The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 24, 1932, Page 4

“ York all Y wuviishes vy me Grumyprosany roviishivg C4, ine, ery Seoep? Sunday, at 50 East City, N. ¥. Telephone AL@onquin €-7956. Cable checks to the Daily Worker, 60 Bast isth Street, New York, N, ¥. “DAIWORK * Daily, Worker SUBSCRIPTION RATES! ~ York City. Foreign: one year, By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroushé of Manhattan and Bronx, N $8; six months, $4.50. THE SIGNIF ICANCE OF THE! SCOTTSBORO CASE The State Supreme Court of Alaba considering the granting of @ new date for the execution of the eight innocent Negro boys has been nie for April 6th. wheels of capitalist “justice” work very smootht) and quickly when the lives of eight Negro chil- dren of workers and farmers ar econcerned. Not so, however, when the Capones, Falls, Legs Dia- monds and hundreds and thousands of large and small crooks, grafters, bootleggers and murderers ve concerned. They are never convicted. The fate of these it Negro lads xinth sentenced to life imprisonment). who been framed up and sentenced to die on the (and the lave corthless, lying, statements of two hardened hite prostitutes, is of greater significance to e proletariat of the world than even the un- rgetable Sacco-Vanzetti case of several years ago. The ever-deepening economic crisis in Ame i having most: serious and widespread reper: cussions in all spheres of economic, political anc ial life. The ¢ struggle grows sharper and ore bitter, strike struggles are usions spread among the masses of Americar ent workers and farmers concerning “perma prosperity,” have been definitely shattered masses are losing all confidence in the lous” powers of capitalism to recuperate. meantime, wages are being slashed more rapidly than ever before. Misery, poverty, hunger and ‘miracu In the destitution is increasing by leaps and bounds population. among the white and Negro toiling While the crisis has hit the white \ farmers @ terrifically hard blow, nevertheless, t effects of the crisis have been much more sharply felt among the Negro sses. The percentage of Negro unemployed is relatively much greater than among the white. The fact is that the wages and conditions of the Negro workers have always been worse, rents higher, discrimination worse, and living conditions far inferior to those of whites. All of these factors combined has resulted in so worsening the conditions of the Negro masses as to make them simply un- bearable. What stands out sharply today, in contrast to breviots years and even decades, is the tremen- y important role being played by the } rs and farmers in the class struggle in America. Over 6,000 Negro miners participated inthe recent miners’ strike in Pennsylvania- Ohio. Tens of thousands of Negro unemployed workers. have actively participated in the mass demonstrations against hunger and unemploy- ment, and in the city, county, state and national hunger marches. Tens of thousands of Negro workers have responded in most militant fashion in the struggle inst. evictions in Cl Clevelar , etc. The terror snd murder campaign of the police resulted in Negro workers being shot and killed in Chicago and Cleyeland—and the effects were exactly the opposite than was expected by the bosses and their lackeys. Instead of fear and intimidation setting in—greater militancy resulted and a more determined fighting spirit. A growing bond of anity between white and Negro workers developed in the course of these struggles. In the South, this rapid radicalization of the Negro masses developed as well. A share- croppers’ union was being organized by the share- croppers of Camp Hill, Ala. The Negro share- croppers were organizing to protect their interests against the brutal exploitation of the white capi- talists and landlords, And when the Negro share-croppers were attacked at one of their- meetings, they defended themselves with arms. In the heart of the Black Belt of the South— this organization of Negro share-croppers, and especially the armed self-defense against the thugs and gunmen of the capitalists and land- lor are of the greatest historical importance. It shows the depth and potentialities of the mass social unrest in the South—and was surely “80, enough to throw fear into the hearts of the. | cherous capitalists and landowners of the South. Camp Hill-is and was no accidental or isolated event—- it is a symbol and sharp mani~ festation of what is developing in one form or | another throughout the entire Black Belt of the South. This the former slave-holders under- stand quite well. ‘The Negro masses must be “taught a lesson.” The Ni must be “taught