The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 26, 1932, Page 4

Published by the Comprodally Publishing Co. inc, dally except Sunday, st 60 Eas SUBSCRIPTION: RATES: Page Four 18th St. New York City. N. ¥. Telephone ALgonauin 4-795. Cable “DAITWORK.” By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $8; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Address and mail sll checks to the Daily Wor 0 Hast 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Woreign: one year, $3; siz montha, $4.50. Statement of the Central Committee of the | Communist Party of Germany) | have expressed for revolutionary class ip of the Communist | | | | | | | | | 1 18 in the presidential elections. nder tt n t class,” the Com- d millions of workers to the boss offensive, to the torship, to the | The for the the new imperialist war. five million votes cast Party, consti ms of workers who volutionary way out a under the leadership of the Party. The Communist Party of ‘on about 400,000 new votes among of the Comm the m extraordinary es and sections. by the great | ncrease in the num- | a sign of the increasing | ty of the position of the | The sharpening of the | | | | ection has brought about such a situ- ation that the desire for change, for doing away t conditions is growing among the toilers. The increasing contradic- alist system and the growth of s of a revolutionary crisis were background against which the pre- capitalis' millions of tions of the The economic crisis in Germany is sharpened by the unbearable burdens imposed by the serf- dom of Versailles. An army of six million un- employed are walking the streets of the German citi Now, after the wage-cuts and the other starvation measures of the fourth emergency decree, finance capital, with the most active support of the social-democrats and trade union J eparing a fresh attack on the stand- ng of the working class—what remains | mployment insurance is to be abolish- ed, another ruthless wage-cut is to take place another emergency decree, etc. The rorist bands of the Hitler fascists are heir violent deeds and murderous at- gainst the working class. The social- rats are participating in all these attacks the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie with y deceptive manoeuvres. In the struggle against all forms of the bour- g p, the revolutionary labor move- | r the leadership of the Communist ngthening, and the red united front, ay already embraces many millions, | ~ which is snatching ever greater masses of | «1 democratic workers from the influence of dictatorship and its agents, the s, is growing. | through armed t {..2° vourgeois The overflowing demonstrations and meetings ihe Communist Party in all parts of Ger- the heightened activity of all Commun- isc organizations, of their members and of our revolutionary mass organizations; the fact that during the elections thousands of workers joined the Communist Party, that the Party has been abie to organize a great number of new bases of support in the countryside, that it has gained a firm foothold among the village poor, that it is penetrating deeper and deeper into the ranks of the administrative employes and the toilers of the middle classes—all this demonstrates the fighting determination and active energy of that part of the working class which follows the lead- ership of the Communist Party. The devoted activity of the tens of thousands of red election workers deserves the revolutionary thanks of the Party! The five million votes which were cast for the candidates of the Communist Party are of greater significance than the votes cast in the Reichstag elections in September 1930. They are votes which were cast in the sharpest antagon- ism to the social-democratic policy of the “les- ser evil,” for the leadership of the revolutionary class struggle, for the fight for Soctalist Soviet Germany. The Social-Democratic Party, with the as- sistance of the hypocritical manoeuvre repre- sented by the slogan “Defeat Hitler,” succeeded | once more in deluding great sections of the | working class into tolerating the Bruening- Severing-Dictatorship; masses who still do not ON THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN GERMANY | mocratic and unionized workers of the correct- | ter. believe that Hindenburg’s policy prepares the way for the open fascist dictatorship. | Never before have the significance and cor- rectness of our strategic orientation toward the winning over of the majority ot the working class, toward winning the worxers away from Social-Democracy as the main support of the bourgeoisie, been so clearly demonstrated as in the present situation. The results of the elec- tions show that the five million votes cast for the Communist Party numerically lag behind the objective possibilities offered by the present situ- ation, The election results are unsatisfactory for the Communist Party. With Bolshevik self- criticism we must state that up to now we have been only partially successful in smashing the infamous manoeuvres of the Social Democratic Party, the deceptive talk of “the lesser evil,” of “state capitalism,” the policy of the “iron front,” in convincing the millions of social de- ness of our policy and in winning them from the influence of Social Fascism. Social Demo- cracy well understood how to utilize the counter- revolutionary mass movement of Hitler fascism, which is stimulated and financee py the bourge- cisie, to chain great masses of workers to the | Hindenburg front of the bourgeoisie, The policy of the bourgeoisie in the presidential elections is a typical example of the interchangeable mani- | fold