The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 29, 1932, Page 4

F Published by the Comprodatiy Publieking Ca, Inc, dally except Sunday, at 00 Bast New York City. N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. oss and mail sll checks to the Dally Worker, 50 East ith Street, New York, N. 13th St. Adar VPage Four Cable THE HORBMORS AL 5 HAN AGNES SMEDLEY From the New York “Nation”.) Shanghai, February 23. up to the war at Sh em. consequent upon i followed on pation of Manchu- involving deaths of both It_can be quite certainly By HE incidents leac hai were many the Chinese and Japar tated th ehts provocateurs, & advance 4 ilitarists, which fi ed manj inated in the expected Japanese ultimatum Tt se authorities on January 20. The hinese-administered Shanghai, car- u nking policy of non-action and yendence on the League of Nations, accepted terms of this humiliating ultimatum on the of January 28, and immediately be- uppression of every kind of anti-Ja among the Chinese popula’ i American imperialist interests had a he suppression of the boy- “unlawful earing, cou that it some day be turned against themselves. dey the moon acceptance of the Japanese ese authorities the Shang- , the administrative body exist- declared the mcy”, Most anese, NOW Shanghai by marines, crui over 100 air bombers, were going ary action, and the “state of e ically meant that while the acked the Chinese at the front, the other mers guarded their rear against the united action of the Chinese population. At 11 o’clock on the night of the 28th the Japanese admiral delivered an ultimatum to the Chinese military ers of Shanghai, ordering them to with- from their defense positions; and before the Chinese had time even to read the docu- ment—that is, just thirty-five minutes late the Japanese invasion began. That section of the International Settlement to which the Jap- anese had been assigned by the Shanghai De- fense Forces as guard now became the base of the war operations undertaken by the Japanese st the Chinese. Japanese attempted to take possession of Chinese city of Chapel, using every known method of warfare to obtain their end. They bombed and bombarded the North Station of the Shanghai-Nanking Railway; they bombed burned to the ground the Commercial he greatest Chinese publishing house and reatest publishing house in the world; they lso bombed and burned to ashes the famous Oriental library attached to the Press, in which there were some million volumes and ancient manuscripts, many of which can never be re- placer In the first encounters the invaders were driven back into the International Settle- ment, where the Chinese could not follow be- cause this territory is supposed to be “neutral” neutrality which has now been exposed as nothing but a matter of force. Had the Chinese army followed up its victory and occupied that part of the Settlement, as they now had the Tegal right to do, they could have driven the Japanese from the city, and thus saved the lives of thousands of their people as well as the foreign settlements, ‘state of eme: aga! and whole city of Chapel. But the commanders of | | of the 19th Route Army by the Japanese, while the Chinese defense force, that is, the 19th Route Army, are not revolutionaries, and like many others of their class, they either fear for- eigners too much, or, in common with many other rich Chinese, do not really wish to see Shan; brought under Chinese sovereignty hey gave out a statement that they could have taken the settlement, but did not care to violate its neutrality or do injury to foreig: lives and property. The result was that the Jap anese consolidated their position, brought moi men-of-war, more air bombers, and more 1 rines and troops into Shanghai, moved thi right through the International Settlement, and began a reign of terror and atrocity. During the early part of the struggle for- eign newspapermen and other civilians could go right down into the war zone, watch the street fighting, and take pictures. What they saw was blazed across the pages of the foreign and Chinese press each day. Here we beheld Japan- ese marines, accompanied by lawless bands of Japanese civilians called “Ronins”, the latter armed with guns, baseball bats, attacking the Chinese civilian population. The “Ronins” operating in gangs, ever would capture Chinese civilians, often tie them | hand and foot, and then stab or beat them to death. An American consular official watched & Japanese marine catch a poor coolie and bay- onet him, and every time the body showed signs of life, drive the bayonet through it from a new angle During the first five days of the fighting around Chapei practically no prisoners were taken alive—they were shot, beaten, or stabbed to death. Since the Chinese defenders were a partofthe 19th Route Army,a Cantonese army, no Cantonese civilian prisoner was left alive. ‘The Japanese seem to have carried out a con- sistent policy of killing every intellectual they found. Despite the confusion I have learned that at least two of my own personal friends ‘were murdered by the Japanese, one a writer recently returned from America who was doing