their place.” The grumbling and kicking must be stopped—so the bourgeoisie of the South have figured. No use arranging a single or double lynching—that would not be “dramatic” enough. Something had to be done, and done right away “in a big way.” And therefore eight young Negro lads, ranging from 13 to 20 years of age, chosen as hostages, to be legally charges of rape. The textile, shoe, leather, and other capitalists | of New England states chose Sacco and ims to be burned to death in the electric chair in order to “keep the furriners in their place,” in order to intimidate the Italian, Portu- guese, Greek, Syrian, and other workers in Law~ | rence, New Bedford, Fal! River, Lowell, Haver- hill, etc. It was a challenge to the revolutionary working class the world over. This decision of the state supreme court of Alabama comes in the midst of the sharpest | crisis that American capitalism has yet experi- enced—and the bourgeois economists themselves | state that the bottom has not yet been reached. The decision to reject the appeal for a new trial cannot be separated from the fact that war is | actually raging in the East F ism coming into sharper conflict with Japanese imperialism concerning the redivision of China. The ger of attack and war against the Soviet as vi | Union is immediate and direct—and American | | imperialism will undoubtedly play the leading | | role in such an attack. | ‘The masses must be told in advance that no {unrest will be permitted in the “rear.” The | American bourgeoisie wants to have a passive working class, willing and ready to lay down its | life for the “glory” of American foreign invest- | ments, American trade, American markets and | spheres of influence—for the “glory” of Yankee | imp erialism. The sop and the whip are being | used—a few crumbs of charity for the unem- ployed, and jails, beatings and murder of rebel- | lious workers—white and Negro. In t ottsboro boys we have # symbol of op- pression of the Negro nation in America. It is the lear and vile hoast of the brutal overseer, ruling oppressive, Yankee imperialism that it can “do with its niggers just as it damn pleasés.” It i the Jegal justification of lynching, Jim Crow laws, the chain gang, peonage, contract laboring, economic, political, social inequality and oppres- sion. It seeks to impress upon the oppressed Negro nation in America its supremacy—backed | by the executioner’s lever attached to the electric chair, which in this ¢ase has replaced the rope and faggot of the past. It is therefore nof only ‘a challenge to the workers of the world, but especially to the colo- nial peoples throughout the world, who are doubly and trebly exploited by imperialism in ‘| Asia, Latin America and Africa. The mass protest movement developed around the Sacco-Vanzetti case can and must be revived on a much higher plane in connection with the Scottsboro case throughout the entire world. The white workers in America, especially, must be aroused; a tremendous campaign of demon- strations must be initiated in every capitalist colonial and semi-colonial country in the world. ‘The campaign must be linked up with the strug- gle against the war danger, against the attempt of capitalism to make the workers and colonial peoples bear the burden of the crisis of world pressure can the Scottsboro boys be saved. They | must be saved! We must never permit them to die! Will 4 Per Cent Beer Solve Unemployment? By JAMES LERNER The subeommittee of the Senate Committee on Manufactures has turned in a report on the pro- posal to modify the prohibition law to allow the sale of 4 per cent beer. It is no accident that the revival of the prohibition issue comes during a presidential year. And it is also no accident that the Senate report gives as one of the reasons for modification the ald to unemployment and agriculture which 4 per cent beer would offer. Two days previous to the release of th Senatorial report on beer, Senator Bingham an- nounced that 39 governors found no starvation in their states. Bingham, therefore, opposed a feeble proposal to aid the unemployed. In Janu- ary of this year it was Bingham who introduced the resolution for 4 per cent beer. Bingham is vehemently opposed to unemployment relief, because there is no starvation—he is in favor of the beer proposition because it would aid unem- ployment. The report states that one million men would get. jobs if beer was introduced and that “legal- ization of beer would provide a market for a minimum of 60,000,000 bushels of barley.” It adds that 100,000 farmers would therefore find employment. “It is the conclusion of the sub- committee, therefore, that