One after another the women were asked to tell their story, “and why you got the Order of Lenin.” First came Proletarskaya. Dressel in khaki blouse and skirt, with short, strong fig- ure and her hair cropped close like a boy’s, she related her experiences ina brief, terse ‘manner. “From early. childhood I had to work in a fac- tory. When the revolution came, and the:Ctvil War, I went to the front. Later, when we had driven out the last of the enemy, I changed my gun for a machine. Since then I have been fighting on the economic front.” The monster Electric Works in Moscow, where Proletarskaya has worked for over ten years, completed its part of the Five-Year Plan in two and a half years. The entire plant was awarded the Order of Lenin, and twelve workers, among them Proletarskaya, were singled out for special honor. Her record included more than ‘ten val- uable suggestions for rationalizing production, as a result of which the factory saved 800,000 roubles. “Tell us more about yourself,” the other women asked Proletarskaya. “I don’t know how to talk about myself,” she answered simply. “All I know is that I under Stand the masses and how to lead them to. do - their best.” This woman Communist has been assistant director since 1930 of one of the plant's largest, departments. In the evenings she has attended technical and political courses, for, she told us, “social construction demands trained leaders.” Anna Komisarova, a woman of perhaps fifty, Boe 4 think I can speak here. In our factory meet- told us her story with difficulty. Her com- panions listened intently, especially the girls and younger: women, who had never known the ter- rors and hardships of the old regime. On Komisarova’s sweater there was pinned the highest military award, the Order of the Red Banner. “Together with my husband I fought on the barricades in 1905. After our defeat, he was exiled to Siberia. With my small children, i was turned out of our rooms and hunted by the police. I had to hide; and had no Place to go. Finally we found an old abandoned hut, and lived there. But the children were hungry —T had no work.” As she dashed her hands actoss her eyes, many faces twisted in sympathy. | “Oh, well. It is long ago now . ... Yes, I fought again in 1917. Later, they gave me this.” She | pointed to the medal. “For twenty-three years | I've worked in the factory. Things have | changed. Every year it gets better.” | } As an honored pita k brigader, Comrade Komi- seis COMRADE KOMISAROVA telling the brigade of Young Communist girls of the Lepse metal factory how she won her military decoration, the Order of the Red Banner. sarova was chosen as one of the workers who last year made a trip to Europe. “How did you find it?” the others asked her. “Just like our Papers say,” she answered. “They sure. tell the truth. In Germany, think of it, rich people | living in the biggest . houses, and workers crowded together in the slums! We_ Soviet workers, when we saw alt this, said among our- selves, ‘That's the way it was énce with us. Soon German workers will put an end to this.’” Once Illiterate, Now Inventor. Comrade Lunina, leader of a brigade in Mos- cow's Kauchuk rubber factory, protested: “I don’t | workers scoffed: ings, I'm used to it, but here...” “Oh, go on,” the others urged, “we're dll plain working women, like yourself.” Flushed with effort, she began: “My father was a door-keeper, my mother a laundress. I never went to school. At twelve I began to work, and since sixteen I've been in this same factory. | After the’ revolution, I got to learn to read and write... ... My brigade has raised our produc- tivity many times, and made suggestions. That’s all.” Quickly she took her seat,. smiling shyly around her. By questioning her, we found that several of her suggestions could well be counted as inventions. For example, her last suggestion gave an economy of 3,000 roubles. At the close she added: “The new life in the factory has helped me ‘personally. . . . Formerly I had trouble with my husband. % worried a lot. Then, I became active, and forgot my troubles. Now it’s good to live, and work.” ‘Young At Sixty. There were many others, such as Comrade Andurin, 60-year-old enthusiast of a railroad repairing shop near Moscow, who could have had a pension, but preferred to stay on the job. “I'm hale and hearty as the youngest of you,” and she shook her grey head at us, around which was wound a red scarf. For this energetic little grandmother has recently become a candidate to the Party. Her son being a Party man and her -grandsen a Comsomol, why should she lag behind? z When asked, “Are you a shock brigader?” “Of course,” she replied. “Today it’s not possible not to be!” ’ Her department entered into