absolutely nothing against the Japanese but who happened to be an intellectual and a Canton- vse, and the other a friend who was beaten to death with an iron bar because a book by Bog- danov on proletarian literature was found in his room. Another acquaintance was condemned to death but was saved by a Japanese friend, the charge against him being that he was a Communist; the “evidence” against him was a tag bearing a number in the lining of his het. ‘This was a tag of the dry-cleaners, but the Japanese said it was a secret Communist num~- ber! A German business man named Hans Krenn, trapped with his family for days in the war zone, finally escaped and told what he had seen. He had seen Japanese creep up to houses, set them on fire, and then when the families hiding inside were driven out by the flames, shoot them dead in their tracks—men, women and children. The Japanese seldom feel called upon to make an excuse for their atrocities, which they seem to regard as only a natural part of the business of killing, But when “sen- timental” foreigners continued to describe the atrocities in the press, the Japanese excused their actions by saying that the houses of civil- fans had been used by Chinese snipers. It is not known how many thousands of Chinese civilians were killed. Mr. Krenn saw piles of dead bodies jon which hungry, yelping dogs fed for days. ‘he Qhinese press reported that the Japanese loaded Into the river sixteen trucks of corpses fn one day. The daupuese 3 re | taking s picture of a group of Japanese civilians | busily engaged in stabbing him to death, when | to him am | towns and villages at the mouth of the Whang- | the Chinese territory beyond the Chinese lines | | 600,000 persons of this group alone are without | command of either the Nanking or Canton goy- | Wang Chingwei, | ter the fighting had begun, and joined the de- | and while the Shanghai defenders fought with | period, for not only did they sabotage the Shang- | reach Loyang was Chiang: | Sun Fo and Eugene Che: swords, knives, bayonets, or | | secret or semi-secret—though closed down re- | the bandit leader Semeonov, — openly wits 8 ee | even bombed the miserable camps of flood refu- gees, filled with the old, sick, and impoverished, killing about fifty persons in one afternoon. A German friend of mine, ® newspaperman, was who had captured a Chinese civilian and were friend's intention, stepped up stuck: a Mauser against his nose! | ‘Wr the Japanese extended their opera- | tions to the Woosung fort and the surrounding @ marine s poo and the Yangtze, they repeated their ac- tions in Shanghai, The foreign concessions and are now filled with hundreds of thousands of refugees and with civilian and soldier wounded. It is said that fully 1,000,000 Chinese are home- less, or have suffered injuries or death. About 200,000 skilled workers in Shanghal are unem- ployed, which means that, with their families, the means of subsistence. All of this is but the external view of the scene. There were many disgraceful events tak~ ing place in the rear of the heroic 19th Route Army. This army, though composed of Canton- ese men and officers, has not been under the ernments; instead, it has been under the sole orders of its commanders, who have taken it here and there according to their own personal military alliances. General Chiang Kai-shek has never commanded it and it is known as one of the stumbling blocks to his supremacy. There- fore, when the Nanking government, under Chiang Kai-shek and the so-called “leftist” laid down a policy of non- action, the 19th Route Army commanders publicly announced that they would defend Chinese territory to the last. It is generally said by Chinese that Chiang Kai-shek sent two brigades of his own forces to Shanghai to disarm this | Shanghai garrison, but the brigades arrived af- fenders. In any case, nearly two weeks passed. a courage and heroism that aroused the aston- ishment even of the imperialists, General cnia | sent not one man, gun, or aeroplane as rein- forcement. Nanking and Chiang Kai-shek | aroused the hatred of most Chinese during this hai defenders, but under the pretext of remov- ing the capital inland Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Ching-wei escaped to Loyang. Chinese sometimes remark cynically: “The first man to he ran that fast!’ The Cantonese Kuomintan; . headed by ousted from empted to ex- hai Chinese de- own posi- Nanking for rein- Nanking by Chiang and W;: ploit the heroism of the sh: fenders in order to consolid: tion. They sent appeals to foreements and got replies that were evasive refusals ;they gave money to the commanders of the 19th Route Army—many Chinese declared this was but an attempt to induce the com- manders to withdraw their forces southward so that Chiang Kai-shek would have to fight the Japanese. Rumor had it that Sun Fo was try- ing to form a new government fn Hangchow. It was known that Chiang Kai-shek’s policy seemed to have as its objective the destruction a rival Kuomintang clique desired nothing bet- ter than to see Chiang’s own model division an- nihilated. Yet the brave young defenders o/ Shanghai territory thought they