passage of the bill and amendments would materially assist agriculture.” So, whereas in previous election campaigns the “fight for beer” was mainly in the name of popular demand and the fight against crime,, this year prohibition is to be used as a smoke- screen against unemployment insurance. And this is no empty phrase A million unemployed would get jobs, says the Senate committee. On January 11 of this year Secretary of Commerce Lamond reported that in the year 1909, 77.779 persons were engaded in making distilled malt and vinous liquors, that the number jumped to 86,414 in 1914 and fell to 46,081 in 1919.” So in 1919 only 46,081 were employed in beer mizking. The number of bar- tenders and saloon keepers totalled 43,910. A total of 69,091 employed before prohibition went “oll But we must not forget that in the manufacture of illegal liquors there are a large number of workers employed at present. ‘The government forgot to include a questionnaire on bootlegging in the last census, but the New York police stated last year that there were | 32,000 speak-easies In New York. If only two | fee employed in each we have a great deal more | { ) bar-tenders in this one city than the whole coun- try had in 1920. ‘The number of workers in the illegal beer trade | Ts greater today than ever before because of the | decentralized nature of present-day liquor traffic. “Over 50,000 are convicted of prohibition law violation every year. This, of course, is only a fraction of the total number of persons engaged in the liquor traffic. Even if one out of ten operators is convicted each year, about 500,000 persons are making their living out of the liquor traffic today” (Journal of Commerce, Aug. 20, 1931). Where are the Senate’s million jobs—in their own faking imaginations? - As to the farmers benefiting. More nonsense! The article of the Journal of Commerce quoted above was written by the Director of Research of an anti-prohibition society, which is out to | prove the wonderful effects a repeal of prohibi- tion would have. Yet the writer stated that before prohibition less than 2 per cent of the grain crop went into spirits and beer. Senate report states that 60,000,000 bushels of barley would be consumed if 4 per cent beer were introduced. In the years 1911 to 1914 an average of 61,000,000 bushels went into breweries. The Journal of Commerce writer, figuring on this basis, taking into account the use of at least 21,220,000 bushels of barley last year for beer, the improvements tn the use of this grain in beer and the fact that a great many states have their own prohibition laws which would stand regardless of the federal law, estimates that only 2,300,000 more bushels of barley would be consumed. Put this up against the total annual production of barley in the United States of 198,000,000 last year and over 300,000,000 in 1930 | and see the insignificance of the whole matter. ‘The Senate’s figure is based on the fairy tale that there is no beer being made at present. And these Senators are not so dumb. The very same report states: “Testimony presented to thé subcommittee in regard to the amount of alcohol consumed in this countfy before and after probibiiiow Varied wtly. The pre-prohibition consump- | tion cf malt liquors in 1918 was estimated in excess of 1,500,000,000 gallons; wine, 51,500,000 gallons; distilled spirits, 93,800,000 gallons. Consumption for 1930 was estimated at between 500,000,000 to 1,500,000,000 gallons of malt liquors, from 75,000,000 to 150,000,000 galions ef wine, and from 200,000,000 to 400,000,000 gallons lynched or framed up on vile | American imperial- | capitalism. Only through mass struggle, mass | ‘The | Po MS IN By ANNA DAMON. Edith Berkman is sick, Hospital, South Boston. urday. She is critically ill with tuberculosis. She was well when she was arrested: Five months in the miserable hell-hole of the Fast Boston Immigration Station where she was con- fined in unsanitary surroundings, getting rotten food, denied the possibility of working and of | taking an actiye part in the class struggle, has wrecked her constitution, and resulted in in- fecting both her lungs with the well-known and dreaded workers’ disease, consumption. ‘The seriousness of her condition forced even the brutal Mrs. Tillinghast, commissioner of mass immigration, to rush her to the hospital. She is now preparing very quietly to ship her out somewheré to an isdlated “health camp.” Dr. Denning, tool of the bosses and head of the Catholic Carney Hospital, refused to commit himself by issuing a full record of her case. He refused the demand of the Boston International Labor Defense on the grounds