The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 2, 1932, Page 4

f Bubtiehed by the Comprodeity Hebilbbing Gs, tno, Gy eieeyt City, of 8) Bist Mth SH. New York City. N. ¥. - alt checks to the Daily Worker, 50 Beet 12th Sires, Mew Tetephons Ateonadie ¢-7666. Cadte if ALABAMA DISTRICT CALLSTO ANSWER THE MURDER | Party Recruiting Drive January 11 - March 18, 1932 OF COMRADE SIMMS BY BUILDING THE PARTY By BURNS murder must be w determination the South to or- to live. Simms was the nswer the e be , mi murder of and. League in the Soi zation. We are drive for n y in the members to the Party We must make every effort to more than double our present membership. This can be done if every comrade is determined that fill our ranks wi w workers to take f a re- e of Comrade Simr This District covers a great deal of territory and includes the greatest industrial center of well as numerous ports for ship This District also includes the majority of the Black Belt where the majority of the Negro masses live. In time of war against the Soviet Union and [ the present attack upon the Chinese workers will supply great amounts shipments and to stop the production of such supplies. With the danger of a new World and 1 attack upon the Soviet Union ever growing nearer we must make greater efforts than ever before to build our Party and the YCL. We must make efforts to penetrate every big plant and every port in the District. We must get our roots firmly entrenched in these industries vhich will supply the supplies for war against | the Soviet Union. This is the work that Com~- imms was doing and we must take it up off. ust take up the fight against White ism that alms to divide the workers of ith. We must point out to all workers as the Kentucky miners that Comrade was murdered because of his activities t any forms of racial discrimination as as his determination to organize the work- | ide by side, black and white, against the War vy comrade of this district as a memorial to Comrade Simms should pledge himself to bring in at least one new member to the Party. Every Party Unit and YCL Unit must see that not only new members are recruited but that hese new members are kept within our ranks and developed into new leaders of the workers of the South. The Units must conduct their new members’ classes regularly in order t train | Become a better leader of the working | these new workers into # revolutionary under- | standing of the Party and YCL. The comrades must overcome the present tendencies of ne- giecting shop activities as the amount of new members brought in are almost wholly unem- ployed workers which points out that where there are no activities no new members are re- cruited. There must be a point of concentration worked out for every section and on the basis of our activities to build the YCL and Party. @ tendency of capitulation before Chauvinist tendencies of the miners expressed in the discrimination of the out of relief which forced many Negro miners back to work. Our work among the ets must be carried on more intensely than fore and we must draw in large numbers Negro miners into the Party and YCL. have proven they are just as good the white miners and as such are just as material for the Party and YOLs. be- 1. To fill the place of Comrade Simms with a more than doubled Party and YCL member- | ship, and with the aim to make them mass organizations. 2. To increase our activities among the work- ers in the shops and on the docks for the pur- pose of establishing new shop nucleus among these workers. 3. To carry on a determined fight im this district for the defense of the Soviet Union and against the imperialist attack upon the Chinese Revolution. This fight to develop through our shop activities. 4. To fight against White Chauvinism more relentlessly and to overcome the shortcomings of the recruiting of new members in Kentucky by increasing our efforts to draw in Negro workers to the Party and YOL. 5. To demand assistance of the entire Party to help organize the masses of fearfully exploited Negro workers in the Black Belt. 6. To establish regular classes for new mem- bers to keep them im the Party and also train new forces for our revolutionary work. Every one of these points can be carried and will be carried out if every eomrade redouble his efforts and will prove that the work of Comrade Simms has shown him how A CHICAGO DISTRICT REPRESENTATIVE VISITS PITTS- BURGH TO SUBMIT REVOLUTIONARY COMPETI- TION IN THE RECRUITING DRIVE. IN the basis of the revolutionary competition in the present recruiting drive, the Chicago District sent a comrade to Pittsburgh to per- sonally bring the challenge to the Party mem- bership of that district. The general results, according to the membership of the Pittsburgh District and the leading comrades there, were very good, because it helped to stimulate the recruiting drive and also helped to connect the similarity of the two districts as to the in- dustries and struggles. Two section conferences were visited, four street units and two steel shop units. On the Section functionaries’ meetings that were at- tended I want