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EE Sena ae F Pudlisned by tke Comprod: Publishing Ca, inc. Gaily except Sunday, at 60 Hast SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Six 18th St, New York City Teleph ALzo 4-79 able “DAIW Dail Worker By math everywhere: Une year, $6; six months, $3; two' months, $1; excepting Boroughs Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 60 East 13th Street, New York. N. f P USA >t Manhattan and Bronx, New York City Foreign’ une vear $8: six manta $4 5 UNDER FALSE COLORS BY THE PAN-PACIFIC TRADE UNION RETARIAT) to the fact of Japanese n United States, and Ikuo Oyama, is making @ specially to influence the social-fascist leader the “Jenkoku » has elaborated ouble of issuing a his party’s paper, the completely ex = ism, s well as an enemy of ans, such as) “On the Class id. Struggling,” ing more than apanese immi- phrases that build contrary to the “WORKERS OF do not publish of workers white and Japanese bourgeoisie daily hatred against the a special campaign Japanese impe- robber war against race Mr. of Oyama most fake “prolet- s said on demands ss, of which the € are a part; not a the demands which American workers out blood and sweat for in a word against the wage-cuts and in America; not a word favoring ce and immediate relief; discriminations and deporta- -born workers; for repeal of the 1 ticalist laws—all matters of impor- to Japanese immigrant workers in America hole American working-class. all—there is not a word against the pe, robbery and murder being waged by Japan in China! And this exposes the f this scoundrel Oyama who, with the ‘Workers of the World Unite’—upon zoes to America to make war propaganda Mikado’s hangmen of the Japanese and the Mikado’s war plans. scoundrelly social-fascist Oyama, his paper his party, dares to talk about the ‘wrong policy” of the Communist Party of Japan; ordered to do so, no doubt, by the Japanese police, who daily imprison more members of the Japanese Communist Party for their “wrong policy” of fighting Japanese imperialism. But this paper of Mr. Oyama does manage to formulate what it calls “demands” for the Jap- anese workers in America, and true to its role of turning the workers’ attention to parliamentary illusions, it says that—“The will and demands of our brothers in America must be surely reflected in the Japanese parliament.” The first demand of Mr. Oyama for Japanese immigrant workers in America is: “Insure the daily life of aged immigrant workers!” But of course, the insurance of the daily life of “aged immigrants’ cannot be separated from insurance of the workers in general, without unemployment insurance of all workers in America, white, Negro Japanese and all others. But Mr. Oyama’s paper carefully avoids saying a word favoring unem- ployment insurance. Second, is “Free fare for the return (to Japan) of aged immigrant workers.” What is the idea behind this “demand”? Is it that Japan is a paradise for workers. Mr, Oyama, the social- fascist raises this as a “demand,” but it happily coincides with the same “demand” of Mr. Doak. And what would “aged immigrant workers” do, once they got free fare back to Japan? They would starve to death! For in Japan also there is no social insurance, and neither in Japan nor in America does Mr. Oyama and his social-fascist “Rono-to” Party fight for social insurance. Third, is: “Exemption from military service of those workers who have been abroad (from Japan) more than three years.” And what about Japanese workers remaining in Japan? ° Mr. Oyama says nothing about exempting them at any time or place; therefore Mr. Oyama favors, in reality, the enforced military service of Jap- nese workers and peasants to make war against the Chinese people and the Soviet Union. Thus, any analysis of these three “demands” of this fake “proletarian party’ and its leader Oyama who is going to America with these “de- mands” as his program, shows that they. are cleverly made up so as to give offense neither to Japanese imperialism nor American impe- | rialism, but only to fool the Japanese worker im- migrants in America, to bring them closer to Mr. Oyama so that he can put war propaganda for the Mikado into their heads. Yet Mr. Oyama’s paper, in its American edition, has the audacity to carry in big type the slogan: “Workers and Farmers, unite under the banner of the Jenkokii Rono-Taishu-to Party!” Thus trying to sidetrack the Japanese workers in Am- erica from struggling in America against their immediate enemy, American imperialism, under the banner of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. and the Trade Union Unity League. This is the hypocritical character of the social- fascist leader of Japan, Ikuo Oyama, who is going to the United States on a lecture tour! American workers will aid the Japanese workers who are bravely battling “their own” imperialism, by telling Mr. Oyama—“GET OUT!” “The Communist-Led Strike Racket” By 7 VIGMAN ‘The third of a series ie articles, “Communism in Kentucky and Tennessee,” that appeared in the Knoxville Journal as part of the coal operators campaign to crush the miners back to work