were fighting for®the freedom of China, not knowing they were merely being used as pawns in a game o! political cliques. During this period the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang con- isted of about fifty members, and so extensiy were their conflicts that they could not hold one united meeting, but instead gathered in s ate halls. Only after nearly two weeks had passed, when he was being mercilessly exposed, 1d when he saw that he would lose contro! ven of his own forces as well as of the 19th e | Route Army, did Chiang Kai-shek find it ex- pedient to change his tactics and send rein- forcements to Shanghai. The Chinese filers that have since come to the rescue of the de- fenders have so far defeated the Japanese in every air battle, Of course, hoth the foreign and the Chinese authorities passed decrees of martial law for- bidding mass demonstrations and any kind of organization of the masses which might lead to revolt. The Chinese press, in both English and Chinese, constantly carried editorials warning the Japanese that their actions might lead to a Communist outbreak—a most undesirable thing for the Japanese! The American afternoon daily solemnly declared in one editorial that Japan “had struck at the very elements in China which the Japanese and the other powers were pledged to support’-that is, the corrupt, re- actionary Chinese ruling class. But despite all the precautions taken against mass action, there was and continues to be some | | revolutionary activity, although it is weak in- | | deed. There have been some workers’ demonstra- tions, broken up by the police; a number of | organizations continue to exist and operate in peatedly, they always spring to life again. The strike committee of workers from the Japanese textile mills continues to exist, and the Cultural Federation of Chinese writers, artists, and so- cial scientists has issued proclamations and is active. The walls of the city have also carried | manifestoes of the Korean Revolutionary Com- mittee, But the fevolutionary movement, after five years of terror and under the continued re- pression of the Chinese and imperialist authori- ties, has not been able to acquire much strength in Shanghat, I the demands of the invaders ere not mat. nobody seems to know what the Japanese will attempt to do. It may be that they ‘will try to occupy all coastal and river ports and try to make « colony of ‘China; or they may try to force the Chinese to declare war so they can | later dictate peace terms; or perhaps they may intend to wage such a war of terrorization as will completely disintegrate Chinese society, and | keditr UE Gat cee ee RE Kind of treaty they wish. Certainly, foreigners in China seem to think that Japan is mistress of Asia, and their chief mental problem is what they should do about it. Bome of the foreigners have no desire to see the Japanese make a col- ony of China and usurp foreign markets and privileges; yet at the same time most of them regard Japanese imperialism as a@ bulwark “DAIWOT { against Soviet Russia and against Communism in Asia, The White Guard Russians, headed by ‘Dail psc lhe ba Yorker" Deady beson ‘dal { SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Foreign: one year, $8; siz montha, 84.1 By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattas ané@ Bronz, New York City. By ELLIS Demonstrate April 6—Anti-War Day The Coming Mass Layoff at the Western Electric . ‘HE Western Electric bosses publish a Se they call the “Western Electric News.” A sub- heading unblushingly claims it to be “An Ii- lustrated Magazine Devoted to the Interests of Western Electric Men and Women.” Let us sec. The contents of the February issue include th: following articles: Bell System Marvel, Commu cations in Washington's Day; Canned Salmon ©) the Roof; Patseboard Heroes; How Contraci Bridge Should Not Be Played; Secrets of Sur- yeying; Know the Book Plate; etc. Here we see the bosses’ dope-machine in action. In the years of 1929 to 1932, while they th 25,000 of the workers out to starve and put rest of them on the starvation diet of 3 days week, yet the workers piled up for the bosses the following dividends: 1929. .$23,500,000 with total sales of $410,949,000 1930. .$23,250,000 with total sales of $361,478,400 1931. .$10,500,000 with total sales of $229,000,000 at is of interest that while the sales of the n Electric in the year 1930 dropped some 00 over the preceding year, yet they were by speed-up, wage-cuis, etc. to pay out prac- ly the same dividends as the ‘preceding year, ¢ $23,000,000. This is of interest.to the work- But the bosses don’t want them to think of hat; they would rather have the workers suffer and starve in silence...and learn how contract oridge should not be played or the why and refore of bookplat 5 From the workers of the Western Electric Haw- thorne ‘Plant, in Chicago, every week 1 1-2 per cent is taken out of their pay for Emmerson’s Unemployment Relief. What does Walter S. Gif- ford, president of the American Telephone and Telegraph Co., a five billion dollar corporation ‘ and the biggest in the world, and of which the - Western Electric is a