The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 30, 1932, Page 4

© Publishes by the Comprodany wuniiwning New York City. N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cabl address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 60 Hast 13th Street, New. York, N. ¥ § isth St, Page Four 5 ae 7 WS; GENY GHC Bindeay, ac 60 wasd 'DAIWORK®? AFTER MAS By OAKLEY JOHNSON (Reprinted ESPITE the first s the police, the te to show ass parade now seer using not only 1 fired at them unr had begun to turr Liberties Union the families ¢ stitute civil Ford Motor Company under arrest have bee required to give bond rly in Detroit itself a hand s are pl: Ford and the rs” who were public is largely blames Fe ior against Ford; ‘d’s own pol- s, and the e policies of the Dearborn administr Briefly ‘ollowing appears to be sub- stantially what occurred About 3,0000 partici demonstration on Mon with police permission along Fort S downtown Detroit to the Dearborn c ‘They were walking in orderly formati abreast, singing or joking, carrying banr few hundred women were among them stopped just before reaching Dearborn and were addressed by Alfred Goetz, who instructed them to remain orderly, to use no violence and to maintain “proletarian discipline.” At the Dear- born limits they turned into Miller Road and were met by about fifty Dearborn police, who ordered them to turn back. No parade permit had been issued in Dearborn, in accordance with local policy toward radical demonstrations, although in Detroit the permit, under Murphy's liberal policy had been freely granted. |The marchers insisted on going ahead. The police threw tear-gas bombs, using up, according to one report, tear gas worth $1,750. Maddened by the gas, the crowd picked up stones and threw them at the police. The police retreated, made another stand, retreated |again. Finally the police used their guns, killing one and wounding some others. Then Harry H. Bennett, chief of Ford’s private police, drove his car into the crowd and fired either his revolver or his tear- gas gun at the demonstrators. He was hit by a rock, and was taken back toward factory gate number three by the police, who then, in con- junction with plain-clothes men in Ford's employ, opened up with their revolvers, wound- ing others, The crowd, several hundred feet from the gate, were then on the point of retreat- ing, when |the police and plain-clothes men opened fire again with a machine gun, killing three more and wounding over a score. The crowd broke and ran. The workers carried off some of their wounded fellow marchers, leaving the dead and others of the wounded lying in the road. A score or so were arrested, and the wounded, an unemployed 7, marched treet. from y limits. They taken to the Receiving Hospital and to other | hospitals for treatment, were placed under tech- nical arrest and chained to their beds. Maurice Sugar, attorney retained by the International Labor Defense for the arrested men, obtained their release on writs of habeas corpus. On Friday night the Communists held an im- mense meeting in Arena Gardens, undisturbed by the |police. Nearly six thousand people packed the hall and there were several speakers, including Biedenkapp of New York, and Alfred ,_ Goetz, one of the five men the authorities are supposed to be looking for. The police made no attempt to arrest Goetz. The meeting was in preparation for the funeral scheduled for the next day, At Ferry Hall on Saturday afteroon the bodies lay in state. Above the coffins, against the wall, hung a huge red banner bearing a Picture of Lenin. On one side was the motto, “Ford Gave Bullets for Bread,” and on the other “Police Bullets Killed Them.” Red roses were banked in front of the coffins. The band played the Russian [funeral march of 1905. Rudolph Baker, Comunist district organizer, in a brief address spoke of the lives of Joe York, Joe Bussell, Joe De Blasio and Coleman Lenz—York had worked in Ohio coal mines, seventeen-year- old Bussell had planned to go to the Soviet Onion—and declared, “In the name of the district committee of the Communist party of Detroit, we lay the blame for these murders directly upon the shoulders of Henry Ford and Mayor Murphy.” At Grand Circus Park, an hour later, from the thirteenth floor of Eaton Tower, I watched the parade |move down Woodward Avenue. Wit- nessed by several thousand spectators, the pro- cession came slowly toward Grand Circus Park, the band in front playing the “Internationale,” @ massed square of workers carrying a huge red banner with the slogan in white letters, “Smash the Ford-Murphy Police Terror.” The funeral cortege of a score of automobiles came next, and after it, as far as I could see up Woodward Ave- nue, workers in mass formation, carrying ban- ners. At least 20,000 must have participated. {According |to The Detroit Times, a total of 30,000 gathered at Grand Circus Park. The police had cleared all traffic off Wood- ward Avenue. For two hours no wheel moved on that street except those in the parade. The roars of the crowd, cheering their speakers and booing the police, arose in waves to the window ‘at which I watched. The crowd divided, some remaining in the park to listen to speeches, thers packing into the five hundred