that Edith Berk- man is a federal prisoner and that without per- mission from Dr. Newton, head of the. Immigra- tion Department, he will not give the record of her case. confined in Carney T visited her last Sat- ‘Try to Murder Berkman Anna Tillinghast refuses to release Edith Berk- | man on bail. It is of no concern to her if Edith | Berkman lives or dies. The federal authorities attention, which she can get only in a sanitar- ium. The critical condition of Comrade Berk- man demands her immediate release and we can not wait until the case comes up in Boston on April 12th. What crime has Comrade Berkman committed, to be held in jail without bail for the last five months? What crime has she committed to be facing deportation to fascist Poland where sure death awaits her at’ the hands of the blood- thirsty Pilsudski regime? The only crime that Comrade Berkman is guilty of is loyalty to the working class, a crime the American capitalists and their government do not overlook, a service that the working class does not forget. Berkman—Tireless Fighter Edith Berkman is only 26 years old, but even at this age she has fought untiringly for the working class, and has established a record that bears comparison with that of many old fighters. She bégan to work at the age of 16. A knitter by trade, she joined the National Tex- tile Union in 1929 when she came cast from San Francisco. In July, 1930, she was sent by the NTWU to Lawrence, Mass., where she proved | herself to be a most militant and gifted organ- izer. She organized a stccessful strike in the ‘Wood Mill in September, 1930, to fight against the stagger plan. This fight was won, and it paved the way for the great strike in February, | 1931, when 10,000 workers struck under the lead- | ership of the National Textile Workers Union against wage cuts. In the struggles of the un- employed, in fighting for unemployment incur- ance and for immediate relief, Comrade Berk- man took a most active part. It was after this strike that Edith Berkman was arrested and charged with “conspiracy to | hurt, injure, and destroy the mill owners, their | property and business.” This arrest was on 2@ | telegraphic warrant. She was held in jail for | ten days, and then released on $5,000 bail. ‘The boss class wanted her out of the way. They | told the United States Department of Labor to | recommend deportation, which the United States Department of Labor immediately did. On a certain day, when Berkman spoke before ten thousand workers on the Boston Common, of distilled spirits. It is the conclusion of the subcommittee, therefore, that while the consumption of malt beverages with a light alcoholic content has | been greatly decreased, the consumption of hard liquors has more than offset this decline in the use of beverages. The subcommittee believes the use of hard lquors would be great~ ly decreased If people were given an opportu- uit » beer, 4 per cent of The wuss of tre matter fs, in the Senate's own words, thet more Hquer ts belng consumed today tham @vcr before. And that, Instead of ‘providing Jobs, beer might do away with jobs. And this Is the garbage which the government end poli'-tons axe attempting to hand the un i cinploye® are deliberately attempting to murder Comrade | | Berkman by refusing her the necessary medical | CAPITALISM’S SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM Iv $$ inc eR AS BY BURCK GovieT. SOLDIEAS SHON | Wome sa SHEVINS ARE Edith Berkman Must Be Freed! the police had announced they would arrest her again, but they did not da But they got her again when she took part in © zing the second Lawrence strike in October, 1931—this time against a ten per cent wage cut. And she has tela held for deportation, with her bail revoked’ by the Federal Court, ever since that day, October 5, 1931. Working Class Can Free Berkman The only way in which Comrade Berkman can be freed is by macs pressure and protest. We must show the capitalist government and its agents that the workers in the U. 8. will not permit themselves to be robbed of their mili- tant and revolutionary fighters. We must show the capitalists that no matter how many per- secutions and arrests,nomatter how strong the terror, the struggle of the American working class for the right to live will go on. Under the leadership of the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League, workers will continue to fight against murderous attacks on their standard -of living. ‘They will catry on the fight for unemployment insurance, the struggle against imperialist war, in defense of the Soviet Union and the Chinese masses. The murder and deportation of revolutionary