The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 15, 1932, Page 4

Be ' ? Address en wage Four bloodbath in Shanghai, the destruction and devastation of the worki ‘own of Chapel, after the bloody and Manchuria, the Japanese troo against the frontiers of the 5 divisions are being landed daily i n Central and North China,a being gathered together for the hina and the Soviet Union War is raging, although there has been no formal declaration of war. he armament undertakings experie a be Wagon- bein; ct d by the ships loaded with ex- are anitions Hundreds of plosi' aterial and poison gases for perialism against China and the So are leaving the big ports of Hamburg m, Antwerp, are Japan’s chief European ally, French tmperiai- ism, is organizing, financing and feverishly ex- tending the Western war front against the Soviet Unon. The attempts of the National Government of Baldwin and MacDonald to restore the Anglo- Ja: ese alliance, the attempts of French im- I ism to come to an agreement with the Italy of Mussolini, the plan for a Danube Fed- eration, mean an attempt to create a platform of understanding for the war of intervention sgainst the Soviet Union, for the final and firm inclusion of Germany in the anti-Soviet In Geneva, in the magnificent halls ¢ epee of Nations ae peace idyls are staged Marseilles, Dunkirk, London and | ALgonauin 6-7956, Cable ine. dally except Sunday, at 60 East “DAIWORK.” rker, §0 East 18th Street, New York, N. ¥. ee SUBSCRIPTION RATBS: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; siz months, $3; two months, ef Manhattan ané Bronz, New York City. excepting Boroughs Foreign: one year, §£; six montha, 94.50, TOILERS OF ALL COUNTRIES! Shanghai, conducting rob Japanese robber 1 peace negotiations, The imperialist Ts and their social-fascist agents are juggl- ing with the lying paragraphs of the League of Nations statut® in order to prevent the toiling masses of Eur and America from taking up the fight a: he fury of war which has been unchained in China. Proletarians of Europe and Aimorieats © You must realize that your blood and lives sre in- volved in the events in China. The Chinese peasants and petty bourgeoisie are today to the scourge of war. The mouths nese imperialism and its Eu- Jready directed against the ropean allies Soviet Union. The danger of a new imperialist world war for the redivision of the world was never so great and immediate as at the present time. ‘The competition with peaceful means between the world of capitalism and the world of vic- torious Socialism has been decided already in favor of Socialism by the mangnificent successes of the Five Year Plan, It is precisely this cir- cumstance that induces world imperialism, which is more and more shaken to its foundations by the intensifications of the class struggle and the national revolutionary movements in the colonies and dependent countries on the one side and the sharpei.ing of the inner imperialist anta- gonisms on the other side, to seek a way out of the crisis at the cost of the Soviet Union, to decide the fight between capitalism and Social- ism by means of arms. The world crisis of Ca is ea WHY THE WAR WILL NOT, “BRING BACK PROSPERITY” By N. SPARKS Part If (Conclusion). Granted the war will bring an increase in present employment, manufacturing munitions end military supplies. But at no time will the present huge army of 12,000,000 unemployed, which is still inereasing, be absorbed by the war industrial machine. Let us see what will be the nature and extent of this “increase” of employ- ment. It is true several million workers will be “employed” in the army as cannon-fodder, but millions of new workers, women and children who have up till now lived at home, ruined farmers and their families — will be uprooted | from their homes by the increasing poverty and forced to the factories, numbers of them find- ing themselves together with masses of other proletarians not in the employed but in the unemployed division of the working class. ‘The rationalization of industry, which has been taking place since the last war, marks a tremendous change in the factories and in the lives of the workers between the present period and the period of the last war. This rationali- gation, which means a more intense exploitation of the workers through speed-up and through of the use of unskilled instead of skilled labor, women and children instead of men, has be one of the most essential preparations for war raising the war-making capacity of industr produce the maximum of war material with the minimum of labor at the lowest wages. It has been part of the general attack on the condi- tions of the workers without which no imperial- ist war can be prepared. The factories, during the next war, far from, supplying employment to all, will be the scene of a colossal replace- ment of men workers by women and child labor, not only to release men for the army, but to cut wages still more by the employment of “cheaper” labor. Military Control In addition, we will see many of the factories working on essential war materials manned by conscript labor battalions—workers, often those not physically fit for