automo- files which drove up, like a huge Ford belt line, to carry the marchers to the cemetery. It was bitter cold, but the, late sun shone on the tall silvered smokestacks of Ford’s River Rouge plant, the smokestacks glistening against the sky like a huge pipe organ. Directly adjoin- the road that passes the Ford factory, on extreme edge of Woodmere Cemetery, a lot fhad been purchased. Here in one grave the bodies were buried, and here, it was announced, within sight of the Ford Factory, not far from here the men had been shot to death, a monu- ent would be erected, bearing an inscription to commemorate the manner of their killing. In three successive interviews in his office, yor Murphy assured me that free speech and free assemblage would be guaranteed in Detroit hile he was mayor. “We don’t ordinarily fequire Communists to get a permit,” he declared. ‘In most cases they need only serve notice and frre will be no interference.” He said that hile he had no wish to criticize the Dearborn administration, he believed that if they had had similar policy in regatd to radical demonstra~ , the tragedy would not have occurred. “In troit,” he said, “mass meetings and parades held as a matter of |right—police merely rvise and regulate.” Further, all groups ave been welcomed regularly at the City Hall P omer fe toe, ‘THE DEA S ACRE redress.” In the killings at the Ford plant, he main- 4, “the Detroit police and the Detroit policy were not involved. . . . The entire conflict was between the Dearborn police, the Ford police | and the demonstrators.” | Police Commissioner John K. Watkins( who is | r Rhodes scholar, confirmed Mayor statements. g public mass meetings of a municipal in Detroit, don’t you?” he was asked, “Not only a municipal right, but a constitu- tional right, both state and national,” the police | commissioner replied. | It happens that the Ford-Dearborn police pol- | icy is directly opposed to Mayor.Murphy’s, and at the last election Ford’s candidate, John Lodge, was defeated by Murphy. Ford's factory is out- e the city limits, He does not pay a cent of to the city. Though Detroit has extended territory in all directions, and is beginning to en le Dearborn, Ford has steadily resisted the incorporation of Dearborn into the city of | Detroit. He steadily refuses, it is said, to con- tribute to the City Welfare Department, although thousands of his former employees are depen- dent upon the Department for aid. Clyde Ford, the mayor of Dearborn, is a relative of Henry Ford’s and owns a Ford agency. Henry Ford’s frequent announcements that he is going to ‘open up,” hire thousands more men, start pros- perity going again, “risk all” in an effort to end the depression, and so forth—announcements which he does not carry out and apparently residents and business men, particularly since such announcements keep unemployed men pouring into Detroit seeking jobs which do not exist. The majority of Detroiters support Murphy and hate Ford. Barbers, waitresses, clerks, most white-collar workers—not radical in any sense— say such things as, “I wish they’d tear down his whole factory. Maybe that would give the un- employed a job, building it up again.” Murphy is backed solidly by the American Federation of Labor, by the Negroes because of his fairness as a judge in the trial some years ago of a Negro who defended his house against a mob and was tried for manslaughter, by the Catholic vote (after all, Murphy is Irish), and by a considerable proportion of the liberals, who remember in particular his post-war campaign against the war profiteers. Moreover, Murphy is ambitious, He is an old-fashioned Jefferson- jan Democrat with modern political astuteness who is not above political maneuvering for his own ends. Here is his chance. The fight against Ford, if Murphy has the courage to take it up, will make an issue upon which he might climb far above the mayoralty of Detroit. In this situation, however, Murphy is attacked very nearly as much as Ford. The world thinks | of the Ford industries as being in Detroit, and of Frank Murphy, the mayor, as officially respon- sible. During the half hour that I sat in the mayor's office on Saturday, his secretary col- lected the telegrams that had arrived during the preceding few hours and I looked them over. Fourteen protests had come in that morning from various organizations and meetings con- demning the murders. There was a telegram from the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union of Chicago, another from the YCL of Negaunee, Michigan, another from a | branch of the International Workers’ Order | located somewhere in New York, another, a long resolution adopted at a mass meeting, from students and teachers in the Columbia Social Problems Club. The latter, referring to the fact of industrial depression and the peaceful nature of the unemployed demonstration at which the shooting occurred, declared that “the blame for this ruthless terrorism rests squarely upon the | shoulders of Henry Ford and the municipal gov- | ernment of Detroit.” ‘To a man like Frank Murphy, these things burn. He sent a long telegram to The Young Worker, organ of the Young Communist League. The League had bitterly protested the murder because three of the dead were