without organization or won demands is @ most vicious attack on the miners, their strike struggle, the Workers International Relief and such sympathetic elements as the recent writers delegation. The Knoxville Journal would have its readers believe that the miners were not striking against @ livin dard that spelled actual starvation to themselves and their families, but rather at the behest of union organizers and writers who made of it a lucrative business. The Journal then quotes that section of the Fish report that purports to bolster up this strikebreaking con- tention. In trying to separate the union and relief organizers from the miners the Journal tries to undermine the influence and organiza- tion work of the National Miners Union and the Workers International Relief. Thus the attack against the miners is launched as follows: “Communist led strikes have become a well- organized racket, remunerative to both the organizers and to the radical New York writers who give them publicity.” “In Gastonia, Pineville and Harlan the same methods have been employed with satisfactory results to both the organizers and the writers. Should the strike announced for Knoxville the latter part of April be called, the same obvious plan of procedure would be followed here.” More Inciting Statements The “strike announced for the latter part of April” is a provocative statement originating solely in the Journal's office in its campaign of incitement against the miners and their organi- zations. The Journal would have the striking miners believe that they put forth impossible demands, and that the union and relief organizers and writers proceed to make political capital out of this. No mention is made of the terrible condi- tions that forced the miners to move in the- direction of union organization and strike strug- gle to defend the very right to live. The Journal does not say anything about the reign of terror directed against the miners and their organizers to crush the miners back to starvation con- ditions. ‘Then resorting to the basest sort of an attack on the workers relief organization, the Workers International Relief, the Journal writes: “But what becomes of the money collected for the strikers as a result of all this publicity isn’t often written about. Presumably it goes to feed hungry children. In reality, it doesn’t.“ Aimed at the disruptoin of the mass basis of the relief campaign for the miners, the Journal then spews forth other most vicious lies. ‘The struggling miners of southeastern Ken- tucky and northern Tennessee, who have wit- nessed the Workers International Relief mobilize thousands of workers for mass relief and support of their strike, are testimony to the blackness of these coal operators’ slanders, When in the earlier struggles in Harlan Coun- ty, Kentuckky, the United Mine Workers aban- doned the miners to the tender mercies of the coal operators and their gun-thugs and the miners turned to the National Miners Union, the relief support organized through the Work- ers International Relief was a factor in helping the miners build their union organization. ‘The coal operators tried desperately to snatch away the weapon of relief from the miners. The 5 4 ; killing of Julius Baldwin by deputy sheriff Fleener at the swimming pool, August, 1931, at a W. LR. kitchen and the dynamiting of another kitchen, the arrest of the field organizers of the W. LR. at Pineville January 4, all showed that the coal operators aimed at the mass relief support. given the miners by the workers throughout the country and organized by the Workers International Relief. Journal Whitewashes Terror ‘The Knoxville Journal then attempts a come plete whitewash of the coal operators and their forces of terror, by citing their “humanitarian” interest in the miners and their families, and cold-bloodedly lies in saying that the coal oper- ators work their mines solely to furnissh wages for the miners. The Journal further says that the coal operators are taking care of hungry families, a most brazen lie. The Red Cross, that has aided the bosses in the strikebreaking work, is also given a liberal whitewash. The Journal ‘writes: “The coal operators, however, are on the grounds, trying to solve the problems the de- pression has brought them. They are advanc- ing food to the unemployed, paying living wages to miners who work three or four days @ week and contributing to charities now feeding the strikers.” ‘This lie is thrown back in the faces of the coal operators and their retainers by the facts of the conditions and the struggles of the southern miners. The brutality with which the coal operators have forced starvation conditions, sick- ness and attendant miseries on the miners and their families is only equalled by the murderous terror instituted to force them from fighting that starvation. Red Cross Strikebreaking ‘The coal operators and their agents have never advanced food except for strikebreaking work— that is to enforce further hunger. Eighty cents to one dollar a day is the “living” wage the rich coal barons, including the biggest capitalist com- panies in the country, give the miners. And whatever little the bosses’ charity agencies do give is directly made to break struggle and rivet tighter the yoke of hunger. 