The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 8, 1932, Page 4

& turned wy me Gompreeatly Pultnite Ca, faa, Gey civebe Geuway, 2-00 Tas asth &t, New York City. N. Y. ali checks to the Dally Worker, 50 Mast 18th Street, New York, N. Y. Page Four Mdéress ane Telephone ALgonquin 4-795. Cable “DAIWORK Jenit Porty USA orker’ @y wail 8 ONLY THE PRESSURE OF THE) ‘outa teacuns ms stupets1 WORKING CLASS CAN SAVE WILLIE BROWN By BILL LAWRENCE y vampires of the working-class pocritical bourgeot over, The inno- Willie Brown was pronounced gree murder, which carries a The capitalist press is jubilant headlines announc he “murderer” the price. The di poisonous work Ww in vain. The “Soci Forward falls The Forward did its bit during the tr the prosecution send Willie to the electric ocent boy to the gro jurors were d from the trial Nowed the district orney to pro- . Dictures of the bodv of the slain ‘imed to create race preju and aronize the white jury against the Negro youth rge to the jurymen, which ia minutes, the labor-hating Judge McDevitt, posed to be impartial and look out for tually made a plea to pronounce Willie t forty minute address, the judge attack y itm and argument of the de- fense and in his final words he stated, “You gentlemen have all observed the safeguards taken to give the defendant a fafr and impartial trial. Do not compromise yourselves. Do not bing in a comprised verdict. Do not trifle with justice. If you find the defendant guilty, say so. You know your duty, and you should bring in a ver- dict consistent with the evidence. You are 12 good, red-bloofed American citizens: ¥ lay this ease in your lap.” To make it appear impartial, the judge, after urging the ji not to be in- fluenced by “terrible pictures of death in the electric chair or alleged police brutality,” said “Tf you find the defendant innocent, say so.” What a mockery! Alexander followed the line against which all workers, particularly the Negro workers who looked up to Alexander to save Willie, must be warned. Pace Alexander deliberately evaded the | class and national issue of the Willie Brown case. He limited himself to legal technicailties, and played into the hands of the race-hatred judge and district attorney when he stated: “There are no issues in this case that are con- sistent with problems underlying Communist ‘he (Willie) is a victim of the sium neighborhood in which he lives.” ‘The Negro masses must be warned against such tactics. It becomes the duty of the workers-and_revolutionary organiza- tions to expose Alexander side by side with those who are anxious to see Willle Brown burn in } the electric chair. theories. This case raises clear cut legal prob- | lems av to whether the police of using third degree methods ing the alleged confession from an Ygnorant boy. I regret the injection of racial feeling and shali do all in my were guilty in procur- power to prevent the raising of any race question | or any other question of class oppression.” Following the logical line of such “theories” | the defense attorney, Alexander in his speech to | the jury, not only failed to uncover the class and national character of the case, not only did not expose the race hatred and prejudice with which the entire court room was filled, but practically admitted Willie Brown guilty by stating that The case of Willie Brown exposes the weak- | nesses of the Party in the revoiutionary organi- zations and the necessity of being alert to the schetnes of the ruling class against the workers and its attempts to terrorize the Negro masses particularly. Immediately upon the discovery of the slain child, and when it became evident from the statements of the police that a Negro worker { would be framed up, the Party in the Philadel- phia district committed a serious error in its failure to warn the workers against the forth- coming frame-up. The Party committed a more serious political and impermissible error. later when Willie was arrested and instead of the Party immediately ringing the bell of alarm, arousing and mobilizing the workers against this frame-up, the leading comrades of the district, including the writer, allowed themselves to speculate about the facts of the case, allowed themselves to wait and investigate. On the other hand, the Negro masses felt that an injustice was being done to a member of their race. Instinctively they felt that Willie was being framed-up and upon their own initiative they began to collect money for the case and organize Willie Brown defense committee. The Negro masses look for leadership to rally them on behalf of Willie Brown. As a result of the slow- ness of the district, and its incorrect reaction to | the case, misleaders of the workers among the Negro masses saw in the case of Willie Brown an opportunity for them to get the Negro masses for their petty-bourgeois treacherous and poison- | ous propaganda, These misleaders began to call meetings supposedly on behalf of Willie Brown, which were attended by 800 to 1,000 workers. ‘They