membrs of the organization. The telegram was published on the front page of The Young Worker with a list of sharp and pertinent questions for Murphy to answer. And, after all, Murphy, despite the fact that his city probably provides more freedom of speech than any other in the country, does have things to answer, or at least explain. He, does not, probably, expect Communist support in his ad- ministration—after all, he favors a retention of capitalism, however much he would like to remove some of its features—but he does want them to let him alone. When telegrams con- tinue to pour in and the demonstrators continue to link his name with Ford’s—“the Ford-Murphy Police Terror”—he asks, plaintively, “How can they do this to me?” It is not his fault, of course, that the Wayne County Council of the American Legion in the Detroit district secretly passed a resolution in- troduced by Leonard Coyne, an attorney, on the Ford “riot,” saying, “we tender to the Ford Motor Company and other Wayne County in- dustries the assistance of our organization and Pledge them the support of all members in any further emergency.” But it shows a situation which interpenetrates official Detroit. Miles N. Culehan, one of the assistant prosecutors in charge of the grand-jury investigation and an ex-service man, said in an interview with me and another journalist, “I don’t care who knows it, but I say I wish they'd killed a few more of those damned rioters.” Furthermore, Hugh Quinn and three other Detroit detectives were present throughout the affair, and in the first edition of The Detroit Free Press Quinn is quoted as saying that Harry Bennett shot a man during the riot. But afterward, when quizzed severely by Mur- phy, Quinn denied everything, claiming that his presence in Dearborn was accidental and that he saw only stones flying in the air. Several raids on Communist Party and Trade Union Unity League headquarters were carried out dur- ing the next two or three days after the riot and some of these were made by Detroit police. This is explained on the ground that in Detroit the municipal police serve warrants issued by county officers not under the mayor's control (an explanation much weakened, however, by the fact that in at least one raid the police had no warrant), More damaging to the mayor's claims are certain actions of the Detroit police reported by four injured demonstrators who were treated in hospitals: Robert Dorn, Harry Cruden, Eugene Macks and David Grey, young men varying in age from nineteen to twenty-seven. Grey was injured by a shot which grazed his scalp, but he 'e ke Se RBORN “You consider the privilege of demonstrating | does not intend to—anger Detroit middle-class | ae T DY ) COMMI™ BLOCK las the Unemployed Council lealls it the “Blockade”) sys- tem than Norman Thomas. J. | |P. Morgan, it is true, led a large group of pawerful ex- | Times’ Thomas the Times Thomas to grace its editorial. | Norman They took Norman Thomas, | into the mall @versoviicre Maghetian and Bronx, SUBEBCRIPTION RATT: $6; York City. one year few Thomas . > “He editorial. “As has defined Thomas is brought, breech to attack the} ~“Let Us In,We Want Help You!” (Norman Thomas), great spy system the Commu- nists profess to fear, ” “The well-to-do have al- leading socialist, to their bos-' unemployed, led by the Com- ready given,” says the Times. ix months, $3; 4wo months, $1; excepting Boroughs Woreign: one year, §8; six montha, 84.50, By BURCK re ‘Coal Operators’ “Justice ---Southern Style By TOM JOHNSON Ww were arrested at about 8 o'clock Saturday night in a well planned raid on the meet- ing of the leading committee of the strike. Deputies had surrounded the isolated farm house where the meeting was in progress and succeeded in sticking up two comrades outside the house before they could give the alarm. Some of us were in the kitchen still eating supper when the thugs stepped simultaneously through the front and rear doors with drawn pistols in their hands. A glance around showed deputies at each window with their guns feveled at us in the house, We were searched, loaded into cars and driven to Tazewell jail the same night, Monday after- noon we got an excellent example of coal oper- ator “justice”—Southern style. At our hearing before the local magistrate we found two prosecutors on the job—Sheriff Riley (the same operators’ tool who kidnapped Weber and Duncan and turned them over to the Harlan law for the blood money in it) and the magis- trate himself. The first act of the “judge” was ALL STREET'S leading or-;om. Morgan {s forgotten, all nyinists, who demand unem-| Now the well-to-do should not gan, the New York Times,| the other bosses are shoved | ployment insurance to come |could find no more appropriate| into the bockground. Only | out of the huge fortunes of| ‘backer of the “Block-Aid” (or| the ministerial figure of the| the rich, out of the war funds, socialist leader with the torch; and the government treasury. of the socialist party in his | uplifted hand appears in the) says the Times, “added ‘the Mr. | cautionary word that it is not} this}a conspiracy of the rich to| | ploiters in praising the “Block-| movement,” begins the Times’| make the poor pay for unem- Aid” system of starvation, but | editorial endorsing the social-| ployment relief, nor it is ‘that picked Norman ists’ protection of the rich. be made to feed the 12,000,000 unemployed and their families) who sweated ovt the fortunes of the well-to-do, and the sa-| vior of the well-to-do is the unctuous Reverend Norman) Thomas. After endorsing the} Murphy murder system of De-| troit, the next step of Mr.) Thomas should be to wield a club or machiné gun to stifle ;the demands ef the hungry unemployed, 9 | By HARRY GANNES How low can the American capitalists cut wages? ‘The bosses are now experimenting (with the lives of tens of thousands of unemployed) to see how cheaply a worker can live and work to pro- | duce profits for the boss. | The results prove to the capitalists that the American workers can be forced to live on coolie | rations, if there is no mass resistance. In Niles, Ohio, 4,377 people, one-fourth of the | entire population, lives on 42 cents a day, or at | the rate of 1% cents a meal, The capitalist press refers to this as an achievement and as a solution of the unemployment relief problem. ‘There is a note of exultation in the following Associated Press dispatch from Niles, Ohio (N. ¥. Times, March 28, 1932): “This steel city of 16,000 population is feed- ing one-fourth of its residents, officials say, at the rate of about $1 a month each, or 114 cents a meal, believed to be the lowest rates in the country for feeding the unemployd “Relief workers from other cities have come to learn how the unemployed here can be fed so cheaply.” It is not only a question of driving the star- meal—an object lesson that is arousing the ad- miration of the “relief workers” of other cities, an achievement that Chiang Kai Shek even cannot boast of—but the result will show in the standard of living of the employed workers. The steel corporation, desiring to reduce costs, is learning that workers can live on meals cost- ing 11% cents. Unless the workers resist wage cuts, the standard of living (or rather of starva- tion) of the unémployed will be the bosses’ goal. The $1 per month standard is an inspiration to the wage-cutting steel bosses. This lesson of how much farther wages can be cut, and that a complete change will be forced in the living standards of the American by a private physician. The next day, his head bandaged, he was arrested in a restaurant by a Detroit policeman, taken to police headquarters Dearborn police, who finger-printed him again and kept him in jail a night before he was re- leased. The cases of the other three are all simi- lar. They were wounded by the firing, were taken to the Receiving: Hospital for treatment, but under what is called “technical arrest”. That is to say, chained to their beds during their stay in the hospital from Monday night till Friday after- noon. Under the terms of the writ of habeas corpus obtained by Maurice Sugar on Wednes- day, all arrested persons were supposed to be re- leased without charges and without bond not later than Thursday. These three were taken from the hospital Friday—and instead of being released were taken to Detroit police head- quarters and fingerprinted. Then the Dearborn police were called, and the patrol took them to the Dearborn jail where all three were finger- printed again, photographed, then placed in cells and with no charges against them were de- tained for four days, when they were released, It was this many-sided and frequently obscure interworking of the Detroit police with the Dear- born police, as well as the desperate condition of the unemployed generally, against which the Communist delegation of fourteen, headed by George Xristalsky, protested vigorously when they appeared on Monday, March 14—one week after the massacre—before the Detroit Council and the mayor. Meanwhile new machine guns have heen pur- chased for the Dearborn police, and papers carry announcements that any other attempts Sh damepaeatons Wi be met Wil 6 AA wan How Low Can Wages Go? vation rations of the unemployed to 1% cents a in Detroit, finger-printed, then turned over to they were handcuffed and workers unless mass resistance is organized, was indicated in @ recent speech by Myron C. Taylor, head of the finance committee of the United States Steel Corporation, Speaking in Boston on March 24, 1932, Mr. Taylor pictured a gloomy future for capitalism, and he made no bones about the fact that the worker would have to stand the brunt. There will be “a redistribution of work and a readjust- ment of living conditions throughout the coun- try,” he said. “Readjustment,” in the language of the capitalists (remember the “readjustment” of wages in 1921-22) means a lowering of living conditions. He points out that a great number of workers will have to die off or move to out- of-the way places and try to live as best they Mr. Taylor’s “relief workers” are experimenting in Niles, Ohio, “It is difficult to see,” said Mr. Taylor, “how. in the present situation the large numbers that have migrated to the cities can all be given wor at fair compensation.” But it is not only in the steel districts, or in other basic industries, that the capitalists are experimenting with the coolie standard of living for the American workers. In Tulsa, Oklahoma, it is with great pride that