com- Petition with another and succeeded in lowering the cost of production 6 per cent, increasing out~ put by 10 per cent and making a record of no absentees from work. Many times she has won prizes, by ‘her suggestions. “Once the factory gave me a Lenin bust,” she told us, “another time a kersone stove, and lately a new suit of clothes that cost 88 roubles.” The Will of Twenty-Six Girls. Comrade Fedorova, a bright-eyed girl from the Lepse metal factory, related in a brisque, lively manner the story of the 26 young Com- munist girls who organized four years ago the first brigade in the factory. Some of the older “What're you kids up to? Just a@ bunch of girls!” But the twenty-six kept on, determined to prove that working collectively brought" better results than working singly. For their numerous successes in reducing waste, im- proving methods of work, over-fulfilling their program, as well as for their social work, the re brigade was awarded the Order of Lenin, “Since we got the order,” Federova said, “we have to live up to it—every one.” The girls worked in the winding section of the transformer department. Some of the young brigade members have now. been sent to regional courses and two to. the university to study. “We have our own wall paper,” one of Fedo- Tova’s companions added, “and we go to movies collectively, and pool our earnings and do every- thing in common. It’s lots of fun. Ob, yes, we've Sotten prizes many times.“ A hundred roubles last June to each girl, another time, a sports outfit apiece. And we’ve our Own. author —Levena. She's written & book about our ex- || periences, called ‘The Will of the Twenty-Six.’ Now she’s on her second book, about what our. brigade saw on the trip to’ Europe.” two months, $1; one year. §: copting Boroughs siz montha $4.50, By BURCK SOVIET CHINA’S FIGHT (LETTER FROM SHANGHAI) The fourth offensive of the Kuomintang armies is now commencing against Soviet China. The Chinese counter-revolution; which makes no attempt to defend China against Japanese and international imperialism, is al- ready sending large forces against the Chinese Soviet districts. There is no doubt that the red troops of the Chinese Soviets will repel this fourth offensive with just the same energy and bravery and with just the same success as they repelled. the first three offensives. The follow- ing letter, which has arrived. from Shanghaj after considerable. delay, contains interesting details regarding life and the fighting in the Chinese’ Soviet districts —Ed, “You, ask why this work Js so difficult? Why . it was so-hard to Jocate the main forces of the Reds? I wijl explain this to you. In the ‘course of three to four years, in a district some hun- dreds of lt in extent, hundreds of thousands of people were poisoned by Communist teaching. All adult men are either in the Red Army or in the Red Guard. Even the old folk, juveniles and women are: militerily organized, for example in the laundries, In the pioneer and other auxiliary formations and in the Young Guard. They are the eyes and the ears of the Reds. They supply the Reds with food and provide them with hiding places. Thus the Reds, no matter where they may go, do.not need to make any special prepara- tions. They are at home wherever they are.... As soon as we venture to advance tog far into the: Soviet districts, transport becomes extraor- dinarily difficult. The whole of the population take to the mountains, taking all the stores with them. The old folk; women and:children who are left behind are the spies of the Reds. We there- fore have to be-on our guard at every step. If food ‘supplies do not arrive from the base, we are compelled ourselves to gather in the harvest of the peasants and prepare our own food.... I is impossible to transport sick soldiers,... Thus the Reds here are the masters, while we are mere strangers. They can easily obtain what they need whilst we are continually laboring under diffi- culties. They enjoy rest, while we are continually exerting ourselves. They know everything, while we grope about in the dark....” These are the words of General Tehen Min Sjui, who commanded the right wing of the Ku- omintang troops in the third campaign of Chiang Kai-shek, against the Chinese Soviets in Ki- angsi. That the Kuomintang army found’ it very hard “to locate the main’ forces of the Reds” is of course a fact. The third anti-Soviet campaign was shattered, A white army, 300,000 strong, out- numbering the Red Army two, to one and far'ex- ceeding it in regard to technical equipment and the qualification of its commanders, and in addir tion supported in every way by the ‘imperialists, was forced to beat. a. hasty retreat, leaving be- hind more than ’10,000'rifles and huge