began to visit Negro churches and organ- izations, thus utilizing this case to put over this program which aims to separate the Negro work- ers from the masses of white tollers, thus at- tempting to prevent a unified struggle of both white and Negro workers. ‘The slowness of the Communist Party leader- ship in the district to react to this case reflected itself in the still greater slowness on the part of our mass fraternal organizations in rallying behind Willie Brown. At this late date, when the | frame-up is so obvious, when Willle is already in the shadow of the electric chair, we still have ; “clever” sympathizers who advise us to lay off the case and put up the question. “Are you actually sure that Willie is innocent?” Undoubtedly such confusion in fraternal or- ganizations is possible because, of the lack of | ideological clarification and the improper fune- On the other hand, the defense attorney, Pace | tioning of Party fractions which failed to raise in the organizations the class and national char- acter of the Willie Brown case. The case was looked upon by some Party members as some- thing that has nothing to do with their respective organizations and they were left to be imbued with the poisonous propaganda of the capitalist press, As expected, Willie Brown was. y by the capitalist court. The working-class must im- mediately rally and save Willie from legal lynch- ing. Every working-class organization must or- ganize indoor as well as outdoor meetings at which resolutions must be passed and sent to Judge MeDevitt, demanding a new trial for Willie Brown. In the campaign to save Wille from death, the white workers must take the leadership. There ts no time to waft. Slowness may be too late, Hesitation may mean death for Willie. The bosses are determined to burn Willie. The workers must not allow this. The workers must and can save him for only the power of the working-class can tear Willie out of the bloody hands of capitalist Justice and give him back te the workers. Against the Robber War on the Chinese People! A joint manifesto by the All-America Alliance of the Chinese Anti-Imperialists and the Jap- anese Workers Club, U, 5. A. *ANESE imperialism has been carrying on & robber war against the Chinese people for the partition of China. With tanks, airplanes, bombs and machine guns, Japanese imperialism has murdered hundreds of thousands of Chinees men, women and children in the most ruthless and barbous manner.This war of plunder directed against the independence of China, against the Chinese soviets and against the Soviet Union has been supported by all imperialist powers, in- cluding the United States and their war machine, the League of Nations. World imperialism at- tempts to smooth out their increasing contradic- tions by a war on Chins, and intervention against the Soviet Union. A puppet state has been established in Man- churia by Japan as 2 basis for further exploita- tions and slaughter of the Manchurian and Korean masses and as 4 military highway against ‘the Soviet Republic, the fatherland of the inter- national working-class. The Tanaka Memoran- dum of 1927, & program of imperialist robber war, calling for an intervention against the So- viet Union, has been systematically applied. The forceful seizure of Harbin, the arming of the White Guardists, the refusal of the non-aggres- sion pact with the Soviet Union by Japan, the malicious provocations of Japanese officials against the Soviet Union and the concentration of Japanese forces along the Manchurian-Soviet border further prove that Japan is the spear- head for the intervention against the Sovie Union on the eastern front, France and its vassals, Roumania, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Jugoslavia and others, are organizing an anti-Soviet bioc at the same time. All imperialists are encour- aging the most despicable les and slanders against the Soviet Union. In Shanghai and the interior of China, the additional despatchment of Japanese troope Manchuria, the sending of more imperialist gun- boats to Hankow, Swatow and along the Yantse Valley, and the visit of the Japanese Commander te Hankow m e extension of the imperialist Fy / robber war on China under the mask of @ “peace conference” at Shanghai. In the war of murder against the Chinese people and the war preparations against the Soviet Union, the agents of imperialism, the Pacifists of all shades, and the leaders of the socialist parties of the Second International, in the persons of Vandervelde, MacDonald, Norman Thomas, Akamatzu and others have been mob- ilized. Akamatzu, the leader of the Socialist Party in Japan openly defend the voracious ap- petities of Japanese imperialism by saying: “Japan, 8o poor in raw material, is not at all obliged, for the sake of peace, to carry on a semi-existence to all eternity, for the fear of being called aggressive.” While the Chinese soldiers and masses offered heroic resistance against Japanese invasion, the Kuomintang officials and