The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 4, 1932, Page 4

Page Four Published by thé Gompretatiy Pudlishtne CH; tas, Cay Saeept Sanday, St. New York City. N. ¥. Telephone ALgonaquin 4-7956. Cable ks to the Dally Worker, 60 Bast iSth Street, Ni Bt GO Bact DAIWORK.® w York, N. ¥. CHAMPION DEMAGOG AND CHIEF AGENTO N the flood of capital demagogy which is l sweeping the country, there is noe more nau than that of the “pro- Detroit, Murphy, The ex- emple of Murphy should be carefully studied for v great light that it throws upon the whole of bourgeois demagogs who are working night and day to prevent the workers from nizing and fighting for unemployment insur- and relief. When the joint police forces Murphy of Detroit and Ford of Dearborn shot killed four young workers and wounded 50 others on March 7 a spotlight was thrown on the “Detroit system,” which is equally important seatingly hypocritic: e” tmayor of are! 0 with the collapse of the “Ford myth.” Murphy poses as a “liberal,” as @ “friend of as the workers, a “friend of the Nebroes. After the mas: re, in which the police partici- pated, Murphy tried to throw all the onus on d Dearborn. But the participation of 's police was not an accidental matter, as an inetgral part of Murphy's whole policy, hich “liberalism” is merely a mask for the ne old program of Hoover in Washington or nak in Chicago, This was brightly revealed Ce: when Murphy's police arrested five workers, in the days after the massacre, for the “crime” of aking collections for the funeral expenses of ir murdered comrades. Murphy's police chained the wounded workers to their beds in the hospitals, for three days, until the wave of mass resentment among the workers had threat- ened to break out in greater struggles. Tom Jones, one of the wounded, was left lying in his own blood, with two bullet holes through his body, until 1 o'clock the next day before re- he slightest medical attention. ly a few days ago, on March 29, Murphy's police arrested five workers for demonstrating before a Ford agency. This violation of civil rights was so flagrant that even the anti-Com- munist, Judge Jeffries, dismissing the charges, took the occasion to rebuke the police for their subserviency to Ford. But not only at and since the massacre has and his police showed their reactionary behind the mask of “liberalism.” | Ex- Murphy’s much-praised “unemployment relie which made the “Detroit system”: na- tionally known, As unemployment gets worse and worse, Mur- phy cuts down relief more and more. In 1931 the relief, which was only a drop of water in an ocean of need, was reduced to less that 40 per cent of that of 1930. This year again the relief budget is being cut more than 50 per cent. A’ few weeks ago, at the orders of the Wall Street bankers, whose representative, Stone, is openly admitted as “dictators of relief work,” 17,000 families were cut off fro mall relief. The or- ders said “those least in need” mus the cit off, but the meaning of this was expressed clearly by a bourgeois woman welfare workers, who ex- claimed, when ordered to carry out this méasure: “When all are starving it is impossible to find degrees of need; it would be just as sensible to cut off all brown-eyed persons.” Wha tsuch measures mean is illustrated by the case of Mrs. Schmidt, mother of five chil- dren, who, rather than see her babies starve be- fore her eyes, shut herself in the kitchen with n and turned on the gas. The attempted Suicide was discovered, and all were rescued but one child, who was already dead. Murphy's police placed Mrs. Schmidt on trial for murder. In this case the judge, moved by the desperate situation of the case brought before him in per- son, dismissed the charges and declared that the real murderer was the city administration which had cut off this family from relief. But the system continued, everi if Mrs. Schmidt was re- leased to continue her hopeless battle against want, and now 17,000 more families are cut off in a similar manner, The papers, evidently un- * der instructions, have long ceased to publish news of working-class suicides, What relief amounts to, when it is given, is illustrated by the case of Mary Grosman, one of the leaders of the Ford Hunger March. Just the day before the march, Mary, who had been receiving 20 cents per day, had her “relief al- lowance” cut down to 15 cents per day. When she publicly testified to this, “welfare worker: ‘rusher to provide her with more adequate means, but only because she was in the public eye, and to hide the fact that for the masses of workers the relief was being done away with altogether. Demagog Murphy boasts that “free speech exists in Detroit. He hides the fact that this is true only to the degree that the Detroit work- ers WON THIS FREE SPEECH IN BATTLE WITH MURPHY’S POLICE. On Nov. 25 and 28, when Detroit workers were mobilizing for the National Hunger March, Murphy tried to FAUTOBOSSES | the unemployed meetings. smash the preparations by police attacks against His police arrested several workers, including John Schmies, Com- munist candidate for Mayor in the last elec- tions; Schmies was sentenced to 60 days in jail by Murphy's police courts for speaking at these meetings. When