subsidiary, give? Nothing, | except His name as head of President Hoover's fake Emergency Relief Committee, announced last year with a hurrah and a lot of blah-blah as going to solve the unemployment distress. Is the Western Electric too poor to help the 40,000 workers who helped it pile up $137,875,000 in dividends in the years of 1925 to 1932, but are now unemployed or working 2, 3 and 4 days a week? Here is the answer. Ninety-eight per cent of the stock is owned by the American Telephone and Telegraph Co. During the year of 1931 the A. T. & T. with its affiliates (the Bell System) showed gross revenues of $1,075,757,273 which represented a decline of $28,182,532 from the preceding year. Yet in spite of an increase of $14,339,522 in taxes, and an in- crease of $9,906,945 in the sum set aside for de- preciation, the net earnings were $237,106,449— @ gain of $1,365,178 over the preceding year. The net income available for common dividends was $186,951,004. The American Telephone and Telegraph Co. is one of the kingdoms within the Morgan empire, which for “foreign” domains has set up a subsi- diary, the International Telephone and Telegraph Co. Western Electric fs a province within the kingdom of the American Telephone and Tele- graph Co., supplying the Bell Telephone Com- panies in the United States and Canada with their equipment. Graybar Electric Co, has been created to distribute in the United States West- ern Electric products other than sound picture apparatus and for business outside of the Bell Western Electric in turn has {ts own subsi- diaries, the principal ones being: Teletype Corporation of Chicago, acquired in 1930; Manufacturers’ Junction Railway Co., at Hawthorne, Chicago; Electrical Research Prod- ucts, Inc., chiefly for sale of sound picture ap- | paratus. This in turn has 20 foreign subsidairies. | Bell Telephone Laboratories, New York, owned jointly by Westeru Electric and the parent A. T. & T. The Western Elecirle has warehouses and plants throughout the country. The main plants’ are: Hawthorne Plant, Chicago; Kearney Plant, Kearney, N. J.; Baltimore, Md., and one plant on the Pacifc Coast. The curent assets of the West- ern Electric (cash, acocunts receivable, etc.) at the end of 1930 were #149,442,570 and current lisbili- ties (notes, se2urts payable, etc.) audy $50,00,- ‘715. ae is thee waghers of the Western miectric who ave piled up these riches, but what ao they get "?—Wae guts, otis, speed-up, by the paper by joining a baskethall or baseball team, The spy system is just as bad at Western Elec- tvie as it is at Ford's, who murdered four ‘unem- ployed workers that came peacefully asking for work and relief. The Personnel Department is connetced with “Industrial Agencies” of all sorts, which supply gangsters and thugs to act as stool pigeons. It is well known that company spies pretexts in order to snoop around for anything they consider detrimental to their masters’ in- terests, Only a short while ago this “patriotic” anization, which boasts of an American Legion Post, showed its understanding of the right of free speech, free thought, by firing two young workers who had been handed leaflets outside the Hawthorne plant gates, announcing the Lenin Memorial meeting, and who had taken the leaf- lets with them in the shop. Every department has a large number of “rate men” who spend their time thinking up ever new ways of speeding up production and cutting wages. And since their jobs depend upon find- ing ways, new tortures are continually introduced. And things are getting worse! The bonus has been cut to almost nothing. Installing of new machines and conveyors goes on continuously. During March the Wire Mill plant and sections of the Merchandise depart- ment cut the working days from 4 to 2, and ve gotten into workers’ homes under various | notices have already been posted that workers will have one extra week vacation without pay in July. Since the gross construction of the Bell System for 1932 contemplates a drop of $59,000,- 000—from $389,000,000 in 1931 to $330,000,000 in 1932—most of which goes to buying the products of Western Electric this means a further slack- ening of production in its shops, and more lay- offs. ‘To meet the still greater starvation and misery that is in store for, Western Eiectric workers there is only one hope—the mass organization of the workers themselves. Not the company unions and clubs, not the bosses’ educational and recreational bribes, but the solid front of the workers is the only solution for their problems. ‘The Metal Workers Industrial League and the Unemployed Council of Chicago are arranging @ protest demonstration in front of the Haw- thorne plant on Wednesday, March 30, 12.10 p. m. against the preparations by the company to lay off 3,000-4,000 workers in the beginning of April, against the cutting down of work days, against the vacation without pay, against the wage cuts and speed-up, against the paying by the workers into the Emmerson’s Emergency Relief Fund. The telephone industry is also a war indus try. By fighting for the everyday needs of the workers the Metal Workers Industrial. League also raises the slogans against the imperialist war in China, for the withdrawal of American troops and battleships from Chinese territory, the driving out of the Japanese diplomatic agents from this country and for defense of tlie Soviet Union. This demonstration should show to the workers of the Hawthorne plant that only by militant fight they can prevent the reducing of their standard of living by the company. Profits in Torpedoes and Shrapnel (By Labor Research Association) One of the most important munitions manu- facturers’in the New York District. is the E. W. Bliss Co. with a plant in Brooklyn that covers several city blocks. It has other plants in Salem, Ohio; Philadelphia, Pa., and Middletown, Conn.’ Although it makes punch presses and other in- | dustrial machinery during peace time, it is also equipped to go into instant production, on the | declaration of the next imperialist war, turning out torpedoes, projectiles, shrapnel and airplane engines. It is on the list of 17,000 companies | with which the Procurement Planning Division | of the U. S. War Department has placed “edu- cational orders” for war materials. ‘Tentative contracts have been drawn up and production | on projectiles, shrapnel, torpedoes, etc., would go | forward on telegraphic instructions from the ‘War Department. ‘This company was one of the many American concerns that turned out munitions for other Allied countries as well during the World War, and it has plants in London and Paris equipped for this purpose; it has also a large export trade. The results of its war-time, as well as its peace-time, business have been very satisfactory for its stockholders. The company paid divi- dends on its common stock at the annual rate of 10% from 1899 to April 1, 1911. With the war came a new tide of rich pickings for the parasites holding its 400,000 |shares of common stock. Beginning with 1914, the year that war |was declared in Europe, it paid “regular” dividends at the rate of 5% a year. But the extra cash. dividends brought the total actual payments to the common stockholders up to the following percentages: 1915—20% + 1918—48%% 1916—38%4% 1919—45% 1917—38%4 % 1920—30% | After 1920 and up to 1926 the company paid | dividends on its common stock ranging from $1 | to $2.20 a share on its new no-} shares. It | paid in addition four different stéck dividends in 1931 amounting to 2% each. The actual amounts paid out in cash to vari- ous grades of holders of common and preferred | stock came to about $565,000 annually in 1926, 1927, 1928, 1929 and 1930, and at the same rate for the first half of 1931. Dividends are paid every year on all three Si nf of its preferred stock at the rate of 8%, 7% and 6% respectively Although the company hike ‘bee hit by the crisis, it still has a surplus of $16,000,000 in its treasury | to take care of dividend payments, no matter | how lean the current or future years may be. | Both surplus and std woul of course, rise One of the directors of the company is tied in closely with Rockefeller instjtutions, such as the Chase Natoinal Bank of New York, while others of its directors are involved in large power, banking, oil, textile and shipping con- cerns likewise thirsting for the profits of another imperialist war. ‘The vice-president of the company, F. D. Mac- Kay is, characteristically, a director of the Amer- ican Society for Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, ‘The company manufactured torpedoes for the United States Navy Department during the last war and recently was awarded a judgment against the government for $556,000 for expenses ‘entailed in this phase of its war work. Mobilization for April 6th Through Mass Sale of Literature One of the most effective agitational weapons —in fact an absolutely indispensable weapon— in our anti-war campaign is the extensive dis- tribution of our anti-war literature among the Masses of workers. In our concentrated efforts to make April 6 the high point of our mass campaign against war and in defense of the Soviet Union and of the Chinese masses, the following seven pamph- lets have been chosen from among the mass of pamphlets on war which are available, to con- centrate on: “The Soviet Union Stands for Peace” by M. Litvinoff (Speech of Comrade Litvinoff at Geneva) . -one cent “War in China,” by Ray Stewart. .ten cents “Women and War,” by Grace Hutchins, five cents “Anti-Soviet Lies and the Five-Year Plan,” by Max Bedacht seeeseeeeeeeses.tOn cents “Chemical Warfare,” by D. Cameron,..ten cents “Revolutionary Struggle |Against War, versus Pacifism,” by A. Bittelman. »-five cents | Red literature day, as a feature of anti-war- week, should see a specially intensive effort, par- ticularly in connection with house to house can- vassing and in agitational work in the shops, to get these pamphlets into the hands of the | Workers. Besides these strictly war pamphlets, wé rec- ommend the following, in order to connect up the campaign with unemployment and Scotts- boro: Di signe tas Relfef and Social Insurance,” cid cents By JoRes Answering Comrade “W. 0.” A letter from Brooklyn, signed only “W. 0.” relates to us something of the evolutioh of « young