the front lines, who are conscripted and then sent, oldiers, to work in the factory. This was al practi¢e in many of the factories king poison gas in the last war, and is now a definite part of the present mobilization plans. In this way, the bosses force the workers to work on these dangerous jobs any number of hours and for the negligible pay of a soldier and threatened with | being shot under military law for any attempt to strike. Practically all the factories making munitions, airplanes, etc., will be at least under semi-military control w il detachments of soldiers will be an Leng at » prevent the workers and fight- ing for any improvement in s or Political reaction and te: reached a high pitch a massacre, in Kentucky, 4 in has a the in Tampa and in nur ous other cases, will sweep the country under | the cloak of “patriotism.” Every attempt to or- ganize, the bosses will endeavor to treat as “treason” and punish with the utmost vicious~ ness, Wage-Cuis—Direct And Indirect Some workers have the illusion that wages The sales tax is already before Congress. The Glass-Steagall Bill is already starting the infla- tion. Even the forced loans are beginning—the Hoover Government’s “Baby Bond” scheme. The fact that these measures have already been in- troduced shows the closeness of the war. It is the plan of the Hoover Government to have all these measures already working when the war begins, so that only an extension of their ap- plication will be necessary, and their introduc- tion will not be obstructed by the resistance of the masses of the population who will be against the war. Thus it is clear that the idea of “war pros- perity” is the most dangerous mirage for the workers, which can only lead them into still deeper misery and millions of them to their death. Japan, which has already begun the war, does not seem to be emjoying much prosperity. On the contrary, its economic difficulties have increased, news leaks thru the censorship af increased unemployment and sttirvation, of de- monstrations which are being savagely répressed by an increasingly fascist ‘government. Organized Resistance But how did the American workers react dur- | ing the last war to the “prosperity” that was provided for them by the capitalist class? Only heir organized resistance prevented the bosses from driving them down to lower standards of living during the war. During the last war from three to four million workers were organized in the A. F. of L. Despite the fact that Gompers, Green and Woll had sold the A. F. of L.’ body and soul to the bosses’ war machine, they were unable to completely prevent the struggles of the workers. Time after time, from 1917 to 1919, the workers forced concessions from the bosses by strike or threat of strike. Despite the pledges of Gompers, the menace of these 4,000,000 or- ganized workers hung like a sword over the heads of their bosses, holding back the full force of the bosses’ attack. Today, the extent to which the workers will be able to resist the war and misery lies now in the extent to which we, the revolutionary ad- vance-guard of the working class, will be able to lead the masses of workers to organize and struggle thru the revolutionary unions of the T.U.UL., thru the, rank and file opposition groups in the A. F. of L, to the extent that we will be able to make their daily struggles part and parcel of the struggle to stop the war against the Soviet Union, of the struggle to turn the ple war into a civil war. | driving to a new imperialist world war, a new war phase has commenced. Social-democratic workers, members of the re- formist trade unions! Your leaders, the king's ministers of imperialist world war, stand shoulder to shoulder with the criminal imperialist war- makers. They deceive you with the slogan: “No more war!” Before the last world war they came forward with hypocritical phrases against war and then actively took part in it. The Second International and the Amsterdam Trade Union International are the worst inciters of the capitalist offensive; they prepare the way for fascism. They carry out brutal wage cuts, they come forward openly and cynically as organizers ef strike breaking. And now they crown their ¢@Ames with the preparation for the new im- perialist world war. The Japanese social demo- cracy, following the example of the German and French social democracy in the year 1914, grants war credits to Japanese robber imperialism and defends the predatory attack on Manchuria and Shanghai; it is allied with the most reactionary military clique. ‘The leaders of the Second International oc- cupy first place in the incitement against the Soviet Union. It is their ministers, their police presidents, who protect the transport of arms and munitions for Japanese imperialism. It is their press which, in order to justify the crim- inal actions of the social democratic leaders put forward the slanderous and lying assertion that the weapons and munitions which are being produced in the armament industries of the whole of Europe for Japanese imperialism, are destined for China and the Red Army; that no danger of intervention threatens the Soviet Union, that the