tens of thousands of workers began demonstrating before Murphy's offices against. these attacks, Murphy again had to back down. Murphy poses as “friend of the Negroes”; this pose is based upon his record in the Sweet case of some years ago, and his membership in the | N, A. A.C. P. His “friendship” is a good meas- ure of the N. A. A. C, P. policy, which bases itself upon support to just such demagogs as Murphy, which means support of Jimcrowism and the worst forms of oppression of the Ne- groes. Under Murphy, Detroit Negroes are sub- ject to a police terror probably worse than in any other Northern industrial city. Hardly a month passes by without a Negro being shot to death on the streets by Detroit police. ‘ Detroit jails contain a population about half Negro, al- though the city population is overmhelmingly white. The Negroes are Jimcrowed in the De- troit relief work, being forced to apply for their charity at separate times and places than the whites, which not only emphasizes the Jim- crow practices, but also facilitates the discrim- ination against the Negroes in quality and amount of relief. A special example of Murphy’s terror against Negroes was shown last summer, when his police broke up, with exceptional brutality, a demon- stration of white workers against a restaurant which, in violation of the law, refused to serve a Negro. Murphy, instead of enforcing the law which guarantees Negroes equal treatment in public places in Michigan, sent his police to beat up the demonstrators. Two white workers, Cujeran and Misheff, were seriously wounded by police clubs and then sent to jail for 60 days for fighting for equality of Negroes. ‘These are only a few examples from the rec- ord of this malodorous demagog, Murphy, who postures before the world as a “liberal.” This demagogy is not without effect and requires to be exposed. It is supported é@specially by the socialist patty; Norman“ Thomas in ‘particus goes out’ of his way on every octasion to dec: his solidarity with Murphy. They are truly affinities, and belong together. But large num- bers of workers are fooled by Murphy’s hypo- critical phrases and are not aware of the reali- ties of his policy behind this mask. It is the task of the revolutionary workers to tear off Murphy’s mask and-expose him’ before the work- ers as he really is, Some of the more honest intelléctusls, who e been traveling generally in the camp of lib- eralism, are becoming disgusted and disiliu- sioned with the demagogy of theM urphy’s and , | | By JACK STACHEL NE of the burning tasks of the moment is to expose the role of the Socialist party and their “left” brothers, the Musteites, in the war preparations of U. S. imperialism, The leaders of the American Federation of Labor (Green, Woll, and Co.) openly stand for the imperialist policies of Wall Street. They openly call for intervention against the Soviet-Union. Because of their influence in the ranks of the workers and the workers organizations we must carry on & eonstant campaign of exposure against the | imperialist policy of the American Federation of Labor. But more dangerous is the activity of the Socialists and the Musteites. They do not come out in the open for imperialist war. They | do not come out in the open for intervention | against the Soviet Union. But they are no less than the leaders of the A. F. of L. for imperial- ist war, and particularly for a war of inter- | vention against the U.S.S.R. The danger lies in | the fact that they exploit the hatred of the mas- ses of war, the desire of the masses for peace, and the growing sympathy of the masses for the Soviet Union, for the purpose of carrying thru the plans of U. S. imperialism. They con- fuse the masses, lull them into pasivity while the | imperialists are perfecting their war plans. ‘They prepare the ground for justifying the imperialist war and to win the masses for the imperialist policy on the ground of progress and “interests of the masses” just as in the last miperialist | war they told the masses that it was being fought “for democracy.” Morris Hillquit, who openly allied himself with the Czarist white guard elements, showed exact- ly where the Socialist stand on the Soviet Un- ion. In this Hillquit, the Chairman of the So- the Norman Thomases. They are Beginning to | speak up against it and even to begin to partici- pate in actions on behalf of the struggling work- ers, such as the various delegations of writers, artists and students to the mine strike areas of Pennsylvania and Kentucky. Such develop- ments must be welcomed as a sign of the coming of allies to the working class from the camp of the demoralized bourgeoisie. Also {t must be said that the middle class elements who come over to the workers almost always bring a considerable part of their former prejudices with- them, ‘They are: rarely clear- sighted in dealing with the “liberal” demagogs, and in their intense desire to\“be fair to all sides” they continue to perpetuate the worst illusions about the Murphy type of demagogs. This is not to speak of such “liberals” as Roger Baldwin, who openly defended Murphy against the attacks of the workers. But even Oakley Johnson, who wrote some very good things “bout the-Dearborn’ massacre and after, in the current issue of New Republic, and who even exposed some of the most flagrant examples of Murphy’s demagogy, also contributed somewhat to the perpetuation of the legend of Murphy’s “liberalism.” It was necessary that the Daily Worker, in reprinting that article, should have pointed out these weaknesses and shortcomings, which were of aid to the enemies of the workers in spite of the generally correct character of the article in dealing with the Ford Massacre. Demagogy of the Murphy sort is multiplying and spreading over the country like mushrooms after a spring rain. The deepening misery and starvation of the masses, and the rising spirit of struggle for relief and insurance, is causing the capitalist politicians to resort to the most reckless demagogy. It is the special duty of the revolutionary workers to learn tow to expose before the workers, In the most concrete man- , ner, each and every one of the fakers like Mur- phy of Detroit. MEDICAL INDUSTRY-—A MAJOR WAR INDUSTRY aed main task in the struggle against im-~- Perialist war before it breaks out is: (a) Fac- tory and rtade union activity must be concen- trated primarily in the industries which serve the mobilization for the conduct of war.” (Re- solution of the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International) It is from this point of view that the organ- ization of the Medical workers, in the past rela- tively unimportant, becomes a major necessity to the revolutionary working-class movement. Let us see just how important the Medical industry 1s for the mobilization and conduct of war. The chief of the military medical staff, the Surgeon-General of the Army in the Decem- ber, 1930 issue of the “Military Surgeon” says as follows: “Perhaps the most surprising feature of the Army Medical Service in the war is the high production of the total field forces which at one time may be under the direct administra- tion and disciplinary control of the Medical Department. In a maximum military effort this may amount to fully one fourth (25%) of the military personnel in the theatre of opera- tions, of which 15 per eent represents that part of the force in the respital and 12 per cent the Medical Department personnel required for the opration of the Medical Service.” ‘This huge percentage is not surprising when ‘we realize that 55 per cent of the United States casualties in the World War died of diseases, i} The need of the Medical Department is further explained in the “Army Rekulations,” as follows: “the conservation of man power and the preservation of the strength of the military forces.” ‘The Medical Department must maintain the health of the warrior as much es is possible under conditions of war, fare shorten and period of the wounded and return them to active duty to slaughter and be slaughtered. The Medical Department must return as quickly ss possible trained and experienced soldiers to maintain the strength of the army in the field. Whereas the pacifists and so-called humant- tarian tried to rally the medical worker for war with humanitarian slogans, picturing him as an angel curing the disease, appeasing the wounded, and spreading joy into the ranks of the victims of imperialist slaughter, the Military Department makes a soldier of him. The American Nursey Association, with « membership of 105,000 registered nurses, supplied 200,000 to the U. S. Army at the request of the Surgeon-General of the Army in the last war. The Red Cross, with a membership of tens of thousands has enrolled’ 75,000 nurses who pledge to serve in times, of war. ‘These organizations both mobilize nurses for war under humanitarian slogans. The International Red Cross in Gen eva passed resolution for the humaniterian ex- change of prisoners, how to relieve wounded by creating temporary armistice periods, the impar- DEMONSTRATE AGAINST By mali everyn ef Mantatian = Race cre: une year, $6; siz months, anc Bronx. New York City, $3; two months, 91; excepting Berougtts Voreign: one year, $8; siz montha, $4.60, By BURC! BIER The Socialists and Musteites An Active Force in War Preparations | | Abramovich and the other leaders of the Socond | International. But in this case Hillquit, the share-holder of the Burns Coal Company, was a little too anxious for the big lawyers fee, so that the whole affair was carried on in such a crude way that the ‘Thomases of the Socialist party who carry thru the same policy against the Soy- fet Union in the name of pacifism prevailed upon the party councils to carry thru the pol- icy of war on the Soviets in a more subtle way. The policy of the Socialist party, the polciy of the Thomases is to carry thru the war pre- cialist party, was taking the same position as | parations in the name of peace, in the name of disarmament, in the name of the League of Nations. z They are “for” the Soviets but they wish them to be “democratized.” retician of the Second International, Karl Kautsky, makes quite clear how this is to be accomplished. He calls for a counter revolu- tionary war of the imperialists of the Czarist white guards to overthrow the only workers gov- ernment in the world. And at the so-called dis- armament conference, which is in reality of pre-war