worker who finds out he was born too late to make use of valuable technical schooling im the ascendant period of American capitalism, Now all the technical knowledge he spent 0, much time on has no market, | i We are sure that many another young fellow has made the same discovery, that’s why we're writing this for him—and others like him, He, also like others, has long been puzzled over “things that seemed to violate his sense of reac son” in social relations, Only he, perhaps a bia sooner than others, discovered the Communist movement in a general way. He has read the Daily Worker for some time. He has been to mass meetings and heard our Party leaders speak, but—“I have not yet in any way become organizationally connected with the movement nor had any personal contact with any Party member.” To wind up, he wishes know how he could become useful. Well, comrade (and all others in the sama situation), although you were born too late to become ® Babbitt during the rise of American capitalism, you have no reason to mourn over that. The age of monopoly, of imperialism, which has shut you ot: 1» prying your way into the ranks of the exploiters wi. your tech- nical training and “rugged individualism” hag made them both useless. But there is never a “social vacuum.” As cap> italism decays, in its efforts to save itself—by intensified exploitation and misery of the masses it sets these masses into motion that can only result—when guided and organized by a Commue nist Party—in capitalism’s overthrow and the establishment of workers’ government power, under which all your technical training will be given full play. Even any “rugged individualism” as a part of the collective mass, will have for the first time @ chance of expressions that will | harmonize with and not injure, the welfare of others. All that has been done and proven in Soviet Russia. But you are in America, and the first job for you and all like you—is to overthrow capitalism right here. We suggest that you join the Party. Clip this “Spark” out; attach it to = letter saying you want to join—only give your address this time—and mail to “Lena Davis, Org. Dept. Dist. 2, 50 East 13th Street, N. Y¥. City.” And then we'll see whether our bureaucrats will wait six months before they get some_come rade started around to visit you. Once in the Party, the Party—in consultation with you~ decides just where and how you may be useft to the movement, to your class, to yourself as a revolutionary worker. We can’t decide that de- tail here. But your place is in the Party, Come on in—and stay in! e Much Obliged A comrade from Hamtramck, Mich., recentiy sent us a clipping from a paper issued by that little-known (and the less known the better for ‘em) organization that calls itself the “prole- tarian party”. Seems as though these “proletarians”, whose chief leader is 2 chap who, under one name, “teaches Marxism-Leninism”, and under another = / name orders wage cuts as manager of a shoe factory as we recall, are sad at heart because the Communist Party fails to give its new members x theoretical training. The clipping tells what are supposed to be facts, of how some new members of the Come munist Party in Kokomo, Indiana, and Toledo, Ohio, were not educated in Marxism or Lenin- ism, and therefore dropped out of our Party. Of Toledo it is said: “These new members were left uninstructed in the principles of Marxism and Leninsm.” There probabiy is some truth in that, and our Party must correct its weakness on theoretical training, although what the “proletarian” party adds about these cases is a lot of hooey and counter-revolutionary propaganda. Do you doubt it? Well, in speaking about how our party hare dled things in Kokomo, it says: | “The C. P. sent speakers; but they were wi-” satisfactory; they knew very little Marxism; and their agitation was chiefly confined to screaming out such slogans as ‘Down with the police! Kill the American Legion! (?) Defend the Soviet Union! Fight imperialist war! Es- tablish a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government! Demand unemployment insurance!” These slogans, to the “proletarian” party, are all wrong. What the “proletarian” party stands for is: “Long live the police! Hurray for the Amerifan Legion! Down with the Soviet Union! Give us imperialist war! Fascism rather than @ Workers’ and Farmers’ Government! Commue nity chests and starvation better than unem- ployment insurance!” That, workers, is the program of the so-called “proletarian” party, which tries to kid you into thinking such a program can have anything to do with Marxism and Leninism! oe parties their deeds, workers! -Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! P © Box 8? Station D. New York City. Pisbs pean cus ekcre itorchauarl oi as Game munist Party. AGATERS sccecsceceececccesccrrssccoecsoocssooce® CIE ..cccccecvocccececccccrss BUA sresovoocer | OCCUPALION ..ssssecesereeeeccereeees AGO sevens -Mail this to the Central Office, Communise Communist Party 0. S. A P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Get them from your District Literature Agent, or direct from Workers Library Publishers, P. O.