Soviet Union has concluded a secret. agreement with Japan. The appeal of the International Trade Union Federation against the transport of arms and munitions is exposed by the practical actions of the social democratic and reformist leaders as a new de- ceitful manoeuvre. It is the leaders of the Second and of the Amsterdam Internationals who forcibly prevent any actve revolutionary mass struggle against the war-makers and those who make profit out of the imperialist war. It is they who tell the unemployed that war will bring them bread and work. At the same moment when the social-democratic and re- formist leaders talk about peace, the German social-democratic party vote for Hindenburg, the Field Marshal in the world war, and all parties of the Second International support the war policy of their own imperialist governments. Toiling men and women of the whole world! Think of the deprivations, the misery, the mi- itary dictatorship, think of the mountains of corpses, the starving women and children, the war cripples, the widows and orphans at the time of the imperialist world war! Think of the fascist murder bands who are only waiting for war in order to be able to fly to your throats. Kick out the treacherous social-democratic leaders, the agents of the imperialist ware makers! Take your place in the revolutionary front of the fight against imperialist war. It depends upon you whether the fury of war can continue to rage in China and spring over to the Soviet Union, whether it will also immedi- ately involve Europe and America. You will perish in the trenches whilst the capitalists will pile up fresh wealth out of your corpses, Young workers! The imperialists ana their social-democratic lackeys want to send you to your death in the trenches, they want to use you as cannon fodder at the fronts, as wage slaves in the munition factories against your class brothers. Working peasants! Imperialist war, interven- tion mean fresh blood sacrifices, requisitions, fresh taxes, increased usurious interest, \ more forced sales, more compulsory labor for the big landowners and the capitalist state, destroyed and devastated villages and homesteads, in- creased land robbery, ruined economy. Workers, employes, peasants! Reply to the criminal war against the Chinese people, reply to the increaseq preparation for intervention against the Soviet Union by launching and or- ganizing the revolutionary mass struggle against war! Follow the heroic example of the Chinese and Japanese workers and toiling peasants, who, under the leadership of the the Communist Parties, in spite of the most brutal oppression, in spite of the most cruel terror, are conduc*~- ing a heroic fight against the imperialist robbers, against their own bourgeois and social-demo- cracy. Remember the year 1920! Remember how the German, English and French proletarians con- ducted the fight against the sending of muni- tions and arms for the Polish robber war against the Soviet Union. Follow the example of the Erfurt railway workers, the Danzig dock work- “Father Cox” Grants an Interview; (The Daily Worker publishes the following interview with “Father” Cox because of the Hght it throws on the aims of the activity of the Pittsburgh “holy” demagogue. This in- terview by the Forum writer is a striking confirmation of the cl made repeatedly by the Daily Worker that Cox is not concerned with the welfare of the unemployed, but aims primarily to prevent the unemployed workers from taking up a real struggle for relief and mnemployment insurance at the expense of the bosses and their government.—Editor.) (ie a By CHARLES R. WALKER rf connection with the survey I am making for the Forum Magazine of industrial conditions in the East and the Middle West, I interviewed Pittsburgh’s famous Father Cox last week in his office at the Rectory. The reverend father re- ceived me cordially. He has a full-blooded jowl and wears long silk cassock which falls amply over & paunch that would do no dishonor to a Bishop. He gave me his solution of the “unemployment problems.” It is this: a two billien dollar sum to be raised by inheritance and income taxes and to be expended on job-making public works program. With great enthusiasm he spoke of Cox’s convention of the unemployed which he proposes to hold next August to nominate the unemployed party's candidate for the Presidency. “We shall take a million men to that conven- tion,” he shouted. I expressed the opinion that little or no fed- eral aid would be forthcoming unless in the wake of bread riots and mass pressure. “Bread riots!” he shouted, the blood coming into his face, “I could have a bread riot in “BRW. ARE OF BLOOD-POISONING!” will be raised again when war comes. To be- Neve this is to completely miss the significanée of the present wage-cut drive as one of the di- rect preparations for war. ‘The expenses re- quired for carrying on @ modern war are colos- sal. Unde capitalism, all such expenses will come, not from the capitalists, but can only be squeezed out of the workers thru still further wage-cuts, thru still further lowering their standard of living. Even when taxes are appar- ently put on the bosses, these