to draw a picture of these sec- tions, compared to some of the sections here in Chicago. All the comrades were new comrades, entered the Party in the last few months on the Basis of the miners’ strike. Nevertheless, one | of these sections, the New Kensington section, had all proletarians in it; unfortunately prac- tically all unemployed. The revolutionary com- petition was well received and understood by them and they raised their quota from 60 mem- bers, the District alloted to them, to 120 mem- bers, concentrating on the major shops and fac- tories in the territory, the mines, the Mellon Aluminum Plant and a cement plant in Verona. Many of the comrades took the floor and dis- eussed concretely how to carry on the struggles nthe mines, factories and among the unem ployed. The miners there receive 35 cents a ton for hand-loading and at one of the mines, the Pennsylvania Fuel Co. the miners that work have to go to the vation Army to get relief There were two Negro comrades present, who both took the floor, one of them stating his the day of quitting the Party as a result of a Scottsboro meeting which was held in New Ken- ington, at which only three Negro workers showed wp, including himself. According to hese two Negro comrades, there is quite a lot of <res ent against the Negro workers, even icketing at the time of the strike on jointly. Iam giving this example of the section con- ference, which was general in all the places T visited. At this section conference it seemed that the Agitprop was not a very big factor among the Party members, because, as some of the comrades stated after the meeting, when the leading comrades from Pittsburgh spoke, it “sounded lke Greek” to them. ‘The other section conference I visited was in the mining section, which includes the big steel town of Monessen; the mine unit of the Party in Avella, to which employed and unem- ployed miners belong; two Party street nuclei in Pittsburgh and a shop unit in the Jonex- | MINNEAPOLIS ACCEPTS CHICAGO'S NEW CHALLENGE Minneapolis has issued the following ac- ceptance of Chicago’s challenge in the recruit- ing drive: “We accept the challenge of the Chicago dis- trict to increase our recruiting quota by 50 per cent. We have practically fulfilled our quota ‘of recruiting 400 members, and we pledge to reeruit another 200 members before the end of | | }the drive. We have also reached 40 per cent Gf our quota of miners, and pledge to speed up the recruiting of metal miners, railroad workers, | packing house workers and metal workers and the organization of new shop and mine units. fe have organized 3 new shop and mine units Minnesota and Michigan, and pledge to ful- |: quota of 5 by the end of the drive.” Laughlin Steel and a shop unit in the Byers Pipe Co--all im Pittsburgh proper. Jones- Laughlin Steel shop unit at the meeting took | up concretely the grievances and the issuance of a bulletin and challenged the unit in Indiana Harbor, Also, I attended « mass meeting held in one of the tent colonies of the blacklisted Pittsburgh No. 3 Terminal Mine. This meeting waa to hear | plans for the proposed 10 per cent wage-cut in the Pittsburgh Termina] Mines, which the U. M. ‘W. A. has recognized as coal operators receiving a@ check-off of $1.50 per member each month. ‘The U.M.W.A. had been tying fis best ever since the strike to make the miners accept the 10 per cent wage-cut, which we were able to pre- vent, At this meeting there were only 25 pres- ent, only 10 of the employed miners from the “patch” and 15 of the blacklisted who live in the tent colony. I talked to one of the Negro Party members there and he also raised the question of white chauvinism of our white Party members. Generally speaking, throughout the whole field around Pittsburgh, the workers have confidence in the National Miners’ Union, but, because we did not develop local struggles and because of the absence of the Party, the miners have drifted away from the N.M_U. organizationally. According to the District Organizer of the NM.U,, there are some 120 locals of the Na- tional Miners’ Union in the th District, but they are all skeletons, according to the re- port, and many of them have today degenerated into pure relief-collecting egencies in which con- tinual fights take place over wallaf. ‘The Party fractions ere not functioning and in the NU. there are differences among the Party members themselves. In the steel mills we have much lees confi- dence in the workers because our activities have been all of 2 demonstrative character, mostly in breaking the terror. There are only a few nuclei in the steel mills and in all there are only 20 shop nuclei in Pittsburgh aliogether. The Party members and the workers outside of Pitte~ burgh are all enthusiastic in carrying out their Party tasks, but it seems that the organization of the Party and the Union has not tightened itself up. One of the most outstanding weaknesses of the Party is the fight against white chauvinism, which is rampant and evidenced everywhere. ‘The Party members are mostly foreign born. ‘The only Americans are the Megroes and 2 few young white comrades. The