iquantities of other equipment ‘which fell into the hands of the Red Army. About 17 regiments ofthe Kuo- mintang army went over to. the-side of the revo+ lution. ‘Even now the. Chinese Red Army are” winning fresh victories” over the Kuomintang. In the course’ of the months of December ‘and January the important town of Kanchow ag well as-a number of smaller towns in the South of Kiangsi were cleared of whites, whilst:in the .Nortir of Kiangsi ‘the, Red aoe are approach- Three Important Anti-War Pamphlets The Soviet Union Stands for Peace, “by M M Lit= vinov, 1 cent. |-War in China, by Ray Stewart, 10. cents. - They Shall Not Die, The Story of Scdttsboro “in. Pictures, 2 cents. In mobilizing the workers in the (struggle against war, no more effective weapon can be found than agitational pamphlets which not only acquaint the workers with the facts about what is going on in the present imperialist war, the forces behind the invasion of China and the Plots against the Soviet Union, the ‘terroristic measures of the capitalist countries in trying to whip their own proletariat into acceptance of the war behind the fighting front, but also to mobilize the-workers the world. over in-struggle against the. imperialist slaughter which has begun in China and will soon spread throughout. the world; in struggle for the defense of the Soviet Union, and in struggle to save the victims of the white terror at home. The three pamphlets named above help to EE serve this purpose, and there are many other, pamphlets which also contribute |their_ share," But these three pamphlets epitomize all- the phases of the entire anti-war struggle. Litvinov, the representative of the Soviet Union at. the so-called Disarmament Conference at. Geneva, ‘in clear and simple language arialyzed the forces making for way in the imperialist sector of the world, and the efforts of the Soviet Union to maintain peace in the face of all the intrigues against it. .War in China gives the issues in- volving China and Japan, which directly affect the Soviet Union as well, and the part played by the imperialist nations’ behind the scenes of battle. .They Shall Not Die is a striking history of the Scottsboro Case, that attempt of ‘the’ ruling class to terrorize the Negro masses of America into submissive acceptance of the im- perialist war which is looming ahead. All of these pamphlets can be obtained from Workers Library Publishers, P. -O, Box 148, Station D, New York City. | mitted in solving the. agrarian. question, that “practically the whole province of Kiangsi ing the gates of Nanchang, the capital’ of the province. The Kuomintang newspaper “Mingo- shibao”, admitted in .its issue of December 17 is in he hands of the Reds and is completely independent of the Nanking. government”. In the provirice’ of hupeh, the ring of Red Armies is drawing ‘closer round Wuchang, and red. air- men are flying over the district where the three provinces of Hupeh, Honan and Anwhei adjoin each other, and scattering proclamations. The kulaks, in alljante with the landowners, endeavor to set.up their counter-revolutionary organizations. in the Soviet districts. In a Soviet district ‘in. West Fukien, ‘the kylak-landowning elements have established an association under the name of “International Socialist Party” and have-issued the slogan; “Long live the It. Inter- national, down with the Comintern! They, call upon the masses to fight. against the. Commy- nists, demand ,the' dissolution of the Communist Party, the Soviets, the Komsomol, . the Red Guards and other revolutionary organizations, and. advocate the formation of peasant leagues, which would naturally be led by the kulaks and landowners in the “International ,Socialist Par- ty”. In order to delude the peasants they set yp the following platform: 1. Land and peace (peace with the landowners), 2. Cease the fight against the big peasants. 3. Pay ne land taxes, (only the kulaks have to pay land. taxes). 4. .Do not serve in the Red Army. 5. The peasants shall defend themselves (te, down with; the .workers and Communists). Following q-revolt.which they had organized, they. openly. entered the service, of the Kuomintang ‘clique, and the leader of this band of iunkers' and kulaks was appointed chief of the» Mintuan,.ie., the junkers’ militia, Here ggain’the poor and middle peasants had an op- portunity of realising the true meaning of these “Socialist” slogans. The. workers and agricultural laborers of West Fukien.succeeded, under the leadership of the Communist Party, in rallying round them the poor and middle peasants for the fight against the kulaks and the miserable remnants of the landowners, for the consglida- |- tion of the Soviet Power:and the strengthening of. the leading role