militarists, such as Chiang Kai-shek, Wang Chin-wel and Tsai Ting- kal have been afding the imperialist robber war against the Chinese people and the partition of China by a policy of compelte betrayal, by sup- pressing thé persistent heroic anti-imperialist struggles of the Chinese masses, and by ‘sending more troops to invade the Chinese Soviets. ‘The imperialists sre mobilizing their full strength for this decisive struggle. They under- stand that the successful construction in the Soviet Union, the sbolition of unemployment, the bettering of living conditions of the work- ers and peasants, and the launching of the sec- ond Five Year Plan which will laufdate capitalist elements and classes in general, is giving tre- mendous revolutionary inspiration to the op- pressed masses all over the world in their struggle against the common enemy, imperialism. The mass resistance against Japanese impertalist rob- ber war, the advance’ of the Chinese soviets and their Red Army and the establishment ‘of the Provisional Central Soviet Government in China further undermine the imperialist domination in the colonies and the impertalist systern itself. ‘The herdic struggles of the Chinese masses and soldiers in Manchuria and Shanghat, the increas- tng guerilla warfare of the Manchurian and The “Pravda” ‘on Moscow, March 17th, 1932. In its today’s leading article dealing with the presidential election in Germany, the “Pravda” writes: The present presidential elections are taking | place in an exceedingly tense political situation, due to.the extreme intensification of all outer and inner antagonisms. The bourgeoisie are ex- érting all their forces in order to stay the de- velopment of the prerequisites of the revolu- | tionary crisis. They are increasing their of- | fensive against the working population and are | moré-and more going over to the open fascist dictatorship. The nationalist, the fascist parties are Carrying on-a desperate demagogy in order to keep back the masses from the proletarian revolution. It is characteristic of the transition of the bourgeoisie to the open forms of the fascist dictatorship that the most reactionary candidate at the presidential election in April, 1925, namely, the monarchist and Hohenzollern General, Hindenburg, has now become, as the so¢ial democracy proclaims, the “candidate of the advanced part of the bourgeoisie against its reactionary part,” the candidate who, it is al- leged,’ stands for the remnants of the bourgeois | “democracy.” In spite of th® danger threatening, the capl- talist order as a whole, in spite of the general going over of the bourgeoisie to the methods of the open fascist dictatorship, there neverthe- less exist considerable differences among the perialism and its puppet state, and the sweeping wave of anti-imperialist activities all over China | prove that the imperialists can no longer rob without resistance. The vanguard of the Japanese masses under extreme conditions of white terror are also fight- ing determinedly against the robber war against. the Chinese people and war plots against the Soviet Union. They explained to the broad massed in Japan that the war against the Chinees people is desired only by the imperialists, They exposed the lies of the Japanese imperial- ists and their agents, the leaders of the Japanese Socialist Party that Japan must seize Manchuria for the welfare of the Japanese people. They held :mass anti-war: demonstrations in Tokyo, Osaka, Yokohama, Kudan and varions parts of Japan before and after the invasion of Man- churla, and Shanghai by Japanese imperialists. Over one hundred Japanese soldiers who refused to murder the Chinese people were excuted by Japanese imperialists in Shanghai, Japanese sol- diers also mutinized in Manchuria. The slogans of: the Japanese revolutionary masses, as put forth in the demonstrations is: “Down with imperialists Japan, for Soviet Japan.” ‘The All-America Alliance of the Chinese Anti- imperialists and the Japanese Workers Club, af- fillated to the Anti-imperialist League of the United States, join hand in hand with the tolling masses in the United States and all over the world under the leadership of the League Against Imperialism and for National Indepen- dence in the fight against robber war on China and war plots the Soviet Union. Yankee imperialism, les sending gunboats to Chins, El Salvador, Nicaragua, the Phillipine Islands ané other colonial countries to exploit and mur- der thé colonial people and to attack the Chinese soviets, 1s doing ‘ts utmost to f#ol and suppress the American masses into submission as part and Parcel of its feverish war preparations, ‘The “block ald” system, the denial of immediate un- employment relief and insurance, the murder ot Harry Simms, leader of the Kentucky Miners Strike, the massacre of the unemployed workers in. Detroit, the confirmation of the death sen- tence of the seven Scottshoro Negro boys by the Supreme Court of Alabama, and the increasing fascist, best aaginst the toiling masses