The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 14, 1932, Page 4

pare Four Make March 18th a Mighty Day of Protest! a LOUIS ENGD: AHI Det of He ‘Wately-own the joble bread; Martyr labor Bixty-Fi ris Com Morated 18, ni world over the Inter- March labor the 3 of sian and an portance to year be Mendous and In Memory of Our Dead struggle for gecuted zed by Fordh troit; to save the “Negro boys from to open the Tom Mooney ; to de- tional release of Tampa, Pennsyl- ial Valley and y prisoners. Lynching and Deportation 18, 1932, becomes a day le the infamous and murderous boss class weapon of lynching. inst the deportation of. the foreig reaction, nationally tionally. Twel sands: and thrown into boss ‘elass dungeons, the martyr- dom if the best working class fighter: Nets of police and gunthy 2€ mounting wave of lynet age persecu- to bring thersAmeric class this yeagicloser ‘o the valiant fighters of the Parls Commune. Unemployment Aid Hunger The workers of Paris, upon the defeat of France in the Franco- Prussian War, were plunged deep in. unemployment and hunger. ‘Thi ds were evicted from their homes by the landlords. They came out into the streets demanding “Peace and Bread!” Under the at- tack of the Parisian workers the government forced to retreat and entrench itself in Versailles. Because of numerous weaknesses, the Commune was crushed. The Fords and Murph of 1871. be- tweer 21 et loose & Dlox upon the nas only been ex- ors by the Chin- ese counte: mn of the Chiang Kai-shek ntang terror in 1927, thi being repeated with the of the mass mas- sacres carried through by the Jap- aided by the e League of Nations rsailles Peace e nine Negro boys face the electric chair; Mooney and Bill- ings still rot in prison with Mc- Namara and Schmidt; coal miners with defense and relief workers in Kentucky await murder trials with the threat of the electric chair, ‘eady serving life sen- face long prison erms on charges of criminal sy ders of the miners pped, flogged and on the mountain been murdered ins of the Rocke- Ford interests investigat- ing committees of the International Labor Defense, bringing relief to the miners and their families have been attacked by boss class mobs, thrown into prison or driven out of the state. Leaders of the de- relief forces and the or- the National Miners’ nion are now being held in prison Pineville and Harlan, Kentucky. Jails Are Filling Jails are filling with the best fighters of the working class in all great population centres, Near- ly two years have passed sifice the vicious war was opened on the agri- cultural workers in Imperial Valley, California, with the leaders lof these workers still buried alive in the San Quentin and Folsom pri- son tombs. The Centralia prisoners in Washington are still held in the Walla Walla Prison. Nearly two score of the most courageous fight- of the Western Pennsylvania mine strike are held in the infam- ous Allegheny County workhouse at Blawnox, where the vile cone ditions resulted in the death of Sam Resetar from tuberculests and heart disease. Anti-labor laws are being sharp- ened or new ones being put on the statute books. The ure of the criminal syndicalism laws grows, resulting in the wiping out of all semblance of workers’ rights of speech, press and assemblage, the right to organize, to strike, to pick- et and self-defense. The deport- ation drive of the Hoover-Doak- Hunger government widens. The right of political asylum is com- pletely abolished. The effort grows to outlaw not only the Communist Party, but the Trade Union Unity League and all its affiliated unions and other militant organizations of the working class. Demagogy and terror go hand in hand. Mayor Walker, of New York City, rushes to San Francisco pleading hypo- critically for the release of Tom Mooney in an effort to divorce this issue from the class struggle, while of the bloody attacks on workers in- | creases, not only in New York but everywhere over the land. The savage attack on labor’s most mil- itant section is the effort of the ruling class to impose its jobless- hunger regime on the whole work- ing class. At the same time, how- ever, it strives desperately to create the illusion that the murder and jailings of “Reds,” or Communists, does not concern the working class as a whole. The Paris Commune Lives All these ruling class methods, of murder, of assassination, of lynch- ing, of jailings, of the chain gang, of deception, of the suppression of all workers’ rights, makes clearer for the working class in this coun- try the meaning of the mass slaughter of the Parisian workers 61 years ago, as the boss class method of drowning in blood the mighty effort of labor to break through the chains of capitalist oppression. The Paris Commune lives today, more significant than ever for American labor, in the 15th year of the triumphant Commune of the Russian workers, and in the Fourth and victorious year of the Five- Year Plan. Socialisi economy grows daily stronger, all class dis- tinctions