will also be trans- mitted to the workers thru a rise in prices or stil further wage-cuts. Besides the wage-cuts, three other methods will be used just as in the last war, to make the workers pay for the war. First: sales taxes, similar to the tax that is now before Congress, raising the prices of every necessity of life which must be bought by the workers.. Second: infla- tion—the inflation of the currency on a huge scale, causing a drop in the value of money and thus steadily cutting the wages of the entir working class in one lump by Government de- cree. Third: Forced loans. Every worker who remembers the last war will likewise remember how he was badgered and threatened and forced in the shop, on the streets, in his home, every- where he went, to subscribe to the “Liberty” loans, how his children were forced at school to buy War Saving Stamps. Even the soldiers and sailors were forced to buy the Liberty Bonds, By forcing out of them their savings, by check~ off from their wages—one way or another, the workers were forced by the horde of boss agents to buy the bonds to pay for the war. It is of the greatest importance to nove that, besides the wage-cut drive, all (theses three methods of war dinancing have nag bogus. DAILY - -OLAN No Pittsburgh, tomorrow if I wanted! I could take over the city of Pittsburgh” he said loudly, “if I wanted to. “He studied my face. “Do you know what keeps the workingmen of America from Revolution?” “What is it,” I asked, “What keeps them?” “Tt is people like ourselves,” he answered, “talking about God and the flag. Talking about the constitution, the church and the flag—that is all that keeps them!” I had heard this theory of the basic aims of the Cox movement expressed by Communist op- ponents before. But no one of his Red critics had been able to put the matters clearly as the Father himself. He attacked big businessmen vehemently, and spoke of the need for a more equitable distribu- tion of wealth. But he recognized that they were or should be his allies, Speaking of the propertied classes he said: “Even these people—who are not in sym- pathy with our aims ought be grateful to us. They should support us who hold the trust of the workingman—because only throurh us and persons like us can they retain even a part of their properties.” After the interview I visited Cox’s “Shanty- town” situated 9 few yards from the church on a vacant lot. Here about a hundred wretched men are living in shanties and eating at Father Cox’s soup kitchen. On every shanty there is @ printed sign, which says: “God Bless Our Homes.” By inquiry I discovered that a few weeks ago, eleven residents of Shanty-town who had grown impatient with the church and the flag and joined the Communist Party, had been turned over to the police. After they had served their sentences, they were given orders to keep them out of their “homes” in Shanty-town. , By BURCK ers, the English and French seamen, who by of French and British imperialism and forcibly prevented the transport of arms and munitions! Forward to the mass mobilization, to the mass struggle of all toilers against imperialist war! Prepare for First of May, the world fighting day of the international proletariat, in the spirit of determination and inexorable fight against the imperialist warmongers, against your own own bourgeoisie and their social-fascist agents! Rouse the indifferent! Mobilize the broad masses their revolutionary intervention stayed the arm who today still stand aside from the fight against war! Let loose a storm of indignation against the war criminals! Carry the spirit of rebellion against war into the factories, the labor exchanges and trade unions, into the masses of the petty bourgeoisie and of the toiling peasants! Long live revolutionary international prolet- arian solidarity! Long live the revolutionary mass struggle egainst imperialist war! Set up fighting organs of the revolutionary united front in the factories, among the unem- ployed, among all toilers in town and country! Set up vigilance committee in the armament factories and at the ports and railway Gepotal . Prevent any transport of weapons and mune tions to Japani Organize strikes in the munition works! |i Defend China from being partitioned by tne | ternational imperialism! Protect Soviet Chinaf Form with your bodies a living, unshakabe, protecting wall round the Soviet Union, the land of victorious Socialism! Defend yourselves against mass murder! | Proceed to act against imperialist war. Conference for the Fight against Imperialist Wae C. C. of the Communist Party of Germany, C. C. of the Communist Party of France, 4 C. C. of the Communist Party of Poland, | C. C, of the Communist Party of England. C. C. of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, C. C, of the Communist Party of Holland. C. C. of the Communist Party .of Sweden, Revolutinary Trade Union Oppositions and Rei Trade Unions of Germany, France (C. G. T. U.)o Poland, England and Czechoslovakia, European Secretariat of the Red International o@ Labor Unions, West-Europea Bureau of the Young Commuc nist International. WHEN INDEPENDENCE IS NOT} INDEPENDENCE By WILLIAM