are measures of American imperialism to divide and intimidate the revolutionary masses for the coming imperialist: world slaughter. ‘We call upon. all anti-imperialists to intensify our struggle against imperialist war and im- Perialism itself under the following slogans: Hands off China! Stop the transport of arms and munitions to China! Drive out the rep- Tesentatives of Japanese imperialism in the United States! Stop the legal lynching of the Scotsboro boys! All war funds to the unemployed! Korean soldiers and masses against Japsnese.tm- Defend the Chinese people and the Soviet ea ¥ ‘ Ee | by an.open bloc. the Presidential Election in Germany Union! Demonstrate on May First against War and Starvation! bourgeoisie in regard to the question of the methods and forms of the fight for the way out of the crisis and in regard to the question of the methods of maintaining influence over the masses. In spite of long negotiations and bargaining, the bourgeoisie did not arrive at an agreement in regard to the, candidature of -Hin- denburg, this main candidate of the whole of the bourgeoisié including its main social support, the social democracy. In addition to their chief candidaate Hindenburg, who is to be elected, the bourgeoisie found it necessaty to put forward the openly fascist candidature of Hitler, as a direct threat to the revolutionary workers and for the purpose of pacifying the nationalist ele- ments who are dissatisfied with the existing order. The bourgeoisie also needed a third can- didate—Colonel Dusterberg. This candidate presents in the main the policy of finance capi- tal, which is not immediately allied with either the natonal socalists or the socal democrats, but relies upon the one as well as the other without compromising itself before the masses ‘Three candidates, who are united in their open fascist convictions, three candidates of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie against the workng class, must have demon- strated the fascist unity of the German bour- geoisie towards the revolution. At the same time, these candidatures offered both the social democracy and also the national socialists the greatest possibility of mobilizing the broad mass- es of workers, peasants and petty bourgeoisie in support of the bourgeoisie. The triple candidature of the fascist bour- geoisie was faced by one workers’ candidate, the candidate of the Communist transport worker, Thaelmann. Nevertheless, in spite of the clear confrontation of the class forces, the bour- geoisie obtained 32 million votes compared with five million cast for the proletarian revolution and the dictatorshp of the proletariat, Ths elec- tion success of the bourgeoisie is due, in the first place, to the fact that the Hitler people succeeded in deceiving broad masses of the petty bourgeoisie and the peasants as well as a cer- tain section of the unemployed by radical phrases, by claiming to be the rescuers from the Bruening-Hindenburg system which is unbear- able for the working masses, and secondly, ow- ing to the fact that the social democracy was given the opportunity of making a hysterical outery about the threatening fascist danger and the threatening civil war in the event of a victory of Hitler. The social democrats thereby concealed their alliance with fascism, and hence they, succeeded in mobilizing large masses for Hindenburg. Hindenburg and Hitler, who at bottom are synonymous, were repersented by the social democracy to the politically unexperienced masses as being antagonistic. The ery about the Hitler danger was made use of by the social |. democrats, whilst the cry that Hitler would de- stroy the Bruening system was made use of by the national socialists, , ‘Thanks to this double maneuver, the national socialists succeeded in getting broad strata of the petty bourgeoisie, peasants and backward workers who are dissatisfied with the existing order to vote for Hitler whilst the social demo- crats succeeded in inducing the mass of their electors to vote for Hindenburg. Considerable masses of the social democratic workers who are more and more turning away from the social democratic party, but even today still cannot think of a revolutionary way out of the crisis, have followed the slogan of the social democracy and voted for Hindenburg, in the belief that they thereby prevented the open fascist dicta- torship. Thus in spite of the profound fer- ment in its ranks, the social democracy has succeeded, with the help of the bourgeoisie, in swindling the masses once more. Nevertheless the revolutionary front has grown and become stronger, It would be @ mistake to compare the figures of the presidential electoin with the result of A new bill has recently been introduced in Congress authorizing an appropriation up to $15,000,000 to be spent for the construction and installation at military posts of necessary build- ings and utilities needed in the coming war. everywhere: Oue year, —===———— SS | SUBSCRIPTION RATHS: siz months, and Bronx, N + two monthe, §: York City. Woreign: one year, $8; siz montha, 84.50. 