of the proletariat, for the extension of the agrarian revolution, for. the mass organizations of the workers, agricultural laborers and poor peesants. Whilst foymerly, as a_resultof the diversion maneuvers of. the agents of the landowners and; kulaks. whothad worked their way into the Soviets, distortions were ‘com- now thanks: to the consistent fight: against’ the ku- laks and ‘the remnants of the landowners, these distortions ate. being overcome. The Party organ- izations have increased their activity in drawing together the: proletariat and the poor elements of the population: Trade unions of the town workers and agricultural workers, as well as groups of village poor,'ate being formed ‘everywhere. For- merly, land was allotted to the: families of the big landowners.and their property was not con- fiscated. In some Soviets! “they did riot know” who, in a given village, were landowners and ku- laks; ‘dnd wheh, finally, workers, agricultural -Workere and poor peasants were summoned to *‘;quidate sall remnants of feudal landownership and to take-up the fight against: the kulaks, it transpired that those who did “not* know” tHe landowners were‘ themselves landowners, kulaks, agents’ of the “Socialist Party”’ who had ‘smug- gled inté\the Soviets. Thus the landowners and kulaks were soon discovered and thrown out of the Soviets by the landworkers and poor peas- ants. “It further transpired that kulak counter-revo- utionary groupings. had attempted in a whole number of Soviet districts (here and there with success) to divert the fight of the Soviets against the kulak to the middle peasants, and to make use in their own interests of the discontent thereby evoked. Whilst the kulaks made use of the Right opportunists in the Party for the pur- pose of rétarding the agrarian revolution, the kulak-junker counter-revolution made use of the “eft” deviation in provoking the middje peas- ants against the Soviets. The counter-revolution- ary Trotzky!sts too did not wish to lag behind the kulak-junker bands in any way. Thus for instance, the recently discovered Trotzkyist or- ganization in Fukien worked in close ¢o-opera~ tion with the “Socialist Party’ and was financed by the landowners and kulaks. The danger of the kulak-junker counter-revo- lution was particularly great in the central Sé- viet district of Kiangs!. Here the kulaks and the remnants of the landowners had organized the “Anti-Bolshevist League", which even succeeded 4 Book Review _ THE PUBLIC PAYS, a Study of Power Propas' ganda, by Ernest Gruening, Vanguard Press, . 273 pages, $2.50. ete Oe By LABOR RESEARCH ASSN." | » Some 33 volumes. of evidence alid. exhibits, containing 14,293’ pages, are boiled. down to’ réade able proportions in The Public Pays. Here we find the gist of the evidence gathered over three years by the Federal Trade Commission’s invese tigation of power companies. It is certainly all that’ a worker needs for illustrating the worke ings. of ‘capitalism in the field of power. ‘The book’ consists chiefly of quotations selecte ed.by one who even the power companies probe ably admit is an “unbiased student.” And i ‘shows with evidence that is concrete, overe -Whelming, and some of it at one time, “confide ential,” that the power capitalists have béen dow ing all thet capitalists normally do. They have been buying for cash—or its equivalent—college and university professors of every grade, texte books and textbook writers and publishers, news~ papers and magazines, preachers, university presidents and deans, “scientists,” lecturers, woe men’s club leaders, radio announcers, state legislators, judges, Congressmen, Senators, and every variety of capitalist politician, fraternal organizations, company unions, kindergartens and nursery schools, mayors and governors. Thus “the Morgans, Sloans, Mitchells, Insulls, Dohere tys, ‘Couchs, Swopes and Youngs have made | “public opinion.” * In other words the capitalists have been op- erating their state just as Marx said: they: did. Here is simply a gold mine of factual evidence t6 prove the point. One of the originators and sponsors of the idea: of “educating” the public by all the meth- ods exposed’in this book was Samuel Insull, the power lord of the west. It is well to remember, especially in an election year, that Mr. Insull, in. 1926, contributed $125,000 to the Illinois stne atorial candidacy of Republican Frank L. Smith, While a Senate candidate, Smith was also chaire man of the’ Illinois Commerce Commission, ' which-was the public body that “regulated” the Insull utilities. And-to play safe, lest Smith should lose, Insull also contributed $15,000 out of the $18,000 received’ by the rival candidate, the Democrat George E. Brennan. Coneresstxen as well’ as Senators were con- trolled by the power and electric intérests, In some places they did not even trouble to sub- sidize outside ‘candidates/.'They simply bourht elections for pedéple on their own pdyroll. For example, Rev. Charlés A. Eaton, a particularly vicious Red bditer, was elected to Congress from the fourth New Jersey District. He happened # to be the manager of the Industrial Relations Department of @ General Electric plant. 