ways in which the bourgeoisie can utilize social democracy and the national-socialist mass movement. In comparing the election results in the various districts, we find they have an unequal charac- | Whereas there has been a certain gain in the agricultural districts and in Southern Ger- many (increase in votes in Bavaria, Baden, Thuringia, and in parts of the Westphalian Rhineland) there has been a standstill, and even a slump in some other districts. The re- sults in Berlin (a loss of 54,000 votes compared with the Reichstag elections), in Hamburg (a loss of 11,000 votes compared with the Reichs- tag elections, and even 44,000 compared with the municipal elections), in Upper Silesia (a loss of 8,000), and in Halle-Merseburg (a loss of 4,000), are cimpletely unsatisfactory. We must examine this situation with all the fearless self-criticism, which Bolshevism re- quires, in order to find out the reasons for it, and to do everything possible to overcome the shortcomings which have appeared as quickly and energetically as possible. The very fact that our votes increased in a number of dis- trictss shows that neither the inadequate re- sults as a whole, nor the losses in certain dis- tricts can under any circumstances be explained by the false assertion: “In presidential elec- tions we always get less votes than in parlia- mentary elections.” The real reasons why we lagged behind the favorable objective possibilities can rather be found, as the decisions of the February Plenum have already shown, in the following: Our struggle for the united front of the pro- letariat can be successful only in proportion as we are able to organize and to lead the day- to-day struggles of the working class against the capitalist offensive. We were unable to Place ourselves at the head of all the various fortis of mass resistance against the boss of- fensive and the emergency decree dictatorship. We did not lead the struggle against social de- mocracy and for the winning over of the so- cial democratic and unionized masses of work- ers with sufficient sharpness and with sufficient ruthlessness (which is by no means synonomous with “strong” words). In carrying out our strategically main task—the winning over of the working class and the united: front policy from below — we find great weaknesses. We must indissoluably link up the fight for the rev- olutionary way out with the day-to-day prob- lems, and in the course of the struggle for the burning partial and daily demands of the fac- tory workers and unemployed, we must expose the role of the social democratic party and the reformist trade union bureaucracy as socially the chief support of the bourgeoisie. We must understand much more clearly than before how to develop the initiative and the readiness to struggle of the masses, and to transform them into concrete action on the part of the proletar- iat. The fight against the social democratic party, both before and during this election campaign, was conducted in an unsatisfactory manner. (To be Concluded.) What Are Worker Delegates? By ROY HUDSON Members of the last workers’ delegation were often asked by Russian workers: “Who elected Re cases we answered: “The rican workers,” and they would again ask, “But what factory did you work in, and were you elected by these workers, and are they interested in comparing conditions with ours?” Thus, the Russian workers’ conception of a delegate is: He must be elected by, represent, and be responsible to a definite group of workers. In the past many delegates have been “‘se- lected.” Needless to say, these delegates do not represent anyone, and from the past results of the selections it is clear that the masses can elect far more competent delegates. Other delegates have been elected at broad | mass meetings. As a rule both the delegates and } rs are unacquainted, consequently the dele- gctes do not feel any responsibility because they do not know whom they are responsible to. Furthermore, after the delegation is elected in Such a manner, the electors disperse, they do mot Know the delegates personally, and soon the delegation is forgotten. We have had enough of these “delegations.” Furthermore, our perspective should not even be delegates elected by sympathetic workers, but to have sufficient workers .interested in Soviet Russia to elect and send their own delegates to find out the truth. If they are interested, then the delegate will make him interested in his return. A delegate elected by factory workers will be Call of Young Pioneers of America To Be Published In Daily Worker Monday In Monday’s issue of the Daily Worker there will be published a call of the Young Pioneers of America, “Fight Against Misery, Starvation, and Labor Among Children.” known personally to all of his electors, and while he is gone will be the subject of much discussion, and they will anticipate his return and await the report. The achievements of the working class and peasants are so great, and can be so easily under- stood by any honest worker, that a delegate will be forced to draw fundamental conclusions and his tour will be a political education and make of him a propagandist and defender of the Soviet Union. And remember that to many workers a report from a rank and file worker carries more weight than the finest orator. A Workers’ Delegation at present is very im- portant. Soviet Union will see the peaceful building of Socialism and why the bosses threaten a war to smash it, ‘The American workers’ delegation of Negro and white workers for May 1, 1932, is a weapon which will help us fight foreign intervention. The reports of this delegation on their