3 excepting Boroughs By BURCK the Reichstag election in 1930, At the Reichstag elections it Was @ case of an ordinary Parlia- mentary election, a choice between the program of the political parties struggling for power. Now however, it was not only a question of voting for the Communist Party, but also thereby rec- ognizing that the main buttress of the bour- geoisie and the chief aider of the fascist terror is the social democracy; that fascism and social fascism are twins. In this glecticn it requires much greater class consciousness of the worker to vote Communist than it did at the Reich- stag election. If we survey the whole period which has elapsed since the presidential election in 1925, it became evident that we can only compare the present elections with the referendum which was held in Prussia on August 9, 1931, where it was likewise a question of the fight against the social democracy as the social support of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Viewed from this standpoint the Communist Party of Ger- many has achieved a great success in rallying round it five million electors who are ready, under any conditions, to proceed against the bourgeois front in its entirety, and who are aware that the social democracy is the main social buttress of the bourgeois order and that unless it is shattered there can be no successful proletarian revolution, At the election on March 13 the Hindenburg ftont received fewer votes than at the: Reich- stag elections, but in addition to the consolida- tion of the position of the Communists the elec- tions have also resulted in an enormous increase in the number of votes cast for the open fascist party, the national socialists. There is no doubt that not only petty bourgeois and peasant masses voted for the national socailists but even c,ertain sections of the unemployed and groups of back ward workers who have been disappointed by the policy of the social democracy and hate the present system. These masses of petty bour- geoisie peasants’ employees officials and unem- Ployed still believe today that the national so- Cialists constitute the force which can change the existing system but they do not understand that these changes will be directed against them- selves and against their own interests, The political and tactical line of the C. P, of Germany was the only line corresponding to the interests of the working class. By continuing this line the Communists will still more dras- tically expose the social democracy as the social support of the bourgeoisie, by showing to the masses the whole danger of the liberal contrast- ing of the social democracy with the national socialists, and exposing the policy of the lesser evil. The Communists are the only worthy or- ganizers of the fight against the fascist dicta- torship. The masses must come to realize in the actual fights led by the C.P.G, that it is not a question of contrasting the national socialists with the social democracy , but that it is a question of either the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie (which includes the national socialists and’ the social democracy) or the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Communists are clearly aware that the success of the Nazis in the village and among the petty bourgeois strdta in the town was pos- sible only because Cémmunist agitation among these strata was still quite inadequate, because the Communists have not yet proceeded to real and serious work, among these masses of toilers. ‘The Communists are equally aware that the fact that the social democracy, at the first bal- lot, have succeeded in retaining the main cadres ‘of ‘their electors ‘is a sign that the Party had not carried on sufficient work to expose social fascism, its. preparations for a new war and intervention and its theory of the “lesser evil.” The Communists are aware that this is likewise the result of insufficient work by the Party in rousing class struggles against the dictatorship of bourgeoisie. The Communists do not con- sider it necessary to make a great outcry over ‘their success. ‘They have no reason:to under- estimate the importance of the five million pro- letarian votes which were cast for Comrade Thaelmann against fascism and against the so- cial democracy, for the dictatorship of the pro- letariat. i The Party will achieve further successes in mobilizing the workers of Germany for the pro- letarian revolution by developing the political and economic fight against wage cuts and re- duction of unemployment benefit, against the emergency decrees of the Bruening-Hindenburg government, against the preparations for new imperialist war and intervention against the carrying out of the fascist dictatorship in Ger- many and for the establishment of the power of the exploited class, . Hunger Arithmetic of the Ohio General Assembly By FRANK ROGERS. TEE Ohio General Assembly has passed legis lation authorizing $23,000,000 