disappear under the Sov- iet Power that is bringing half of Europe and one-third of Asia rapidly to the threshold of Com- munism. The Anniversary “ot the Paris- | Commune, with its 100,000 mar- tyred dead, is particularly the Me- morial Day of the International | Labor Defense. Not only a day of commemoration, however, but a day of developing new and greater struggles. During and since the world war the workers of many countries have followed in the path of the Paris Commune, Hoover the hunger president, led the forces of Wall Street imperialism that helped des- troy the Hungarian and the Bava- rina Soviet Republics. Dollar in- tervention also helped defeat the Canton Commune in China in De- cember, 1927. But the Soviet Power of the Chinese worker and peasant masses grows, learning how to fortify itself against all foes, | | | The great ssian Revolution of | November 7, 1917, that had lear ed the lessons of the Paris Com- mune and of the Russian Revolu- tion of 1905, move: orward ir- resistibly building its Socialist eco- | R nomy, carrying through the Five- Year Plan in four years, in- spiration and guide to world labor. | ‘We commemorate not only the | | glorious deeds and the martyrdom | of the best fighters for the Paris Commune. On this day we also || remember the martyrs everywhere of the growing class struggle. We an _DAIL Y _WORKER, NEW YORE, MONDAY, MARCH 14, 193 | ALL OUT ON MARCH 18th! DEMAND THE RELEASE OF CLASS WAR PRISONERS! (Millions of workers throughout the world will dem-~strate on March 18 this year in memory of the Paris Commune, EF and drowned in a sea of workers’ blood, the Paris Com’ tne was one of the most heroic battle fronts of the working class, enemies no less ruthless. as savagely as they were tucky, Negroes street dentonstrations! In Kentucky workers are being shot down in Paris 61 years ago. in California, in Florida, in Chicago, throughout the South, and whites of the wroking-class face a wave of terror no less brutal than that with which the capitalists flooded workers’ Paris, Where in the streets of Paris the workers once built up barricades to fight to the last man, so today in Detroit, in Tampa, in Danville, in Long Beach, in San Quentin, in Scottsboro in Harlan and Pineville workers are fighting for their class, March 18 this year opens an anti-terror campiagn by the 1.L.D. on all these fronts of the workers’ battle. Out to the meetings! Show your strength and solidarity for working class fighters and class-war prisoners!) nm in war oday we face In Michigan, in Ken- Out in Hail 61st Anniversary of the Paris Commune By ALBERT DEUTSCH On 18 of March, 1871, the work- ers of Paris rose in revolt and set up the first workers’ government on earth—the Commune. It opened @ new epoch in working-class his- tory. During the seventy-two days of the Commune’s existence, @ ca- pitalist world stood aghast at the spectacle of workers seizing power and ruling themselves with a de- termination and efficiency that ex- Ploded once for all the ancient myth that workers needed masters. Although it finally went down to TOM MOONEY ABOVE—A recent picture of Tem Mooney, heroic working class fighter, now in his 16th year behind bars in San Quentin prison. RIGHT—Mrs. Mary Mooney at the huge mass meeting which demanded the immediate release of her son, Tom; the Scottsboro boys, and all class war prisoners. To the left of Mrs. Mooney is B. D. Amis, national head of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights and to the right is J, Louis Engdahl, secretary of the International Labor Defense. The capitalist press did not like this display of working class solidarity between Ne- gro and white workers, and in using this Picture they carefully blocked out the MOTHER MOONEY AT THE NEW YORK MASS MEETING ON FEBRUARY 24. figure of Comrade Amis, remember the hundreds of thou- sands now in prison, the thousands massacred especially in the colonial and semi-colonial countries, the tens of thousands brought to trial | in the courts of capitalist class | justice and condemned to death or | | long terms of imprisonment. | | The Sixty-First Anniversary of | the Paris Commune calls the work- ers and poor farmers of the Uni- | ted States, Negro and white, to new | struggles under the banners of the | International Labor Defense. March 18, the Anniversary of the Paris Commune, for American La- bor is Scottsboro-Detroit-Mooney- Kentucky-Tampa day of struggle. | March 18 must become a mighty | day of demonstrations against the slaughter of our best fighters, a- | gainst the persecution of labor's | to maintain, had been reduced, for | most militant leaders,’and to open the workers, by nearly 50 per cent. | the doors of prison to the Scotts- | 1, the south, the price of cotton | | boro Negro boys, the Detrolt PFS | and tobacco had fallen far below | oners, to win freedom for Mooney ji, miserably low cost’ of produc- | and Billings, the Kentucky coal | ji... miners, the Imperial Valley, the - Centralia, the Pennsylvania and all A vast army of Negro day-labor- | class war prisoners, | Every day’s activity must build for a mighty March 18, 1932. “The Revolution of 1871 was above | } all a popular one. It sprang sponta~ | neously from the midst of the masses, | j and it w 3 among the great masses | | that it found its defenders, its he- roes, its martyrs. It is because it was so thoroughly ‘low’ that the middle | class can never forgive it.”