conference, the Socialists who have the “left” Socialist Henderson as the chairman of the conference, Henderson, who we are told is the real socialist as against McDonald, they ex- pose themselves openly before the masses by voting down the only genuine proposal for dis- armament presented by Comrade Litvinoff as the representative of the U.S.S.R. And it is nothing strange. The Hendersons, the Noskes, the Hoans who club and shoot workers in the home coun- tries where they are in power why should they not try to break the power of the workers in the Soviet Union? The Thomases, the Hill- quits, the Hillmans, and the other socialist trade union leaders” break the strikes of the workers act as spies forythe government against the mil- itant workers, the Hoans and the Maurers club and jail the workers wherever they are in power (Milwaukee and Reading) no different than the, Hoovers, the Roosevelts and the Walkers, why should they not carry they the same policy against the only workers’ government as the Hoovers? They do, In the present war of Japanese imperialism against the Chinese masses, and the war provoc- ations of ruthless Japanese imperialism against the U.S.S.R., the socialists hold very fast to the policy of U. S. imperialism. They express the antagonisms that exist between U. 8. and Jap- anese imperialism. They wish U. S. imperialism | and not Japanese to take the lions’ share of Chine. They want U. S. imperialism and not Japanese to enrich itself on the blood of the The international theo- | it all they are nevertheless fighting their way into the North, where they are trying to carry thru the policy of the Socialists to “democrat- ize” the Soviets, The revered Muste is even more “left” than the Reverend Thomas. They are surely against imperialist war. They, of course, are for the Soviet Union, The Musteites speak very loudly about the crisis, the suffering of the masses, the decline and even downfall of the capitalist sys- tem. It all sounds very “revolutionary.” But what do they tell the masses to do? To or- ganize, to fight, to fight against the war danger, to defend the Soviet Unoin? They tell the mas- ses that there is no danger of war. They tell the masses that the crisis is so deep that the capitalists would not dare take a chance of an- other world war, and certainly would not daré to attack the Soviet Union. They say when the masses in the capitalist countries are starving making the armiés unreliable, the capitalists would not dare attack the Soviet Union for fear of revolution in the home countries. This is how these charlatans try to keep the masses from organizing against imperialist war. This is how these “lefts” try to assist the imperialists to prepare war while the masses are to be lulled into passivity “because the capitalists would not dare make war’so long as the crisis deepens.” This is why they shout about the collapse of the capitalist system while doing nothing to fight against capitalism, jon the contrary, breaking every struggle of the workers in resistance to the capitalist offensive as they have demon- strated in Paterson, Lawrence and other places, The Musteites say they are for the Soviet Union. They say are for the Five-Year Plan, But they are opposed to the present policies and leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Receiving their inspiration and theories from the camp of the Cannon Trotzkyists and the Lovestone Gitlow-Brandlerists, they shout that Stalin has abandoned the policies of Lenin, that the revered Muste must save the Commun- ist, the Bolshevik Party of the Soviet Union for Leninism. Thus they try to appeal directly to the leftward ‘moving workers and undermine the movement for the defense of the U.S.S.R. and | to stop the growth and development of the Com- Chinese masses. But they are very careful not | to hurt the feelings of Japanese imperialism. For are not the Japanese civilizers “fighting for peace in China against the bandits’? They can not hide their fears and their hatred of the Chinese Soviets. And they can not forget that after all while the Japanese are trying to “hog” munist Party of the U. 8. which is the organizer of the defense of the Soviet Unoin. Thus they speak about the introduction of a five-year plan of planned economy in the U. 8. trying on the one hand#to conceal the “fact that the five-year plan is possible in the U.S.S.R. only because there is a workers rule and capitalism having been abolished, and at the same time to make it possible to save capitalism in the U. S. at the expense of the toilers thru further rationaliza- tion, trustification, and nationalization. tial relief of all wounded regardless of affilia- tions, etc. But these jestures take place before war is unleashed and outside the ranks of those who control the activity of the Medical Dept. In the archives of the organizers and leaders of military action the role of the Medical De- partment is brought to life as a weapon used primarily to defeat the enemy. Col, G. M. Bleech in an article of Medical tactics in the future, says: “All former prejudices with regard to the military status of the medical personnel have been definitely dissipated. We owe all this to the prolonged efforts on the part