SIMONS House of Representatives on April 4 by a vote of 306 to 47 passed the Hare Bill for so- called Philippine Independence. Immediately, Manuel Quezon, President of the Philippine Senate cabled from Manila to the Philippine In- dependence Commission in Washington congra- tulations on their achievement. But what's all the shouting about? Has American Imperialism decided to grant independence to the Philippine Islands? Not by a long shot. Too often have Presidents of the United States promised independence to the Philippine Is- lands, for American Imperialism now to state categorically that all talk of independence is idle chatter. Congressman Lozier implies this in his extended remarks in the Congressional Record of April 5: “An irrevocable decision by the American Government to permanently hold the Philippine Islands will light a flash of frenzy in the Orient and transmute the affection of the Filipino for us into a hatred so intense that it will never be eradicated.” To be sure, the masses have no such affection for the American Government, but the Congressman does reveal the reason for Ameritan maneouvers and com- ouflage with regard to Philippine independence. ‘The Hoover Administration through Secretary of State Stimson and Secretary of War Hurley continues its vague promises of independence in the sweet bye and bye, declaring that it is im- Possible to set any date for such independence, thus continuing the policy of the Jones Bill of ' 1916, which provided for independence as soon as a stable government was established in the Philippine Islands. United States Will Hold On ‘The Hoover-Wall Street war and hunger gov- ernment is determined to hold on to the Philip- pines. A War Department memorandum of May 5, 1930, advocating the continuance of the present colonial status of the Philippine Islands | gives these reasons for its stand: “The islands have great present, and enormous potential value of needed raw materials, the production of which may ultimately be expanded with mutual bene- fit to the people of the United States and those of the Philippine Islands; they constitute an im- portant present market, and future much greater market, for the products of American agriculture and industry; they constitute an important strategic and trade outpost in the Orient and their retention tends to insure our fair particip- ation in the great trade of the Far East.”— (Emphasis mine—W. 8.) Secretary of War Hurley stated flatly before the House Committee on Insular Affairs that “The political chaos in the Orient today is such that in my opinion this is no time to deal with Philippine Independen: The war plans of Wall Street call for an extension of her colo-~ nial empire, not for weakening it. And on the | other hand, Hurley voiced the fear by the im- perialists of the revolutionary mass movements, when he said: “Until the Filipino people shall have made greater progress toward economic independence, political independence would merely invite revolution and anarchy.” “Greater progress toward economic independence”! Am- erican Imperialism holds the Philippine Islands in a vise, strangling her industrial development, utilizing Filipino economy for the advantage of the American ruling class, and Hurley hypocrit- ically demands “greater progress toward econo- mic independence” as a condition for political independence. A Strait-Jacket Constitution The Hare Bill and the Hawes-Cutting Bill (which comes up within a few weeks in the Senate) are detailed and exacting. They pro- vide for the following: 1. The calling in the Philippine Islands of a Constitutional Conven- tion which must contain certain mandatory clauses, certain strait-jacket provisions which continue the Philippine Islands as colonies dur- ing the period between the election of the Gov- ernment of the Commonwealth of the Philip- pine Islands and the final withdrawal of the sovereignty of the United States (8 years under the Hare Bill; 17 to 19 years under the Hawes- Cutting Bill). (a). All citizens and officials in the Philippine Islands owe allegiance to the ‘United States. (b) Property owned by the Uni- ted States shall be free from taxation, (c) No loans shall be contracted in foreign countries without the approval of the President of the United States. (d) Woreign affairs shall be un- der the direct supervision and control of the United States. (e) “The Philippine Islands recognizes the right of the United States to ex- propriate property for public uses, to maintain military and other reservations and armed for- ces in the Philippines and upon order of the President to call into the service of such armed forces all military forces organized by the Philip- pine Government.” (f) The United States may exercise the right of intervention. (g) The Philippine Islands must recognize the authority of the United States High Commissioner, the Personal representative of the President of the United States. So this is independence! The Philippine Is- lands bound hand and foot, and all this in the mame of independence. The Constitution drafted eS the Constitutional Convention must contain these mandatory provisions, and must contain (wothing