—Kropot- kin, “The Commune of 1871.” Free | Mooney, Scottsboro prisoners, and | Tape, Fis., workers on L.L,D. Paris | | Coramine Anniversary, March 18, | 1932, “An Interview with Mother Mooney When Mother Mooney decided to’ . risk the Jong journey from San Francisco to New York to lend her aid to the fight of the Interna- tional Labor Defense for her son’s | freedom, her doctor warned her that this step would be suicidal. “You can’t make it at your age, with your weak heart,” she was told. “I'd gladly give my life to help Tom,” was her answer. Hers is the fighting spirit with which ‘Tom Mooney hurls defiance at the master class that framed him, while he waits for the pressure of mass protest to burst asunder his prison door. Behind large, shell-rimmed glasses, her clear, blue-grey eyes bespeak strength of purpose; her strongly-moulded features reminds one of Tom's. One senses that the deep furrows which line her kindly face are not so much the imprints of time as the marks of toil and suffering—the common lot of work- ing-class mothers in America, In simple, straightforward language she told the story of her life and struggles. It is typical of tens of thousands of American women workers. “I was born 84 years ago in Fal- ‘ | moor, County Mayo, Ireland, and came to this country at the age of 17. My folks were too poor to give me any schooling. Almost as soon as I touched American soil, I went to work in @ textile factory in Holyoke, Mass. There we girls were forced to slave 12 and 14 hours a day under the miserable conditions known to every factory worker, All for a few dollars a week, “Then we moved to the Middle ‘West, where I met and married Brian Mooney, a coal miner. Brian hardly ever got to see what the sun was like, he worked so hard. We lived in Washington, Indiana, in a dingy little shack owned by- the coal company. No matter how much my husband worked, it was all we could do to make ends meet. Somehow or other, the company was always getting back whatever it paid out in wages. We had three children—Tom, John and Anna, ‘Their father died before they were many years old. Poor Brian died of miner’s asthma, which he got from having to breathe the cold dust down in the mines.” ‘The Mooneys were left penniless. To keep the family from starving, | Mrs Mooney sought all kinds of odd jobs. She took in washing, scrubbed floors and for a time worked in a thread-needle factory. “Tom went to work when he was fourteen. He learned the brick- molding trade, and in a short time was organizing his fellow-workers for the union, He went to San Francisco as an organizer. You know how he was framed up be- cause he was getting the wor’ ors to fight for their rights. since then I’ve thought of nothing but the struggle for my son’s freedom.” ‘The tremendous enthusiasm that has greeted Mother Moone; pearances before workers’ organiza- tions has made her very happy. “1 know it's my Tom that they're cheering for,” she says. She is | a | ruling class and thei defeat, and thousands of its gallant defenders were massacred in the reactionary terror, the Commune left a glorious heritage to the world proletariat, Its heroism served as an inspiration for future struggles against oppression; its achieve- ments—and its failures—provided invaluable lessons which were ana- lyzed by Marx, and utilized by Lenin in the Revolution of Novem- ber, 1917. Like the Bolshevik Revolution, the Commune was born in war. Napoleon III, feeling his throne tottering, had plunged France into war with Prussia. In swift succes- sion, the French had met disas- trous defects at Met zand Sedan, and the Prussians pusued on w Paris. On September 4, 1870, the monarchy was overthrown and a tepublic instituted in its stead. But the bourgeois politicians who installed themselves in office soon proved more cowardly and incom- petent than their monarchist pre- decessors. When the German army reached the gates of Paris, the dastardly Thiers capitulated, leay- ing the city defenseless. Then it was that the aroused Paris proleta- rians took up arms and, on March 18th, drove out the bourgeois be- ers and proclaimed a workers’ republic, In a short time the chaos in- herited from the Napoleonic and Thiers regimes was converted to order. Workers’ decrees, such as those exempting the poor from paying rent, prohibiting evictions, and nationalizing church property, were passed and carried out with @ precision that caused capitalists everywhere to tremble lest the proletarians of their own countries follow the exampie of the Com- munards. As ever, the capitalist nations