work- ers will not weaken the militant fighting front of the American working class! They will raise it to a greater class consciousness, inspire it to greater struggles for the overthrow of the capi- talist system which breeds misery and starvation for the working class. Let the deaths of the Ford victims, the Kentucky strikers and organ- izers, Ella May Wiggins, Ralph Gray, Gonzales, Katovis, Levy, the jailed Comrades Berkman, Mooney, the Scottsboro and other victims of the capitalist courts serve to strengthen the fight against capitalism. Let us raise a mighty protest ‘to stop the ter- ror against the foreign born. Let us pledge our- selves to wrest Comrade Berkman out of the hands of the executioners. All grade unions, workers’ organizations, should hold protest meetings, wire resolutions of pro- test to Secretary of Labor William Doak, Im- migration Commissioner Mrs. Anna C. Tilling- hast, Mayor Curley of Boston and Governor Ely of Massachusetts. Fascism in Finland By RICHARD PESOLA. IN news items about the armed march to Hels- ingfors attempted by Lappos at the end of last February, the capitalist press here explained that there is civil war in Finland, for the arm- ed fascists led by General Wallenius, with head- quarters in Mantsla, have already fired at work- ers’ club houses there, and it was rumored that they threatened the government with a fascist coup, etc. It was further reported that Pres- ident Svinhufvud’s government had passed “emergency decrees,” which forbid all meetings, mass movements, etc. In this way a censor- ship over letters, telegraph and telephone was effected. These “news items” of the bourgeois press talked as if all this were necessary to combat the threatening fascist revolt, as if Svinhufvud and his government were really fighting against fascism. Any person acquainted with affairs in Fin- Jand could epsily see that this was all nlanned deception, that this is only a maneuver by the Finnish fascist government through which it wanted to give the impression that the “people” are demanding the strengthening of the fas- cist dictatorship. This stand has proven to be correct, for the armed troops of the .marchers to Helsingfors disbanded and went home at the government's request. Some leaders of the march have been “arrested” for the sake of annearance. Instead, there is now a strengthened fascist dictatorship in Finland, which was the original purpose of the march, Fascism Rules Finland The opinion that Svinhufvud and his gov- ernment are fightine against fascism is entirely incorrect, for in reality the fascist dictatorship led by Svinhufvud has been in power in Fin- land. since 1930. Fascism rose to power in Finland without any coun d'etat. The so-called “Lappo movement” of 1930 was developed with the aid of the govern- ment, and in the name of the “people” began to stress “the necessity of destroying Commu- nism.* It made audacious attacks against work- ers’ presses and halls, One nieht in March, 1930, fascists attacked the press of a revolution- ary workers’ newspaper ni Vaasa, destroying its machinery. Of course the perpetrators of this arrovant deed were not punished in the fascist court although they demonstratively reported to the police. When this case was formally taken up in the Vaasa court, a band of about 1,200 fascists arrived in Vaasa from Lappo and from elsewhere in Norrbotten, surrounded the court house, kidnapped the attorney for the workers, Asser Salo, drove him to the border of another province, and beat and tortured him. It is with this that the Lappos really started kidnapping functionaries of |the revolutionary movement, which they called “giving rides.” In 1930, tha Leppos, urged by the government, merched to Helsingfors under the leadership of Vihtori Kosola in order to stress the quick adop- tion of anti-Communist legislation and the en- forcement of a complete fascist dictatorship, Tt Is fitting to mention that before the first Lappo march the agrarian-league government of Kyosti called Syinhufvud from abroad to lead the Lappo “people’s movement” and to form an open fascist dictatorship government. Immediately after fascism rose to power, the Finnish Diet passed, with the co-operation of the social-fascists, a law abolishing the right of assémbly, and then anti-Communist laws, which really took away all rights from revolutionary workers, These laws gave the government un- limited powers in case of “rebellion.” Although the Diet was still left in power, the possibility of electing representatives to it was taken away from all those opposing the fascist rule. Why a Fascist, Dictatorship? After the class war in Finland the