return will convince hundreds of thousands of workers that real life for the working class is only pos- | sible under the workers’ system and that it is their task to rally in defense of the first workers’ republic. Uncover Starvation and Misery The capitalist press, the agents of the ruling class. kas been publishing less and less news about | unemployment. It hides the starvation of the unemployed workers’ families. We must constantly expose the miserable treatment of families of the unemployed by the city governments and charity institutions. We must uncover all cases of starvation, uu- aernourishment, sickness, We must pub- lish these cases in our press, in the Daily Worker, in Labor Unity, tell them at all workers’ meetings. Un- employed Councils should publish bulletins to inform all workers of the starvation and misery of the unemployed. PORTRAIT OF MORGAN By JOHN DOS PASSOS. (From the novel, “1919.”) I commit my soul into the hands of my saviour, wrote John Pierpont Morgan in his will, in full confidence that having redeemed it and washed it in his most precious blood, He will present it faultless before my heavenly father, and I intreat my children to maintain and defend at all hazards and at any cost of personal sacrifice the blessed doctrine of complete atone- ment for sin through the blood of Jesus Christ once offered and through that alone, and into the hands of the house of Morgan represented by ‘his son he committed when he died in Rome in 1913 the control of the Morgan interests in New York, Paris, and London, four national banks, three trust companies, three life insurance com- panies, ten railroad systems, three street railway companies, an express company, the Interna- tional Mercantile Marine, power, on the cantilever principle, through inter- locking directorates over eighteen other railroads, U. S. Steel, General Electric, American Tel. and Tel, five major industries; the interwoven cables of the Morgan Still- | man Baker combination held credit up like a suspension bridge, thirteen percent of the bank- ing resources of the world. The first Morgan to make a pool was Joseph Morgan, a hotelkeeper in Hartford Con- necticut who organized stagecoach lines and bought up Aetna Life Insurance stock in a time of panic caused by one of the big New York fires in the 1830; his son Junius followed in his footsteps, first | in the drygoods business, and then as partner to | George Peabody, a Massachusetts banker who built up an enormous underwriting and mercan- tile business in London and became a friend of Queen Victoria; Junius married the daughter of John Pier- pont, a Boston preacher, poet, eccentric, and abolitionist; and their eldest son, John Pierpont Morgan arrived in New York to make his fortune after being trained in England, going to school at Vevey, proving himself a crack mathe- matician, at the University of Gottingen, a lanky morose young man of twenty, just in time for the panic of ’57. (war and panics on the stock exchange, good growing weather for the House of Morgan) When the guns started booming at Fort Sumpter, young Morgan turned some money over reselling condemned muskets to the U. S. army and began to make himself felt in the gold room in downtown New York; there was more in trading in gold than in trading in muskets; so much for the Civil War. During the Franco-Prussian war Junius Morgan fioated a huge bond issue for the French government at Tours. At the same time young Morgan was fight- ing Jay Cooke and the German-Jew bankers in Frankfort over the funding of the American war debt (he never did like the Germans or the Jews). The panic of "75 ruined Jay Cooke and By N. HONIG made J. Pierpont Morgan the boss croupier of Wall Street; he united with the Philadelphia Drexels and built the Drexel building where for thirty years he sat in his glassed-in. office, red- faced and insolent, writing at his desk, smoking great black cigars, or, if important issues were involved, playing solitaire in his inner office; he was famous for his few words. Yes, or No, and for his way of suddenly blowing up in a visitor’s face and for the special gesture of the arm that meant, What do I get out of it? In "77 Junius Morgan retired; J. Pierpont got himself made a member of the board of directors of the New York Central railroad and launched the first. Corsair. He liked yachting and to have pretty actresses call him Commodore. He founded the Lying-in Hospital on Stuy- vesant Square, and was fond of going into St. George’s church and singing a hymn all alone in the afternoon quiet. In the panic of '93, at no inconsiderable profit to himself Morgan saved the U. S. Treasury; gold was draining out, the country was ruined, the farmers were howling for a silver standard, Grover Cleveland ‘and his cabinet were walking up and down in the blue room at the White House without being able to come to a decision, in Congress they were making speeches while the gold reserves melted in the Subtreasuries; poor pople were starving; Coxey’s army was marching to Washington; for a long time Grover Cleveland couldn’t bring himself to call in the representa- tive of the Wall Street money masters; Morgan Drawn by WILLIAM HERNANDEZ. | tapestries, — sat in his suite at the Arlington smoking cigars and quietly playing solitaire until at last the president sent for him; he had a plan all ready for stopping the gold hemorrhage. After that what Morgan said went; when Carnegie sold out he built the Steel Trust. J. Pierpont Morgan was a bulinecked irascible man with small black magpie’s eyes and @ growth on his nose; he let his partners work themselves to death over the