2 In the . last. chapter, Gruening summarizes some of the eviderice on holding companies, pad- ded ‘assets, phoney stock operations, and the rigging of the public “regulating” commissions by: the power companies.’ He’ totals some ‘of the “write-up” or water inflation for a few of these companies. “For six companies, connected with the. Morgan-conirolled Electric Bond and. Share Co,, the total “write-up” was $341,891.000; and Gruening* declares that “the total utility infla- tion may be. conservatively estimated at two Dillion “dollars. ’ At 8 per cent this type of ine fiation: would. levy an. annual- chargé of $160,- 060.000. unon the nation’s light and. power con suiners,” that is, upon the working class, And workers in New York City, who are charged.a minimum rate of $1 a month for having an electric meter in their tenement rooms, are pay- ine part of this outright capitalist robbery. Gruening asserts his desire for “adequate, ef- fective regulation,..otherwise the graver alter- netive of public ownership is inevitable” He rather hopes that industry will “reform itself” and not. play the hog any longer, that. it wil? be satisfied with “a fair return” on «‘“cnital honestly invested.” In other words, capitalist- minded Gruening wants the power ‘capitalists “to set their house in order.”. But this is some- thing the canitalists are incapable. of doing, There is little about the handling of “the la- ‘or! problem”’ in’ this book. The power com- panies are notorious for ‘their company unions and their use of spies and gunmen against work- ers trying to organize. A quotation from an- other recent book, More They Told Barron, will — illustrate the tyvical power company attitude. Georee Sheldon, director of the North American Co., told Barron: » “We bave bad the bierest strikes in’ the country and. fourht them through. There is today not a union man in our employ, either in the Milwaukee Street Railway, the St. Louis Street Railway, at Detroit, or in our Virsinie coal mines... Many men were killed. 1 de- clared at Milwaukee that we had $15,000,000 of proverty there and we would lose every dollar of it before we would nermit labor agitators to control the property.” : for a time in obtaining a foothold in some sec- tions of the Red Army, At the time of the first campaign of the Kuomintang against the So- viet this Jeague organized a revolt and attempt+ ed. to overthrow the Soviet Power in -Kiangsi. The revojt. of the, Anti-Bolshevists was, .how- ever, suppressed and their organization shate tered. It is true, remnants. of this organization still exist teday and the fight against the kulak counter-revolution is still: going on. As soon as -the Party had consolidated the or- ganizations of the proletariat. and of the poor peasants and. also the. Soviets, and exposed the counter-revolutionary organization, the broadest masses, of; workers and. peasants of the Soviet districts took, up, the fight against the kulaks and the remnants of the big landoy . When the “Socialists” in West Fukien attempted for thé second time to maké a revolt, the working masses immediately crushed them with weapons ‘in’ hand. The workers and peasants themselves seized the instigators of the conspiracy and handed them over to the court. The counter- revolutionary kulak-junker character of the “so~ cialists”, anti-bolshevists, etc., was completely exposed in open court proceedings, The Commu- nist Party of China, precisely becausé it has raised the organizational firmness and class~ consciousness of the proletariat, the semi-pro- - letarian: ¢lements and poor peasants to a higher level, succeeded in repelling the large-scale at- tack of the Kuomintang and the imperialists upon the Soviets, shatte: he kulak counter- revolution in the Soviet district, consolidating the Soviets, driving the exploiting elements out of them, consistently extending the agrarian rev- olution, purging the SoViet districts from the last remnants of mediaevalism and strengthening the Red Army, Soviet China has thereby become a still greater threat to world imperialism. “ Communist rule is becoming the most 4 welded and .powerful political apparatus in. China, capable of determined action, with which no other apparatus in China can compare,” writes the epee Telegraph”, the organ “ah hs ans oi