workers’ class struggle movement had begun to raise its head, although the bourgeoisie had murdered about 30,000 workers during the class war and in the white terror following it, and had boasted that never again would the workers’ class strug- gle movement rise in Finland. But the workers of Finland were not content with the social- democratic movement. Considerable masses left it and tried in many ways to appear as a legal movement following the teachings of the Com- intern (the Communist Party has never been able to appear as a legal party in Finland.) They conquered the trade union organization, whose membership soon grew to 90,000. In addition te this the class conscious workers had large co- operatives, numerous workers’ clubs with large memberships, etc. When there was economic rrowth in Finland during the period of so-called relative stabilization of caritalism, because of which work was avail- able, there even being a lack of labor power in places, the capitalist class did not then think it the proper time to beein supnressing the legal workers’ movement. The revolutionary workers and peasants had 25 representatives in the Diet, and it was apparent that the workers’ mass oreanizations were growing. But then at the end of the year 1927 and the beginning of 1928 Finland began to feel the ef- fect of the crisis in capitalism. First of all it appeared in the lumber industry, which is Fin- land’s chief industry. That was followed by a crash in credit and a lack of money. Then the bourgeoisie realized that the time had come again to crush the revolutionary we~'*rs’ move- ment. Besides, foreign money lend s began to demand that the Bolshevik movement must be crushed in Finland before any money can be loaned there. French imperialism stressed this very greatly. Then Svinhufvud, Rantakari, Paasikivi and Ingman began to orgdhize the Lappo movement with the aid of bankers and manufacturers. Its public leader was Vihtori Kosola, a kulak peasant who had been a full time scab-recruiter before that. He was given orders to gather around him all kinds of ig- norant, criminal elements blinded by religion with the slogan: “Against the Russian and Communism.” In that way a general attack began against the workers of Finland, and fas- cjsm began to rise. Because of the Effects of Opportunism the Workers Were Unable to Prevent the Rise of Fascism If there had been a strong Communist Party in Finland when the fascist attack began, and if its influence had ruled those labor movements | More Profits for TextileCompanies By Labor Research Association “Could there possibly be a more fertile field for profits than in the controlled manufacture and distribution” of cotton cloth, says F. W. Jefferson, of the Iselin-Jefferson Co., a leading figure in the cotton trade, advocating @ supere ‘merger in this field. He contends that if thé cotton mills which are now represented by | dozen selling agencies in Worth Street, were ' merged “into one large corporation, and if the | ‘product were sold through one channel controlled | by such a corporation, the profits would be tre~ | mendous.” These selling agencies already dise tribute about 85% of the print cloths in the | United They could clean up @ big profit , if they could be merged, Jefferson declares. Like other textile capitalists, searching for «| way out of the crisis, he advocates less competi | tion and more “cooperation,” which means @ movement toward monopoly. But trustification in the cotton industry is yet to come on a large scale, Some textile companies reporting profits recently are the following: Lawton Mills Corp., Plainfield, Conn., reports an operating profit of $43,402 for last year after deductions for taxes, interest, and depreciation, Current assets are eleven times current abilities and the company closed the year without any bank borrowings outstanding. Federal Knitting Mills, Cleveland, Ohio, reports for 1931 net profits, after all charges, equal to e Ms a share, as compared with $3.53 a share for 0. Manville Jenckes Co. of Rhode Island and North Corolinc, even ivership, “is making money,” says a trade journai, <2 cre other com- panies taken over to protect the stockholders and bondholders. The secret of the profits being made is the fact that the receivers are “liqui- dating labor cost.” Riverside and Dan River Mills of Danville, Va, report for 1931 a net profit of $96,579, after de~ ducting $705,000 for depreciation. ‘This profit was computed also after $276,407 had been spent for additional machinery and equipment: ‘The cash position of the company was reported better than at the beginning of 1931, The strike in this largest