detailed routine of banking, and sat in his back office smoking black cigars; when there was something to be decided he said Yes or No or just turned his back and went back to his solitaire. Every Christmas his librarian read him Dickens’ A Christmas Carol from the original manuscript. He was fond of canary birds and pekinese dogs and liked to take pretty actresses yachting. Each Corsair was a finer vessel than the last. When he dined with King Edward he sat at His Majesty’s right; he ate with the Kaiser tete a tete; he liked talking to cardinals or the pope, and never missed a conference of Episcopal bishops, Rome was his favorite city. ‘ He liked choice cookery and old wines and pretty women and yachting, and going over his collections, now and then pitking up a jewelled snuffbox and staring at it with his magpie’s eyes. be He made a collection of the autographs of the rulers of France, owned glass cases full of Babylonian tablets, seals, signets, statuettes, busts, Gallo-Roman bronzes, Merovingian jewels, miniatures, watches, porcelains, cuneiform inscriptions, paintings by all the old masters, Dutch, Italian, Flemish, Spanish, manuscripts of the gospels and the Apo- calypse, a collection of the works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and the letters of Pliny the Younger. His collectors bought anything thet was expensive or rare or had the glint of empire on it, and he had it brought to him and stared’ back at it with his magpie’s eyes. Then it was put in a glass case. The last year of his life he went up the Nile on a dahabiyeh and spent a long time staring at the great columns of the Temple of Karnak, The panic of 1907 and the death of Harri- man, his great opponent in railroad financing, in 1909, had left him the undisputed ruler of Wall Street, most powerful private citizen in the world: an old man tired of the purple, suffering from gout, he had deigned to go to Washington to answer the questions of the Pujo Committee during the Money Trust investigation: Yes, I did what seemed to me to be for the best inter- ests of the country. Wars and panics on the stock exchange Machine gunfire and arson Starvation, lice, cholera and typhus: Good growing weather for the House of Morgan. The Revolutionary Trade Union Press contains news and other material, should be the guiding spirit of the continued. The American workers on visiting the | PART 2. (Conclusion), By far the best of our union papers is the Food Worker. In it some fine features which are a vital necessity for all union papers and are lacking in practically all but the Food Worker: A department, “In the TUUL,” devoted to the tasks and struggles of the other revolutionary unions; news of the Soviet Union, es- pecially of the food workers and their conditions there, as contrasted to the conditions of the American food workers, activities of the Food Work- ers Union and its different sections; the fight for unemployment insur- ance and relief is featured; there are timely, political editorials, The big’ criticism of the Food Worker is that it is a paper mostly of the lighter sections of the food industry—the cafeterias, hotels and! jrestaurants and not sufficiently of | the big food factories, the big bak~ erles, canneries, etc. It is also too much of a New York paper. In important strike struggles, the |Food Worker does not curl up, like the Mine Worker and Needle Worker; | in the big Loft candy strike it made itself the organ of that strike. In makeup and appearance it is the best of the union papers, but! this is saying very, very litite, when we consider the atrocious appearance of the union papers generally. Its \circulation, considering the length of time it has appeared, is poor, even though it has had some sort of busi- |nes management. | | The Needle Worker is as hard to read as anything we have yet seen. | Many a full page windy article, many @ full page statement or resolution have helped to make its pages heavy. | No worker correspondence to speak ' jof; litle about actual conditions in ithe industry, about the every-day problems of the workers; practically no news of needle trade centers other \than New York; little about the fight / against the right wing fakers; hardly anything about the problems of the The Needle Worker must be cred- |ited with one important innovation- sections in the language dominant in the industry, such as Italian, Span- ish and Yiddish. The Mine When | | | | should take a lesf from this --d run South Slav, Polish and Italiun sec- tion. The Office Worker hee been {n | existence for same time. In appea® ance it is mueh rwre lke a leatle, | than @ paper. Ens icad of the rather | bulletin-ish agpearance ft should a | sume the IMkeness of a newspaper. A very @oed eaint is that it usually about the large department. stores. | Very litle notice is taken of the con-| ditions and problems of the workers | in the big banks, insurance concerns, | etc. Reflecting the union itself, the | paper is almost a New York paper. One weakness and a serious one is common to all our union papers. Thousands of copies are printed each month; hundreds of dollars are spent in printing them; y2t it is: doubtful if as much [as $200 is taken in through sales or subscriptions, by | all of the papers put together, in any | one month. This is, of course, the test of) whether a union paper is a mass} paper and hence, whether it is serv- ing the purpose for which it is pub- lished. The main reason for the lack of circulation of our union papers is the fact that no comrades are given | the task of being responsible for the | building of the papers, and therefore | no nunctioning