7: The statement that the coal operators’ char- ities are feeding the strikers is a blanket lie— on the contrary the most brutal terror is directed against the feeding of the miners engaged in struggle or blacklisted. Thus the killing of Harry Sims, who was mobilizing the miners to establish the right to receive and distribute relief organized by the W. I. R., is the latest instance in this murderous terror campaign. The Red Cross and the Associated Charities in the coal regions are frankly strikebreaking out- fits, officered by agents of the operators, as has been shown time and again. Turning from hypocritical lies to threats of more terror against the miners, the Journal says: “Now both counties (Harlan and Bell coun- ties) have served notice on the world that they are through with all Communists and Eastern writers. Communist organizers driven out of there are now in Knoxville reaching across the mountains to keep the trouble they created alive as long as possible. Mr. Alfred Wagen- knecht, in charge of the offices here, says that he is feeding 9,000 striking miners and their families in Harlan and Bell counties. He sends one truck over daily to carry supplies to the 45,000 persons in these families.” Thus the Bell and Harlan counties coal oper- ators tell the Knoxville bosses that they have a BALAN Part I ‘ATHER around, all you unemployed, and list- en to a tale that will give you renewed faith in our benevolent masters. The tale of how the master minds put their intellects (?) to work, rolled. up their silk shirt sleeves, and solved the problem of the unemployed situation in the sixth largest city of our fair and God fearing country. No doubt you have reg in the daily news- papers that the Echo ‘iry Co. of Cleveland, Ohio, admitted dumping 1,500 gallons of pure milk down the sewers every day, and told how it was the practice of all milk companies here in the city to do the same with their surplus; when asked the reason of this waste, and why they didn’t donate it to the schools, the an- swer was that it would spoil business, and the price of milk had to be kept up—but let me tell you, comrades, that wasn’t the real reason. It was because here “In the city where none shall go homeless and hungry” they have solved that problem that has even our President baffled, ‘The farmers are feeding their crops to hogs around the country-side, and are burning wheat for fuel all because everybody here has plenty of everything. Owners of apartment homes are having them torn down (they say because te- nants don’t pay rent and it is cheaper to pay taxes on the lot instead of the apartment), but again they lie, and the reason is that everybody here is housed. (Why even the city maintains a@ Wayfarer’s Lodge, for transients. True—it’s a little overcrowded, and only 29 died within four months due to unsanitary conditions, but that’s to be expected in a thriving city, where everybody has been or is being put to work), Up to about three months ago Cleveland had an unemployed population of around 150,000 men and women. Things were in a pretty bad mess. The charities were overtaxed, what with supporting a large overhead and staffs of in- vestigators who were drawing down salaries of $100 a month and more. What with maintain- ing large and well furnished offices was it any wonder that here they were taxing their great minds in dividing up a community fund of $6,000,000 which they had just raised, supposed to be for charitable purposes? I say they were dividing {t ap so that the Y.M.C.A., the Y.W. C.A., the Boy Scouts, the Camp Fire Girls and a hundred other |parasitic organizations were getting their fair share of it, so that what re- mained of it (about one-third) went to the sup- port of those that could humble themselves the most, answering more personal questions that made them feel as though they were worse than dogs. Of every 10 families that applied for relief, it was only possible to investigate and take care of three of them, and that at an average of about $5 a week per family, which in most cases made cut less than a dollar a week per person. Rents they couldn’t and wouldn’t pay until a family was evicted, and then they moved them into hovels that were worse than barns. Gas and electric were shut off. No coal to heat their homes was furnished. When the people started to wake up and real- ize that they were starving in the midst of plenty, going cold when the railroad and coal yards were well stocked, and being put on the street, with’ empty homes aplenty, they started to organize unemployed councils and to resist the evictions, with the result that the owners called upon the law and order upholders, and started to club and shoot down unarmed un- employed workers. In one such affair two col- ored workers (Rayford and Jackson) were mur- dered in cold blood. In another eviction, a Jewish workers were clubbed, and three other Jewish workers arrested in resisting an evic- tion of an Italian unemployed family. Girls were offering themselves for sale in