of our leaders and thinking soldiers, who have long since realized that success ir war without an effi- cient medical service is unattainable.” Further on he continus, “The prewar idea prevalent among the rank and ile that the Medical Serv- ice ts purely humanitarian has been long re- placed by the geeral appreciation of the frontal medical units as an agency for attainment of victory by combat.” So we can see that within the military scope the medical worker is used for victory and combat; he is an offensive unit in the forefront of the | battle facing machine gunfire, airplane bombs, | poison gas, etc. One may be a doctor, nurse, stretch bearer, or pharmacist, but above all he is a soldier fighting for the defeat of the enemy. ‘When the Red Cross, the American Medica! Association, the Nurses Association send the medical worker to war by explaining, “war is an act of God,” they try to hide their role as jin- goists as active organizers of war and slaughter in the interests of maintaining the profits of the parasite rulers of the capitalist system, under the banner of humanizing war, they bring hundreds of thousands of medical workers into the war on the side of the war makers and profiteers. ‘The importance of the medical industry in war 1s now clear. So let us get s view of the con- sitona of toe medion worker and then let's ges | hospi workers and this number Zz what methods can be used to organize them. ‘There are 2,000,000 people in the medical in- dustry( mainly young, women and negro workers. Of these 1,500,000 are wage earners. Slave labor, truly characteristizes the conditions of over a million of them. They work 12 hours a day, 6 to 7 days a week, under the most severe mental and physical strain, The student nurses com- prising 78 per cent of all nurses in hospitals, receives in return for his slavery only main- tainance. The hospital nurse, the “aristocrat” of the nursing profession, receives between $60 to $90 a month and maintainance. The unskilled and semi-skilled personnel, segregated as the lowest class of humanity, are given their social inquality in the form of wages ranging from $30 to $40 per month. Long hours, literally rotten conditions, the worst being handed out to the so-called lower caste, no recreation, military dis- cipline, are. @ source of much sickness amongst hospital workers, particularly the student nurse, ranges from 18 to 23 years of age. Utilizing student nurses as the chief form of labor in the hospitals is a major reason for mass unemploy- ment and starvation. In 1931 alone, 25,000’ graduated in the United States to be displaced mainly by incoming students. Private duty nursing, even in the best years, was never able to supply work to the rapidly in- creasing number of nurses. A private duty (she constitutes 75 per cent of the nursing profession) used to work about 5 months a year at 50c an hour, At present wages aré lower, work is even scarcer, as a result of the impoverishmnt of large sections of the middle class sections and wholesale misery amongst the working masses, while the unemployed an part-time workers crowding the hospital, relief stations and other institutions, seeking free medical attetion are turned away for lack of space and shortage of personnel, thousands of private duty nurses— cpakipuer te-} "94 yplen movements increase, are unemployed and starving. The drug clerks, who are the second largest | Category of medical industry, find themseives in practically the same predicament as the nurses, and hospital workers. In fact his wages are even lower, ($20 to $25 per week for 80 to 90 hours of work per week). Yet it is.in this field of discontent and misery that the organizers of war build one of their most strategic and powerful military units. A powerful movement can and must be dev- eloped for the 8-hour day, for the separation of the so-called training school from the control of the hospital administration, and for a maimum 4-hour day of practical duty for students, A movement for unemployment insurance and im- ‘mediate relief must play an important role in rallying the Medical worker to the revolutionary trade union movement. Partial struggles, pro- tests, short stoppages, must be developed against rotten food, disciplinary rules and regulations, and social inequality against campaigns instiuted against the foreign-born, against all dismissals particularly those which increase the speed-up. Because of the backwardness of these workers, skillful methods must be developed to bring these workers into the trade union movement. Suf- ficint material must reach the medical workers, explaining to them their true status in times of peace as well as in war. Forums, lectures, dealing specifically with their conditions must be held frequently. Special methods must be developed to each these workres through forms of recreations as sports clubs, social clubs, etc. ‘The fact that every reduction in the living stand- ard of the working-class as a whole is also a blow to the medical worker must be popularized and explained. Tt is through these methods that we will bring the medical workers closer to the revolutionary ’ The “Proletarian” Party Joins the Murphy-Ford Front By WM. REYNOLDS i R many years, the