cotton mill company in the South had caused a loss the previous year, but the President now reports: “Your company has been able to absorb all of the tirect and the majority of its ipttirect loss” from the strike. At the same time workers report wages of $9 and $10 a week and another wage cut of from 10 to 20% was put through on January 25. Cabot Mfg. Co., Brunswick, Me., reports net Profits for the year of $79,710 after charge-offs for depreciation, taxes, and inventory. It pays a dividend of $6 a year. Gosnold Mills Co. of New Bedford made a gross profit of $161,316 and net profit of $117,668 in 1931, and paid its dividends to stockholders, Other mills in the city paying dividends, in spite of the crisis, were Beacon, Dartmouth, Grinnell, Neild, Pierce, Quisset, Soule and Taber, while Acushnet, Bristol, City Mfg. and Kilburn paid “liquidation” dividends. Investors aré advised by the Standard Statis« tios Co., leading industrial and financial advisers, to retain stock of Cannon Mills Co., leading towel manufacturers, “in view of the secure yield of over 9%,” which were considered to be led by the Commue nists, then the workers of Finland would un- doubtedly have been able to fight more strongly against hte fascist attack. But in that post-war period of growth in the working class movement opportunism had again been able to injure the workers’ class struggle movement. There were too strong illusions of legality, and when they built the workers’ mass movement under the influence of these illusions, the structure of the illegal Communist Party proved to be too weak. For this reason the workers of Finland were unable to put up any serious opposition to the rise of fascism, without even talking of being able to prevent it. Only after the rise of fascism was the Party purged of opportunists and placed on a clears cut class struggle line. After that it has prow gressed rapidly in difficult conditions. The social-fascist leaders aided fascism rise to power in the hope that they would obtain prop~ © erties owned collectively by workers and their organizations when hte Communist movement is suppressed by fascist terror. Their hopes were realized, but in order to become the self-ap- pointed leaders of the entire legal working class movement in Finland they have done their all to make the workers of Finland submit to the fascist dictatorship. But in spite of this they have not been able to lessen the discontent of the masses in fascism, instead it has continually grown.. There is a severe crisis in the country, and in order to place the entire burden on the shoulders of the workers, the wages of workers have been steadily decreased. In addition, un- employment has grown in an unheard-of de- gree. The masses are in exceedingly great pove erty nad distress. And this discontent is not restricted to if dustrial workers, but it has invaded the coun- try-side. Government taxes are so eciae that the peasants are becoming bankrupt. the last few years thousands of poor and meee rich peasants have lost their properties. This is the cause of the growing discontent of the peasants. When it instituted the fascist rule in Finland, the bourgeoisie had told the peasants that soon as Communism is crushed there will model conditions in Finland. There will be more strikes and rebellions, but there peace and love between the masters workers. But the more that fascism veloped the worse conditions have masses that aided in establishing the fascist dictatorship are now affected by unemployment, and are becoming sympathetic to Communist slomans. ‘The Weak Foundations of Fascism fn Finland But although the Lappos’ attempted march te Helsingfors caused the strengthening of the fas- cist power, still it rests on weak foundations. ‘The growth of fascism generally is not a sign of _ the strength of the bourgeoisie, but a sign of its weakness. The discontent of the masses towards fascism is growing. This discontent may at any moment burst into an open flame under ths leadership of the Communist Party of Finland, For the Finnish proletariat is whole-heartedly preparing for a proletarian revolution. It is now building an illegal party and trade union or~ ganization that are as free as possible from op- portunism, and it is rejecting the leadership of the social-fascists. It means that the Finnish proletariat will not, as Comrade O. W. Kutsinen says happened in November, 1917, leave the spirit of revolt hover above Finland without rising on its wings. No, the proletariat will rise this time, and it means the end of fascism in Fin- land and the laying of foundations for a SOVIER . FEgsge will and has i j J u Uy i , | ¥ )