were quick to patch up differences among themselves to unite against the common enemy—the working class. The French and Prussian bourgeoisie, erstwhile enemies, con- veniently forgot they were at war, and together conspired for the de- struction of the Commune. At Paris, representatives of the “neut- ral” nations (among them the Am- erican ambassador, Washburne) shamelessly used their diplomatic Posts to spy on the Communards fn behalf of the counter-revolu- tionary Versaillese. An unforget- The Economic Basis of the Increasing Lynch Terror By CECIL S. HOPE. The opening of Spring, 1931, saw the crisis in America, which Hoo- ver had promised to end in 60 days, sinking to deeper and deeper depths, Already the “depression” was seventeen months old, the number of unemployed had grown from three millions to nine millions, the factories were closing down or operating on part-time; wage cuts and unemployment had reduced the national pay roll from 26 billions in 1929 to 13 billions. Already the Ame: ican standard of living, which the government had pledged itself ers were turned off the plantations; while the share-croppers were force- ed to yield all their crops to the landlords in payment of food ad- vanced during the period of produc- tion. The nine million Negroes in the black belt were brought face to face with actual starvation. This situation gave rise to two distinct lines of action on the part of the Negro masses. Some took to the road, in @ futile hope of finding a job and the prosperity which was heralded as being around the cor- ner; while others immediately turn- ed to the revolutionary struggle against oppression and robbery, by organizing share-croppers’ unions, ete. The Negro masses were begin- ning to “move”. A new wave of industrial strikes was spreading out into the South. ‘The Negroes were supporting and, in many instances, taking active part in the strikes. The death charges against the four white and two Negro TUUL organizers, by the state of Georgia, for holding meet- ings of Negro and white workers had resulted in sharpening the rev- olutionary swing of the Negro mass- | es. This action aroused to fury all | the vicious passions of the white | gents in the South. Staggering under the impact of these blows delivered ass ainst their | system of peonage and suppression, the Southern Bourbons immediately turned loose a ruthless campatgrn of mass murder against the Negro people, in the hope of destroying | the growing militancy of the Negro masses and forcing them to starve | in silence on the land. | death by a lynch court in Alabom@, | fully aware of the class forces be- The sharpest and boldest expres- hind her son's imprisonment, and | sion of the bosses’ plan to starve or realizes that only the protest of the | murder the Negro toilers was mani- masses will win his liberation. fest ab in the Scottsboro case, the A telegram she had just received mn: of the Camp Bill share- | from Tom in San Quentin prison | Croppers and thé wholesale disarm- | was shown to me. “Dear Mother,” | ing of the Negroes by the Southern | it read, “I thank you, and appre- | States. . | | ciate all you are doing for me in On April 6, eight boys, all under | spite of your failing health. You | 20 years of age, were sentenced t | have ¢timulated and encouraged me beyond measure” | on irame-up rape charges, and ® | | Rouge, La.; ninth, who was not yet 14, to life imprisonment. The only crime of which these nine hungry boys, from district parts of Georgia and Ala- bama, were guilty, is that of riding a freight train in search of work. The answer of the Alabama land- lord court to this, is the death pen- alty. On July 17 the sheriff and depu- tized thugs of Tallapoosa County raided a meeting of the share-crop- pers’ union, murdered the organizer, Ralph Gray, wounding and imprisoning 50 more. A few days later Gray’s daughter was badly beaten about the head by the sheriff with the butt of his | revolver, Willie Peterson, an unemployed ex-war veteran, was arrested by the Birmingham police on a framed murder charge and shot while in the police custody, by Dent Wil- liams, the parasitic brother of one of two society women who had been found dead on the roadside after a midnight party. During this time, anyone found with the “Daily Worker”, union leaflets or literature of the IL.D., which had stopped the execution of the Scottsboro boys and forced the release of the Camp Hill prisoners, was in danger of losing his life. Ben Irby, a Negro farm hand of Selma, Ala., was jailed for having LL.D. leaflets in his possession. The only report of his fate is the sher- iff's denial of custody. ‘The flames of boss terror against the Negro toilers, fanned by the breeze of the capitalist press, were now raging throughout the South. Says the report of the Fellowship of Reconciliation: “The scorching flame of sentiment has resulted in the death of at least 75 Negroes in Afabama since the middle of Au~ gust. Private citizens are known to have disguised themselves