so-called “Proletestanl Party” has been leading a quiet inconspicious existence in Detroit delivering abstract lectures wherein ex-storekeepers and realtors explained with great profundity that Marxism was the key to understanding society but that any req / volutionary action at this period was adven- | turism. And that they, the true believers, would | lead the workers out of the wilderness of wage- slavery when the time was ripe for action. As the crisis deepened, as the class struggle: sharpened, as tens of thousands of workers bee come disillusioned with the promises of Hoover) and Ford, and with Murphy's demagogy, tha. Proletarian Party began to lay the basis for! active leadership in the Social Fascist front of the bosses, This preparation took the form of ridiculing the efforts of the Unemployed Councils to get unemployed relief thru demonstrations, hunger marches and other struggles. The Proleterian Party wanted a method as safe as selling sub- division lots to workers, deluded with prosperity bunk, and they proceeded to organize Unem- Ployed Forums with the consent of the bosses, In Flint, the Proletarian Party’s safe and sane, law and order “unemployed forums” function with the full consent of the thug Scavarda, while all Communist activities meet with the most exrteme terror. Similarly, he butcher Clyde Ford, Mayor of Dearborn, welcomes the Pro- letarian Party into vc otc] houses to talk, but meets the Hunger Marchers, id by Com- munists, who came to demand food with ma- chine guns. The agents of Ford and General Motors can distinguish between talk and action, even though some honest workers in the Prole- tarian Party are still fooled by left phrases, The Proletarian Party is united with the most reactionary A. F. of L. bureaucracy and through them with the bosses. We see this in a recent issue of the A. F. of L, rag, the “Flint Weekly Review,” wherein a full-page attack on the Sove jet Union is flanked by ads from every General Motors Unit, and the front page carries an an- nouncement that Al Renner, Realtor “Commu- nist” or “Communist” Realtor, will talk on un- employment. The Proletarian- Weekly News the same week carries the boast that the Proletarian Party and the A. F. of L. are working har- moniously. Sure! Why not? ‘We see this orientation in the Social Fascist front by the harmonious participation of the Proletarian Party in the pacifist meeting along with the socialist party and’ the pacifist Berg- man. Since when have Communists and revo- tionists been pacifists. It remained for a Com- munist to expose these preachers, professors, P. P, talkers and non-resisters of thé Gandhi type. The Proletarian Party united front éxtended all the way to Mayor Walker and Governor Rolph when at a “trial” of Tom Mooney in the Cass High Auditorium the Proletarian Party leaders refused an announcement that Mother Mooney would speak at the same place a few days later. Such tripe fits easily into the role of Oxman, Fickert and Estelle Smith and they are the bearers of the Mooney persecution in Teal life. How uickly these renegades, publicly and un- masked, repudiated everything Communist when the class war flamed forth in the Ford massacre and then, as quickly though secretly recanted when the workers with mass fury turned @ tere tific offensive upon the murderers and all their Jackeys, including the Proletarian Party, Keep away from our dead! roared the workers to the Proletarian Party at the meeting of the workers’ organizations to arrange the mass funeral, and in the silence one could hear the flapping of vultures’ wings. But the glaring example of the service of these Political prostitutes came when the pale acade- mic talkers of the Proletarian Party step from the cuass room and lecture platform and oblig- ingly take Grand Circus Park on the great day of revolutionary struggle, May Day (May First) to accommodate Mayor Murphy, the A, F. of L.,, the American Legion and the bossés in their attempt to keep militant workers from demon- strating. The Unemployed Councils and the Auto Workers’ Union, under the leadership of the Communist Party, smashed Murphy's attempt to deny the workers the use of Grand Circus Park last ..ovember. Now these agents, spout- ers of the radical phrase, step forward as Police Commissioner Watkin's leaders of revolutionary May Day. No doubt, Mr. Hoover's “Child Wel- fare,” the American Legion and the socialist party will have their spokesman. The Proletarian Party is the Pink P.impied rash on the corrupt body of developing Social Fascism. It is the psuedo radical front of the crystallizing Murphy, A. F. of L., socialist party, pacifist faec of American imperialism. Their function is to fool the workers and deliver them disarmed, confused and helpless to the trenches in the new-preparing war. . The Army Engineer Corporation wants eoote wages for the next war, if recent testimony of Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! P. © Box 87 Station D. New York City. | Please send me more information on the Com.’ munist Party. f { Name cscscvocrecsoncees: Occupation ...cccecsccccescersserss. ABB seoece «Mail this to the Central Office, Communist a Communist Party U. 6. A. , Bs Qs Bee OT Station D, Wow Woks dite —