apparatus is set up within the unions to build the cir-| culation of the papers. Another big/ reason too is, of course, the fact that the average union paper contains so | little to attract the masses of the workers in the industry to the paper. | Must Train Editors The main immediate task of the unions which issue papers is the selection of an intelligent and active worker of the union, for training and development in editing and managing the paper. Working closely with him will be the editor ow Labor Unity, the central, directive ‘organ ofthe Trade Union Unity League, which | dustries are a vital necessity. A paper, | cure subscriptions, to set up agents | for bundles, to take up collections, union papers. The unions should conduct collec- tion and subscription campaigns for their organs. Agents should be elected in all districts, locals and in all shop groups of the unions. The agents in the locals and factory groups should select committees around themselves for the building of the papers. The agents and the committees Should be responsible not only for the sale of the paper, but also for the writing of news and worker corres- Pondence direct from the shops. In this way the union papers can be made mass paper. The union papers should become the organs of the strike struggles which the unions conduct, and not merely this, but also in strikes which are not conducted by the union. Mass shop-gate sales based on worker cor- respondence will also build up the union papers. Now as to the task of establishing union papers in metal and steel, tex- tile, railroad, etc. Papers in these in- however should not be started with- out a preliminary campaign, to ce- One of the most serious mistakes in the past has been the establish- ment of union papers in such in- dustries as textile, metal, etc, in which the papers were started on such a shoestring basis, without any support from the workers, that only one issue could be printed, after which the papers had to be dis- 16 American Specialists in Moscow Cable Protest Against Scotistoro Frame-Up Sixteen American engineers and specialists living in Moscow notified the International Labor Defense \ New York by rad'o7ram recently that they had cabled Governor Miller of Alabama “emphatic pro- test” against the death verdict pissed o neight young Negto boys in Scottsboro, Ala. Six of the signers of the protest were iden- tified as New Yorkers. The radiogram reads: “Following cable sent to Governor Miller of Alabama: ‘Resolution adopted in Moscow by American engineers and specialists: We American engineers and specialists im meeting tonight record emphatie protest against death sentence passed on eight Negro working-class youths in Scottsboro case. From all we have read and heard regarding the case we are convinced the condemna- tion amounts to legal lyhching as a concession to race prejudice. We desire to assotiate ourselves with the action taken throughout the world fo rthe boys’ defense, and demand their immediate release, Signed, Smith, Nelson, Appleman, Mandel, Herzog, Bogart, Brand, Webber, Pearl, Kuttner, Silber, Riv- kin, Guralnik, Granich, White, Chesney.” Six of the signers are recognized in New York as Max Mandel, Frank Herzog, Owen T. Webber, Jeanette Pearl, Morton Chesney, Emanuel | Gre: In the case of the metal workers Paper, only one issue of which ap- peared, the workers who were in- duced to subscribe, became embit- tered against the union because they received only one issue for their money. This must be avoided. Much could be written, and indeed, needs to be written on the subject of the revolutionary trade union press, from the political, technical and management viewpoints. Space does not allow this here. We will conclude by stating in brief what a good revolutionary union paper should contain: It should feature the day to day conditions, problems and struggles of the workers in the industry, through worker correspondents and exposes. It sould feature the daily life of the hnion, of all its sections and groups. ‘ It should play. up all strikes in the! industry, make itself the organ of every strike. It should interest all sections of the industry, not merely the section in which the union happens to be strongest. The term “sections” is also meant geographically. It should play up the problems and Struggles of the unemployed and connect them with the employed) workers of the industry. , Py It should devote sections to the Negroes, the women, the youth in the industry. It should deal with the problems and struggles not only of the workers organized in the union, but also of the unorganized and the members of the reformist unions; it should ex- pose the reformist misleaders. It should, while primarily being an agitational organ, give directives on how to build shop groups, the united front, etc. r It must play up the war situation, concretely tying it up with the work- ers in the particular industry. — It should present news and articles on the conditions of the workers in the Soviet Union, especially in the particular industry. It should be attractively made up and should be illustrated with pic- tures of interest to the workers in the industry, also with general class struggle pictures. ‘ It should present news of the prob- lems and struggles of the workers in the other industries and news of the other revolutionary unions. It should carry international news, always playing up the mass of workers in the same industry in other countries. Support the Marine Workers Industrial Union (Resolution of Politburo, Central Committee, } Cc. P. U.S. A.) building of the Marine Workers Industria} Union and the development