as offi- cers and to have shot Negroes in cold blood. Six Negroes were killed on @ freight train near Ensley, by deputies. It was reported at police headquarters that they had been killed in a wreck in the yards.” ‘The following is a list of some of the individual lynchings which oc- curred during the year 1931. Jan. 5, Mart Brown, Tuscaloosa, Ala.; hanged; accusation unknown. Jan. 10, Raymond Gunn, Mary- ville, Mo.; burned on schoolhouse; | accusation, attacking woman. Jan. 19, Lemon MeDaniels, Shreveport, La.; fate unknown; ac- cusation, shooting white woman, Jan. 27, Jimmy Douglas, Baton drowned in river; ac- cusation, fighting landlord. February to March— Rene Henr; y Orleans, La hanged; accusation, pushing white oman. George Span, Clarksdale, Miss.; shot, accusation, killing landlord, Steve Waley, Inverness, Miss.; hanged; accusation, rape and mur- Elle Johnson, Vicksburg, Miss.; and four others, | | hanged; accusation, killing londlord. April to May— George Smith, Union City, Tenn.; hanged in courtyard; accusation, insulting white woman. Jane Wise, Frankfort, Va.; shot ; H accusation, arguing white woman, ‘Thomas Jasper, Huntsville, Ala. shot and hanged; accusation, get- ting fresh with white girl. July 22, Oscar Livingstone, New Orleans, La.; hanged; accusation, rape. Aug. 5—~ Sixteen-year-old boy, Haynesville, la.; shot 32 times; accusation, at- tack. Major Harrel, Conway, Ark.; hanged; accusation arguing with landlord. John Parger, Conway, Ark.; shot stealing peaches. Ed Edwards, Birmingham, Ala.; shot; mistaken for murderer of white woman. December, Matthew Williams, Salis- burg, Md.; hanged and burned; ac- cusation, shooting employer in fight over wages. Dec. 10, Tom Jackson, Lewisburg, Va.; hanged and shot; accusation, shooting deputy. Dec, 10, George Banks, Lewisburg, Va.; hanged and shot; accusation, shooting deputy. Such is the picture of the “good relations” which loathesome crea- tures, like Walter White and Wil- liam Pickings of the National As- sociation for the Advancement of Colored People, ask the Negro and white workers not to disturb. table historic lesson for the work ing-class — the united capitaliss front against the Commune, against the Soviet Union, against thé ‘Chie | nese Soviets, against workers’ gowe ernments always and everywhere. The terror that lurks behind bourgeois “justice” and bourgeole “democracy” was displayed ‘in’ afl its hideousness during the last daye of the Commune and after. ‘The history of those last dark days are well known: how the Communarda, hopelessly outnumbered by the re- actionary forces, entrenched theme selves behind hastily-built ‘bare ricades in the streets of Paris, de= termined to defend themselves te the last drop of blood; how for weeks they withstood the Versail- lese assaults, stubbornly contesting every inch of ground; how the Versaillese finally poured into Paris and commenced a wholesale mas- sacre of men, women and children, which for ferocity and cruelty was without parallel in' modern history. Captured workers were herded to~ gether indiscriminately by the fifties and hundreds and, ‘without even the mockery of @ trial, were mowed down by the murderous mitrailleuses (machine gums), & the order of Thiers, “that mone strous gnome.” There is indispute able proof that many wounded workers were hurled into pits with the dead, and buried alive, In one week alone — the last “Bloody Week” of May— 40,000 defenseless Communards were massacred, ‘Thus was accomplished the, “vic~ tory of order, justice and civilizae tion” of Thiers, MacMahon, and their fellow butchers. Their-Joathe some tasks finished, they listened to the paeans of praise sung by the capitalist press throughout, the world. Said the New York Herald after the holocaust: “M. Thiere has behaved with so much firmness hitherto that he has a claim to our confidence.” Quoth the New. York Times, not to be outdone: “The streets of Paris are strewn with the bodies of insurgents....the Vere saillese troops have behaved nobly.” The Commune met defeat, but not death. March 18, 1871, was the prelude to November 7, 1917, The voice of proletarian revolt, first clearly enunciated by it, has swel- led to a world-wide roar, finding its triumphant and inspiring ez- pression in the building of the workers’ republic in the Sovies Union. ———— ee To this must be added the nue merous cases of legal lynching, frame-up attacks, etc. The Bonnie Lee Ross, Orphan Jones and George Davis cases, the case of George Moore, sentenced to death in North Carolina for stealing a pait of shoes; the massacre of 0 Negro workers by the police of Otis cago and Cleveland, ete, ete. ©” The recent. deporting ‘back @p Durham, N. C., of the pel Negro worker, Brisbane, by | of Connecticut, and the roast proposal to forcibly return'te the South the unemployed Negroes of the North, is part of the Scottebore and general lynch terror, part of the whole scheme of beating down the national struggles of the Negro masses and of forcing them starve, in