order to exist, and so things were getting to a pretty bad way when those who have our wel- fare at heart realized that the name of our fair city was being dragged down in the gutter and something had to be done. common base for a further terror drive to crush the union and relief organization of the miners. Wagenknecht never made such a statement as the Journal attributes to him. The Workers International Relief has, however, been the relief mainstan of thousands of striking and black- listed miners since the beginning of the present strike, January 0 -——*<* VCING THE BUDGET By BURCK There was a genius in Buffalo, by the name of Charles E. Roesch, who (as Alger would have said) rose from butcher boy to be Mayor of the town. Being a kind-hearted sort of a man, he started to worry (?) about the fathers of fam- ilies who were out of work through no fault of their own. He worried so much that he gave birth to an idea (the first time, I believe, that @ mayor of any town has admitted that he could give birth to an idea. The birth pains must have been very hard on the poor boy). Any- way, he called up a few friends of his, such as Alex Osborn (advertising partner of Bruce Bar- ton), Alfred H. Schoellkopt (executive vice-pres- ident of the Niagara, Hudson Power Company), and Myron Forbes (former president of the Pierce Arrow Company). Together they started what is now known in twenty cities as the “Man-A-Block” plan. Briefly stated the plan calls for those that have everything to give up the tiniest crumb of what they have in the form of finding two hours work a week at fifty cents an hour, the pledge to run for ten weeks. When they line up ten homes in a block, the charities recommend @ man to the unemployment bureau or Direc- tor in charge, who in turn after having you fill out a card (which gives you writer's cramp) sends you out to the captain of the block, who turns over, the list of your. ten prospective em- ployers and you make the rounds doing two hours work at each place, a total of twenty hours work a week, for the sum of ten dollars and your name is then stricken off the charity lists. You have become a self-sustaining family Cleveland’s Man-a-BlockfProsperity man; you have once more become -self-respect- ing (?) and now can, by your own honest efforts support your fa:ily of four, five, six or ‘more persons, on the amount received in the manner befitting an American citizen. Cleveland’s charitable officials, bankers, the Chamber of Commerce, and all else concerned in trying to save the city’s good name, jumped for the idea at once. They had failed to raise a private fund for reliei—the city gave until it hurt—the Gover- nor of our State couldn’t see the necessity of calling an extra session of the law-makers to grant the city relief, the President of our Coun- try couldn't (Oh well, what's the use of talking about our President anyway, he is too busy taking care of the bankers). In other words, when everything else failed, and the people were getting serious minded, here was the answer to their prayer, in the form of the “Man-A-Block plan.” Organization started immediately. -A Direc- tor was named, majors and captains were ap- pointed. The press, pulpit, radio were all called upon and donated their time and space to the idea; the boy scouts were mobilized and sent from house to house with hand bills, announcing the approach of the captains for interviews with all ‘the patriotic, 100 per cent, red blooded heads of business (all. shades) to sell them the idea of finding two hours work for all the unem- ployed, and so the campaign got under way. En- thusiasm was in the air, the wolf that was sneaking into the back doors of thousands of homes, was already ashamed of itself and was slinking out again. Prosperity was again around that phantom corner; in fact the. depression Suddenly disappeared, as if by magic. (To be concluded) The Role of the DeValera Government in Ireland By BRIAN O’NEILL (Dublin) FIANNA FAIL (“Band of Destiny”) Govern- ment (de Valera Party), backed by the hand- ful of Labor deputies, is now in power in the Irish Free State—that is, the Irish bourgeoisie is now to rule through its parliamentary repub- lican wing. The position of the parties now, compared with 1927, is as follows:— ~ ‘eee 1927 1932 Fianna Fail ...-.....+0.. 57 72 Cumarin Nan Gaedheal.. 61 56 Labor Party . 13 7 Farmers ... oe 6 4 Independents .. . 