the Tulsa County Medical Society announces that 10,000 people live on a 6-cent a day ration and are “in the best of health.” “The secret of reducing the cost,” declared John H. Leavell, Tulsa business man who heads the experimentation, “lies in the purchasing.” The Tulsa County Medical Society declares that workers fed on these rations can work just as hard as any other workers, and this already gives the Tulsa “business men” the cue: as to the level of wages. As an example of the “luxurious” diet for the workers, Mr. Leavell points out that skim milk is bought in powdered form, costing on the average of 8-10 of a cent a quart. That this is a deadly form of taking milk doesn’t seem to concern Mr. Leavell, because, after all, Mr. ‘Taylor, speaking for the capitalist class, avers that “it is difficult to see how in the present can, perhaps, on the $1 a month with which ’ situation the large number that have migrated to the cities can all be given work.” ‘The only meat the Tulsa workers get is “cheap grown beef (the embalmed beef of the Spanish- American war) ground and mixed with lean pork trimmings.” ‘This, as Norman Thomas would say (as he did over the radio supporting the New York “Block- Aid” system) is “relief, which is, on the whole being as well and humanely administered as funds permit.” The condition of the gréat mass of unemployed workers, their starvation, is directly related to the standard of living of the workers still hold- ing jobs or those on part time. The lower the level of starvation of the unemployed, the closer to the 6-cents a day level the capitalists can force the employed, the more powerfully does the condition of the unemployed become a drag on the standard of living of the whole working- class. ‘The main goal of the capitalists is to force the standard of living of the workers, precisely in the period of sharpening crisis, to ‘the lowest conceivable level, and that has already been indicated by the Niles and Tulsa “experiments.” This shows more and more the necessity of the unity of the employed and unemployed in the struggle against wage cuts, in the fight for unemployment insurance, against starvation and the coolies standards being widely “studied” by the “relief workers.” As Marx pointed out, the f ‘The magistrate shook his 1 to deny me the right to testify or speak in court because I stated my disbelief in God. As I was protesting against this procedure one of the spectators, a local insurance agent named Piede- more, came up to the judge’s bench and in a stage whisper called to the magistrate, “Let’s hang him right now, in. here.” ‘» disagrees ment, undoubtedly disacreement with the time and place suggested for the lynching and not with the proposal itself. Tazewell is 15 miles from the nearest mine and consequently few miners were in court. Local business men and half-starved farmers made up the audience. This call for a lynching was unquestionably representative of the attitude of the business men toward the “Reds”, but not of the farmers, As the hearing proceeded, man after man from che executive took the stand to explain the pur- rose of the meeting and the Iong bitter struggle inst starvation that lay behind it. The starv- etion conditions which led to the first spontane- ous walk out in the spring of 1931; the coming of the U.M.W.A, and the betrayal of the strike; the fighting program of the Natiénal Miners Union; the murder of strikers and strile leaders by gun thugs; the reign of bloody terror throughout the fields, were brought out clearly in our comrades’ testimony. And as they testi- fied, it became apparent that the sentiment of the crowd—or a portion of it—was changing. As the hearing drew to a close a farmer in tattered overalls stepped out from the crowd and asked permission of the magistrate to “say a word or two”. It was immediately granted, the magistrate evidently expecting another outburst against the “Reds”, ° But the ‘magistrate was to be disappointed. “Judge,” the farmer said, “these men must be set free. I'm Starving myself and I know what they ate up against in the mines. These are good men. I know three of them myself. Why, last fall, when I was trying to get food for my family by peddling farm truck over in Middles- boro, one of these men shared what we had in his house with me. These men are fighting for something to eat and they aren't criminals. I ° don’t blame them for’ striking.” This was a different tune and one the judge decidedly did not like. The court was quickly cleared and we were marched back to jali. And what a jail! Picture a room 18 by 24 feet with wood and brick walls, once whitewashed and now covered with all manner of filth. In the center an iron cage 10 by 12 feet in which are crowded day and night seven men—men who sleep on the bare steel deck with their overcoats wrapped around them. In front of the cage and along one side are two bunks and two narrow cots on which the 12 men gutside the cage try to sleep—and try with small success. A rickety pot-bellied stove, a toilet outside the cage and one inside, complete the picture. In stinking hole, fairly alive with bugs of all de- scriptions, are jammed a total of 19 men. Daily attempts are made to bribe or bulldoze only way for the workers to stop