submission to the rule of the capitalists in the North, as well as in the South. s New Historical Developments in the Scottsboro Case By A. D. ‘The exposure of the Scottsboro frame-up has brought to the fore several important developmeii.s, in the history of the barbarous op- pression of the Negro, that are of vital interes) to the American working class. In the legal history of America, the Scottsboro case takes its place beside the celebrated Dred Scott decision, and in some respects outranks the latter. It will be rc. ombered that the Dred Scott decision, handed down in 1856 by the United States Supreme Court, declared that the Negro slave could not be looked upon as a human being, but only as a chattel, no different than a piece of furniture. According to Joseph Brodsky, one of the International Labor Defense attorneys defending the Scottsboro boys, both the Dred Scott decision and the Scottsboro case involve the fundamental question as to whether Negroes are to be treated as human beings. “Just as the U. S. Supreme Court denied them this right in the former instance, so does the present case prove that they are still deprived of the ele- mental rights supposedly granted to all men by the Constitution, Throughout wide sections of the country Negroes are not permitted to serve on juries, are denied fair trials, and are subjected to a thousand and one other discrimi nations, in courts and elsewhere.” “In at least two respects the Scotishoro trial is of far greater significance than the Dred Scott case,” Brodsky continued. “Firstly, the struggle to free the Scottsboro boys has the Negro masses solidly behind it, and actually stands as a symbol of the awakening of t Negroes and their determination to fight for their rightful place in the sun, The Dred Scott decision, on the other hand, merely represented one phase in the battle between the Northern industrialists and the Southern plantation owners. The Negro was only used as a pawn in the struggle for mastery of these two contending factions of the rul- ing class; the active participation of Negroes was negligible. “Also of tremendous historic im- portance in the present defense of the nine Negro boys is the fact that it symbolizes above all the un- ity of white and black workers against white and black exploiters.” It might also be pointed out that the protests that have poured in from all parts of the earth have shown the ever-strengthening sol- idartiy of the world working class. ‘The “legal lynching” factor in the Scottsboro trial has not been sufficiently emphasized, in the opinion of Irving Schwab another I. L. D. lawyer engaged on the . “Legal lynching is not merely a phrase,” he said, “it is a terrible reality. It represents a definite development in the systematized campaign of terror and oppression carried on by the ruling class in the South against the Negro mas- ses. Frightened by the growing ‘protests against the barbaric prac- tice of lynching, the authorities have been f to discard their crude tactics of open lynching and to adopt a more subtle and refined method of terror. Legal lynching is their cynical answer to univer- sal protest.” Even the smallest towns have developed legal lynching into a science. Instead of lynching some helpless Negro outright—stringing him up on a tree, burning him at the a stake, or shooting him full of holes—and thereby chancing ® scandal, all that is necessary js to throw the victim into jail, f frame up any sort of flimsy evidence against him, hand-pick a jury, and of course the judge may always be depended upon to do the “right thing” for the boss class, ‘This pro- ces takes a little longer, ‘but it ts more certain of success, and bee sides, it has the oder of ‘yespect- ability. The N.A.A.C.P, is sure te send a servile letter of congratas lation on the refined manner in which the victim was murdered. Scottsboro offers = typical exam- ple of this new phase in the South. ‘The boys were kept in jail without knowing what they were . being charged with; they were not given a chance to obtain adequate coun- sel; an atmosphere of Intense race prejudice was artfully manuface tured for the occasion; the “trial” was rushed through at breakneck: speed; the crude nature..of the framed-up svidence boys was illustrated by the, highly contradictory statements of. the State witnesses; the State. delibere erately suppressed all evidence fave oring the boys, etc. The result of the farcical trial was of course foregone conclusion, Bidens cution, and jury worked hand te glove. When the jury that sat in the trial of the Patterson boy came into the courtroom to announee its verdict, Judge Hawkins, whe was supposed to be unaware.of the decision, warned the audience now to cheer, whistle, or applaud when) the verdict was given. “If you do,” he is reported to have sald,. “they | may demand a new trial”, Ine; numerable examples like . the one, mentioned prove the Scottsbore) frame-up to be the most glaring instance of legal lynching in Amepe }