of its struggles among the seamen, longshoremen and harbor workers is one of the most basic tasks of the Party. This task becomes doubly important with the sharpening of the war danger. The pube lished resolution of the Marine Workers Induse trial Union should be studied carefully by the Party membership, especially in all sea and lake Ports and the entire Party force devoted to the realization of. this resolution. ° One of the main tasks of the Marine Workers Industrial Union in the developing war situae tion is to prevent the shipment of munition that are now being sent to the Far East. To do this requires the developing of minorities within the A. F. of L. unions, and the building of united front movements with the A. F. of L. and unorganized workers. But the responsibility for this important political task must not rest solely with the M.W.I.U. Fully responsible also are the Party districts in which there are ship- ping ports. ‘We must recognize and sharply emphasize the fact that the Party has riot given sufficient at- tention to the building of the Marine Workers Industrial Union. Notable instances of this ne- glect béing in the Philadelphia, Boston and New Orleans longshoremen’s strikes, in which the Party made a poor mobilization of its forces in addition to making a number of serious errors in policy. This weak mobilization must be overe come and a full realization developed on the part of the membership that this task is basic to the work of the Party as a whole. The ree solution of the Marine Workers Industrial Union Points out the fundamental necessity of the union developing struggles around the imme- diate economic demands of the workers, for an ageressive recruiting campaign with greatly add<« ed emphasis upon the organization of the long- shoremen, for the organization of the unemploye ed workers and the linking up of their struge gles with the unemployed generally, for inten< sifying the work in the reformist unions, for the development of a program of demands for the Negro workers, for stabilizing the organiza- tion structure and financial system of the un- ion. These points touch the basic weaknesses of the Marine Workers Industrial Union and our efforts must be directed towards correcting them along the lines indicated in the union resolu- tion. In the work on the waterfront, special atten- tion must be given to combatting syndicalist tendencies amongst the seamen. Such tenden- cies are strengthened by the nature of the sea- men’s occupation and background, that is, the migratory character of their work, their lack of home life and social contact with the rest of the community, their disfranchisement politic- ally and the usual lack of participation in the general political activities of the working class, their consciousness of strong economic power in contrast with their political disfranchisement and {solation, etc. The syndicalist tendencies manifest themselves chiefly by an underestima- tion of the importance of political action, which anti-Party elements undertake to develop into direct opposition to our Party. It is necessary, therefore, to carry on an ideological campaign to liquidate such syndicalist illusions, and to pay special attention to drawing the marine workers into the general struggles of the working class, and to connect them up with the political and social life of the workers. Mass organization of the longshoremen will facilitate this linking of the seamen with the struggles of the body of the working class, as well as lending organiza- tional stability to the union, because of the more steady residence of these workers. It is necessary for the Party to break down the present tendencies towards isolating the marine work from the general work of the Party. One of the means to this end 1s to draw the leading Party members in the marine industry into the leading committees of the Party Dis- tricts, and also for the local Party leaders to participate actively in the work of the fraction, and to report regularly upon it to the District Buros, The question of the organization of thé Marine Workers Industrial Union should be kept promi- nently to the front in the local T.U.U.Ls and every effort made to mobilize the T.U.U.L. unions locally for this work. Each Party district shall work out a program of building a special water- front Party section, where possible, in line with the program adopted, by District Two. Fundamental to the solution of the problem of strengthening the Party work on the water- front and for the Marine Workers Industrial Union to connect up the struggle of the marine workers with the rest of the working class is the initiation of a vigorous and persistent Party recruiting campaign among these workers. This is particularly necessary at this time in cone nection with the war danger. Each coastal District and section shall work out a complete plan of action in line with the resolution of the union and of the Politburo, Steps shall be taken at once to put this into ef- fect. At the next Plenums of the District com- mittees in the coastal districts, the question of the building of the Marine Workers Industrial ‘Union shall be on the agenda as a special order of business. The Politburo shall send repree sentatives of the Org. Department of the Cen- tral Committee to the coastal districts to take up concretely this whole work, but in the meane time the work shall be begun by the Districts immediately, in line with this Policy. .Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send mie more information on the munist Party. Communist Party 0. 8. A BP sy P. O, Box 87 Station D. New York City, ! |