13 De Valera’s rise to power reflects the growing crisis in Ireland. Cumann Nan Gaedheal (“As- sociation of the Gael”) had been in office ten years, during which it ruled nakedly as the agent of the Irish bourgeoisie and the ally of British Imperialism. Its record was a foul one. During its rule, the employers attacked every section of the working class. Unemployment grew, while the amount paid in workless benefit dwindled. Teachers, civil servants, police and soldiers all came under the lash. The small farmers sank further into the morass of debt as a result of the price slump due to the agra- tian crisis, while the burden of the Land An- nuities they paid annually to the British Land Stock holders became heavier than ever. And every sympton of revolt was savagely attacked, culminating in the Coercion Act last September, proclaiming illegal the Irish Republican Army, the Revolutionary Workers’ Groups and several other organizations. So Fianna Fail climbed to power, posing as the “party of the masses, not the classes,” and using the most shameless demagogy. The chief points in its program were:— “1, Promote the industrial revival, securing the establishment of at least 200 new factories and the employment of an additional 80,000 hands. “2, Secure the erection of 40,000 new houses for the proper accommodation of our people and let them at rents which the average working- class family can afford ot pay. “3, Reduce taxation by rigid economy in all branches of the public service. “4, Improve social legislation, including bet- ter provision of Old Age Pensions and for neces~- sitious widows and orphans. “5. Direct the affairs of the Irish people so as to create a self-supporting and self-reliant nation.” _ In addition, the release of the revolutionary fighters jailed by the Cosgrave government was a big feature of their election.propaganda. So, on the shoulders of the radicalized masses, and canalizing their revolt, Fianna’ Fail rode to power. As the crisis toppled Cosgrave from of- fice, it has raised de Valera, who, under new forms and using new phrases, is to continue and intensify the attempt of the bourgeoisie to “hand the baby” of crisis to the masses of the people. How swiftly the world crisis has draw: the” Irish Free State into the vortex may be seen from ‘the fact that the total trade.of this Lili- putian State dropped $5,000,000 in 1931 compared with 1930. Exports (including’ re-exports) in 1930, were £45,745,019 and imports £56,768,702, In 1931) they were £37,070,896 and £50,468,114 respec- tively, The returns for January, just published, show the position further aggravated. ‘Exports for the month were £2,329,529; imports were £3,585,278. The debit balance was £1,203,616 as compared with £563,35€ in January of last year. The capitalist Government of de Valera ,will attempt to solve this crisis by three methods: —tariffs, “retrenchment” and wage reductions. Tariffs are the ‘corner-stone of the “Gaelic-and Catholic Ireland” de Valera hopes to build up. By building a tariff wall high enough to shut out the products of the large scale industry’ of Britain and other countries, he hopes to have shelter to build a number of small industries in this under-developed country. It is a mad no- tion, but it is the workers and the peasants who are to pay for the madness; the tariffs already imposed have increased the cost of living so that it is among the highest in Europe; the coming tariffs on the people’s food and necessities of | life will worsen the position. The “retrench- ment” will mean, of course, attacks on the so- cial services, already miserably inadequate. A clever piece of demagogic “window-dressing” has already been performed by the new Government: in order to give the lead to the country, the Cabinet Ministers have agreed to reductions in their salaries, With this example of self-sacri- fice before them, can the Irish masses justly complain when education, health and other so- cial services are slashed? As for the wage re~ ductions, the employers in almost every, indus- try of any importance have given notice of the attack, At the annual meeting of the Great Northern Railway, on Feb, 24, the chairman said: “To maintain wages at the present rates, is, I fear, imposing on the Irish railways a greater burden than they can bear.” The share~ holders of the Great Southern Railway, at both ‘ Facts on War in jalmost every United are engaged in potential war If. not working. already on war goods Workers employed States industry work, | they are subject to call to such work the minute wat is declared. Some of the most important. industries to be inyolved in war contracts are the following: iron and steel, machinery and. tools (including ordnance, small arms and am- munition), copper, zine, brass, as well as mining and manufacturing industries involving such ferro-alloys as manganese, vanadium, tungsten, and chromite. Then there are such important metals involved as tin, aluminum, lead, nickel; quicksilver, antimony and platinum. Workers engaged in the chemical industry are. of course, most closely tied to war. Some of the chief chemicals employed in the menufac- ture of munitions are nitrate of soda, surphur and pyrites. acids and heavy chemicals (sul- Phuric acid and nitric acid), alkali and chlorine, ethyl alcohol, cotton linters and explosives. eee Geer The explosive industry in the United States increased from an output of about $50,000,000 in 1913 to a $500,000,000 output in 1917, and to nearly $1,000,000.000 by November, 1918. There is a very close relationship between explosive chemicals and industrial chemicals. The chief of the latter industries, therefore, con« sidered in the war category are those manu- facturing dyes, both material and artificial gases and gas products, creosote, tanning materials, paints and pigments, wood chemicals and, other chemicals. Products likewise indispensable