counter to them; and no less an euthor- . ity than the President of the United States shall determine if it is a good Constitution or not. If not, back it goes to the Constitutional Con- vention for amendment: No agreement, no in- dependence. After agreement, the qualified voters vote on it, within four months, If the Constitution is approved, then under the new Constitution officials are elected for the Gov= ernment of the Commonwealth of the Philippine Islands. The Kestrictions Go Into Effeet After the inauguration of this Government (which would take from 2 to 4 years after the passage of the so-called Independence Bil by Congress), immigration from the Philippine Is- lands into the United States would be restricted to 50 a year; and the amounts of products free of duty’ into the United States would be limited for refined sugar, unrefined sugar, cocoanut oil and cordage. All constitutional amendments are subject to approval by the President of the Unie ted States, who has the power to veto practice ally any law. The President shall have his own snooper, the High Commisioner, to put his. nose into everything. In case of default of payment of indebtedness or interest, the customs receipts shall be taken over. Eight years of the above, and the Philippine Islands shall be “free,” provided that the Cone stitution of the Commonwealth of the Philips pine Islands shall be previously amended (1) to safeguard the property rights of American cit= izens and corporations, (2) that the Philippine Government assume responsibility for all the debts and Uabilities of the present government: obligations assumed by the Philippine Islands under an act of Congress to be a first Hen on taxes. These provisions shall be put into a treaty. In addition, the government of the Phil- ippine Islands shall cede or grant to the United States land necessary for commercial base, coal- ing or naval stations at points to be agreed upon with the President of the United States, within two years after the proclamation recognizing the independence of the Philippine Islands. These Are Fake Independence Bilis a snare and a delusion. They are aimed to de- ceive the masses of the Philippine Islands who for years have been demanding genuine, im- mediate and unconditional independence, Un- der the guise of independence, these bills would satisfy those elements who have been clamoring for the shutting off of Filipino immigration from the United States (particularly the Amer- ican Federation of Labor); and those interests who have been protesting against entry free of duty of Filipino sugar, cocoanut, off and dairy prodfcts (American Farm Bureau Federation, the National Grange, Daily Union, National Ase sociation of Sugar Beet Producers). These bills would give the native Filipino bourgeoisie (the Roxas, Quezons, and Osmenas) a greater role in suppressing the revolutionary mass movement in the Philippine Islands. The conditions of the workers and peasants would worsen from the general world crisis and from the crisis in sugar. When asked at the House hearings how they would make up for a smaller market in the United States. for their products, Roxas, the spokesman of the Philippine Independence Come mission, replied: “To place our sugar on & competitive basis, we have to bring up our effi- ciency in production and lower costs? (em- phasis mine—W. S.). Lower costs! This means cutting the already miserable wages of the sugar- i mill and plantation workers. This is the solu- 1 tion of the Filipino bourgeoisie. “Independ- ence” for the Philippine Islands at the expense of the workers and peasants. What Real Independence Means The Philippine Independence Commission again reveals itself as agents of the Wall Street Government. They lobby in Washineton. They make no appeal to the anti-imperialist forces in the United States, because the Commission is not anti-imperialist. The Anti-Imperialist League of the United States repeats its demand for immediate and unconditional independence for the Philippine Islands, with the fol program: (1) The abolition of all debts to the imperialists. (2) The removal of all American armed forces from the Philippine Islands. (3) The confiscation without compensation of all sugar centrals and refineries, public utilities, banks and other enterprises owned by Amere ican interests, and the nationalization of’ the same. (4) Confiscation without compensation of all lands at present in the possession of rich landowners and the distribution of the same among the working peasants. Sapport Fight For Immediate Independence The Communist Party of the Philippine Is- lands, the Filipino Proletarian Labor Congress and the National Peasants Confederation are conducting a sti in the Philippine Islands for immediate and unconditional independence, The Anti-Imperialist League of the United States supports their struggle against American Impe~ rialism and against the native misleaders, the Roxas and Company. All anti-imperialist or- ganizations in’ the United States should send resolutions to President Hoover, and to the Cone ‘The Hare Bill and the Hawes-Cutting Bill are | . f acecleahalibiahsmlltadnes Sa | nine it lca | } '