for poor and ‘unemployed relief for the state of Ohio, Is this an act of kind hearted representatives of the People considering the conditions of the needy or was it FORCED legislation by pressure of the hungry unemployed and the threatening mass discontent registered in scores of industrial cities through mass demonstrations for bread -and jobs organized and led by the Unemploy- ment Councils? The mass demonstrations on National Unem- Ployment Day; the National Hunger March through Ohio; the State Hunger March to o> lumbus; and the scores of mass meetings organe ized by the Unemployed Council are DIRECT contributing factors forcing the present relief session and legislature passed by the General Assembly. Every mayor from any city of ime portance came before the special session of the General Assembly and they were consulted ON THE ATTITUDE AND MOOD oF THE UN- EMPLOYED. The mayor of Cleveland point blank told the Assembly that “soon our relief’ will give out and I will not be Tesporisible for what may happen.” Mayor Moore of Younge- town reported: “We ask something be done before we have serious social disorders. I do not know if this legislature has considered the possibility of complete collapse of government. It has hap- pened fn Eurcze mey happen here.” Another mayor stated that “your wealth and your utilities, which DON’T WANT TO BE ‘TAXED ANY MORE, won't be worth plugged nickle” if the unemployed revolt and govern- ment breaks down. Thus, it is quite clear, The unemployed, through mass demonstrations, forced the present hunger rations from the Gen- eral Assembly. But the work of the Unemployed Councils must not stop here. The next step must be a wide mass campaign of the unemployed and part-time workers to force federal Unemploy- ment Insurance from the bosses and their goye ernment, HOW FIGURES LIE! The juggling of big figures has caused nrany illusions among the unemployed. Although no exact sum has been alotted to the various cities and no definite plan laid down to raise the amount considered by the General Assembly— the “staggering” sum of $500,000, for example, has been given as the amount for Youngstown, Ohio, one of the hardest hit of industrial centers, Let us examine this hunger arithmetic of the General Assembly. Five hundred thousand dol- lars for Youngstown! It sounds as if every fam- ily can now buy a new Ford car and plenty to eat. But do not spend too much on these prom- ises, First take pen and paper in hand, if you have it, and see how much is coming to every unemployed in Youngstown. According to the figutes of the capitalist press there are at least six thousand families and two thousand single unemployed who must receive direct and im- mediate relief from this fund. Five hundred thousand dollars divided by 8,000 equals about $62.50 for every head of a family and single un- employed. The $62.50 divided by nine (months) gives $6.95 per month. And the $6.95 divided by four weeks gives the grand sum of $1.74 per week per family and single unemployed. These are “their” figures and not the true figures and the true situation among the unemployed. But it gives a picture of the situation from the most optimistic angle. The true situation shows needy cases growing at a rate of 60 families per day and this summer the unemployed. dependent om charity for livelihood will reach a Staggering sum of at least half of the population of the city. The question will be—CAN THEY BE FED? Now that the figures have been released for poor and unemployed relief the fight! for GRAFT HAS STARTED, Already theré is talk of building up a political machine for Governor White. Relief distributors, political puppets of Governor White, will be appointed with salaries of $5,000 to $10,000 per year. So much of the ballyhoo of Governor White and the General Assembly was nothing but a class in hunger arithmetics—an attempt to spread {Illusions and an attempt to stave off the mass support for the Unemployed Councils in its fight for FED- ERAL UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE, THE APRIL ISSUE OF “THE COMMUNIST” _ Contents: ‘The World Is Drifting Into an Imperialist World War For National Liberation of the Negroes! War Against White Chauvinism, by Earl Browder The Tasks of the Communist Party, U. S. A— Resolution for the Central Committee Pie- num The Role of American Finance Capital In the Present Crisis, by Harry Gannes Shop Politics and Organization, by John Steu< ben. Marxism and the National Problem, by J. Stalin. On the Theoretical Foundations of Marxism-) Leninism (Continued from last issue), by V. Adoratsky Oswald Spengler’s “Philosophy of Life”, by @ Vasilkovsky. Latin America and Our Press; by A. G. Martin oi gh Don’t fail to get your issue at once. Per copy, 20 cents. Yearly subscription, $2. Order from: The Communist, P. 0. Box 148, Station D, New York City. Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! Communist Party 0.8 A | Please send me more information on the Come munist Party. i cette es a a