in war-time are those made in refractories (silica bricks, etc.) as well as ceramics, electrodes and abra- Sives, chemical glass, stoneware, asbestos, mag- nesia, mica and related products. Other vast industrial fields closely related to war, and needed in its conduct, are leather, rub- ber, textiles (especially rayon), as well as lum- ber, wood products, pulp and paper, not to men= tion the all important field of automotive pro- ducts such as trucks, motors and airplanes, and all: sorts of other transportation and electrical power equipment. These are the major industries, involved im the extensive “procurement planning” now be- ing carried on by the War Department. It has already placed tentative “educational orders” for war products with at least 17,000 corporations. These ers do not include those for products made in government-owned ordnance factories and navy yards. en ae The military personnel of the United States government now numbers 290,913 and costs the government annually in pay $259,719,830. ———— their last meetings, demanded immediate wage- cuts if there were to be any dividends at all, ‘The chairman of the Dublin Tramway Co., re- porting a record year, at their meeting on March 1, pointed out that British tramway workers had just received a cut, and he licked his. lips in an- ticipation. In addition to continuing the capitalist offen- sive, the Fianna Fail has’another role. Launched as the parliamentary wing of the republican struggle, to it falls the task of killing that struggle for ever. Its policy is not one of fight- ing ‘imperialism, but of making peace with Britain on the basis of a'new*agreément. And the Irish Republican Army (LR.A.) and the other republican organizations, which dragged at’ the tail of Fianna Fail in the election as the result of its promise to release the prisoners and abolish the Coercion Act and the Oath of Al- legiance to King Goerge V, have now «fallen completely into its arms. For ten years the leaders of the republican movement, with all the capacity. of the petty-bourgeoisie for re- garding forms and {ignoring realities, howled against-the Oath. The prisoners are free now, and the Oath will probably be abolished soon, and they are left, high and dry—imperialist tri- bute will remain, the partition of Ireland will still exist, but for them the struggle will be over. ‘The republican’ leaders express this clearly themselves, “An Phoblacht” (The Republic) has re-appeared after its suppression under the Coercion Act. Maurice Twomen, the I. R. Ar chief, writes about the new situation: “Members of Fianna Fail express friendli+ ness with the ideals of the ILR.A., and under their administration the movement could be- come, what it ought tobe, a normal feature- of our national struggle, popularizing our na~ tional ideal and: encouraging the people for#. ward to the re-declaration of a united Re- public.” (‘An Phoblacht,” 12-3-32.) Madame Gonne McBride, secretary of the Prisoners’ Defense League, in the same journal. even more revealingly states the abdication of the petty-bourgeoisie: “When Hamonn deValera takes over power and, releases all the republican prisoners the shame of imprisoning the men who fought for . her freedom will be lifted from Ireland.. The work of the Women’s Prisoners’ Defel League will be concluded and the ‘mothers’ can take a rest. The opening of the jail gates _ ‘will have accomplished what machine’ guns ~ and proclamations failed to do... .” The battle over for them, the Defense League” is to’be wound up; the next prisoners will be’ workers fighting not for phrases but for bread’ and freedom, but that will be no. concern of the petty bourgeoisie. As the “Irish Press,” the chief government organ, says |(12-3-32): . “«\, Irishmen of any section will no longer have to feel that the independence of their country can be established only through armed conflict in which their own fellow Irishmen will be opposed to them. The way is being ~ opened to secure by peaceful’ means the re alization of our national ideals, and hence- forth the responsibility to avail themselves of those means rests upon all sections equally. ‘There is no longer cause for anyone to be~ lieve that when the national rights are to ~ be asserted that must be done by a protesting minority. In future that assertion of national rights will be, as it should always have been, the exclusive right of the government chosen by the majority of the electorate.” But while the petty-bourgeoisie leaders of the republican movement may be satisfied with this, the rank and file of the republican movement the peasant lads and the proletarian youth who have formed the backbone of the striggle against British . imperialism—will not be content to starve under a deValera government any more than they were under.Cosgrave. The task now’ of the revolutionary forces is to win these genus" ine fighters against imperialism away from the petty-bourgeois elements who are trying to shackle them to the chariot of a capitalist gov- ernment, and to lead them along the path of class struggle and the final ee ee talist and landlord domination. Sow oi Slop —_ “ee ee reel a