the drastic slash in wages during a period of crisis is by unity of the employed and unemployed in strug- gle. “Cohsion between the employed and un- employed necessarily disturbs this ‘unalloyed’ operation of this law” (the shoving down of wages and the increased exploitation of the workers in periods of crisis). The capitalists on more than one occasion officially thanked the A. F. of L. officialdom for doing all it could to prevent mass resistance to the new “American standard of living,” in the manner of Niles and , and with the crisis entering new and sharper phases, with the past wage cuts merely whetting the appetite of the capitalists, unless the workers mobilize for deter- mined resistance, the way is open for the most. drastic lowefing of the living conditions of the American workers. By JACK PERILLA ‘OMRADE Amter can best be characterized as a Party man whose life has been bound up with his Party activity. His loyalty and devo- tion has served as an inspiration to workers in every field and district in which he has worked. The greatest part of his life was bound up with the carrying out of mass work in the Revolutionary movement. He sreves as an ex- ample of Bolshevik tenacity. He was born in Colorado, of pioneer parents who emigrated to the United States more than 65 years ago. This pioneer spirit, which he gained from living on the ranches in the West, reflected itself in his future work in the Party, fearlessness, willingness to fight in spite of all difficulties, and to show an example to the comrades and workers with whom he has worked. At an early age, he was forced to work at various occupations, such as in a cigar factroy, errand boy, messenger, and various other tasks. In 1902 he joined the Socialist party of Den- Iver, Colorado, and there played a very active role. A few years after his entrance into the Socialist party, he transferred to the German Social-Democratic party, and there became an active propagandist. He participated in vari- prior to the outbreak of the World War. OB bie sotur to the United Staten be Mune ous phases of Party work until a short period * ‘Comrade Amter’s 50th Birthday himself into the struggle against the imperialist World War, and carried on a bitter fight against the social patriots and against the social betrayers under the leadership of Hillquit. He was one of the founders of the Commun- ist Party, and since that time has played an active and leading role in all the struggles that the Party conducted. In 1920, he became the New York organizer of the’ underground Com- munist Party. At the same time, he was also the leader of the unemployed movement, both locally and nationally. In 1921, together with A. Jakura, he was arrested and imprisoned for Party activities, When the famine took place in Soviet Rus- sia, he played a leading role in organizing re- lief through the Friends of Soviet Russia in the United States. He then became the secretary of the naticna? Red Aid. In 1923, he #as called upon by the Party to servea 8 its representative in the Executive Committee of the Communist International, From 1925 to 1929, he was the district or- ganizer fo Chio, It was in this district that he played the leading role in organizing the en- slaved rubler workers of Akron, giving leader- ship to the organization of metal workers in Warren ghd Youngstown, and in 1927-28 di- rected th} organization ‘of the mn's in East Ohio, and actively parlicipated in the surike stxuaale ahs AA KY ABA 8 MAN some of our comrades into repudiating the union. One at a time the local comrades are called out and promised immediate release and a guaranteed job if only they will turn on the “Reds”. Tonight we were favored with a visit from Finley Donaldson, former N.M.U. member, then stool pigeon, and now U.M.W.A. organizer. Ac- companying this traitor was Turnblazer, dis- trict president of the U.M.W. Donaldson was fairly chased from the door by the men he had come to see, after betraying them. ‘The days pass swiftly with a daily lecture and discussion on some phases of the class struggle. As we sit close to the stove at night, the walls fairly shake with the “N.M.U.,Song”, composed by Our comrades here in jail. As one of the boys just told me: “Jail isn’t so bad when you're in jail with the best men in Kentucky.” Comrade Amter always fought for the line of the Communist International, and schooled his co-workers in understanding the necessity & accepting the leadership of the World Party, the Comintern and of the Central Committee. Lovestone had great illusions as to the possi- bilities of getting the basic proletarians of this the support of his counter-revolu- the Communist Interna- the Central Committee of @ decisive manner. to ex- these renegades, the Communist Party of district, lined up unanimously behind ese workers were not given caucus for this activity he served a six-mont tence, and even at the present time is der parole for this charge. -Comrade Amter stands out as a mass work, shop work and unflinching to the Party. It is in this sense that we cele~ brate his 50th birhtday. To many, the 50th birthday means the end of Party activities, but | to our New York district organizer, it is only | a beginning. His 50th birthday must serve as | neta fe