Y.C.L. hardly ex- ists in the coal fields. The Pittsburgh District has 11 sections, and, strangely, there is no section in Pittsburgh proper. All section organizers are full-time func- tionaries and it is clear that because of the un- employment of the large bulk of the member- ship, finances are practically non-existent. Taking Pittsburgh itself, was until a few weeks ago, a comparison of the old and new. There is no base of the District-in Pittsburgh, where, in contrast to Chicago, the outlying sections con- stitute the minority of the membership In Pittsburgh we find only four street unite of the Party with two shop unite. They are consti- tuted mostly of the old Party elements, with which the strike was conducted. There is no unemployed movement in Pittsburgh except the little skeleton Council on the North Side, which does not take up any struggles. Because of this, Father Cox had a very good base to build his movement, The exposnre of Father Cox's moves ment, the breaking away of workers from. his influence, was neglected completely. ‘The functioning of departments reflected it- x . By V. MOLOTOV. Part 5 ‘The theses point to the necessity of the “com- | plete abolition of the causes breeding class dif- | ferences and exploitation” Wherein is this to be expressed? We Bolsheviki know very well wherein this is expressed, as the Bolsheviki have accomplished the socialist revolution, which commences with the passing of the means of i the factories, society, into the basis of exploitation is the ownership by some in- of production and non- of them by others. This divides peo-~ ple into classes and breeds exploitation. We to big industry and the the means of production i achieving the abolition of the class differences and exploita- From what I have said tt is clear that the Hquidation of the capitalist elements the complete abolition of the causes which breed differences and exploitation, mean also the Nquidation of classes altogether. If there are no capitalist elements, i. €., no ex- Ploiters, and if the causes of class differences are completely liquidated, of what classes can one then speak? Then one can no longer speak of classes in the real sense of the word, Con- sequently, in making the complete abolition of capitalist elements the task of the second Five- Year Plan, we at the same time inevitably put the task of liquidating classes in general. Of course the liquidation of the capitalist ele- ments is bound up with enormous difficulties, with the overcoming of the desperate attempts at resistance on the part of the kulaks and the toilers of the village against the kulaks ang against all bourgeois-capitalist elements. In interpreting the question of the abolition classes there still exist not a few elements of tism which has nothing to do with Marx- with its theory of development. Here nucle! have been organized, work is heing done in the steel mills by the comrades in the units, and while Pittsburgh lacks the unemployed movement that we haye and also the tighter organization, the lesson of the Pittsburgh Dis- ‘iets thet the workers can be led in economic battles today under the leadership of our move- \ | and mistakes. (ee 1B Ly Samat a By mail everywhere: One yea: of Mankattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $3; six montha, $4.50. | smoke screen of pacifism. x. $0; six months, $8; two months, $1; excepting Berougie 4 == REVOLUTIONARY UNION AND INT'L WOMEN’S DAY By WM. Z. FOSTER. question of the organization and develop- ment of the struggle of women workers be- comes more and more important with the deep- ening of the capitalist crisis. It has been one of the serious weaknesses of the TUUL not to have paid far greater attention to this vital task. International Women’s Day on March 8th must mark a turning point in this respect and ini- tiate real organization work of the revolution- ary unions among the great army of women toilers. The woman worker constantly plays a more important role in industry. Through the ra- tionalization process, and through preparations ' for the capitalist war, in¢reasingly large num- bers of women are being brought into industry. This is true not only of light industry, but of heavy industry as well. During the years 1920- 30 there has been an increase of 2,500,000 women workers, as compared with an increase of 500,000 from 1910 to 1920—during the World War period. One of the principal aims of the employers in bringing such large masses of women into in- dustry is to beat down wage standards, by com- pelling these unorganized women to work for lower rates even than the poverty wages paid to unorganized men workers. Since the begin- ning of the present crisis, the wages of women have gone down 30 to 40 per cent. There has also been a lengthening of their hours, in- creased speed-up. They have suffered acutely from unemployment—about 2,500,000 women workers are now jobless. They are the victims of poverty, and destitution in its worst forms. Of course, the Negro women workers suffer most acutely from all this exploitation and “poverty. ‘They are discriminated against in every way, | and are forced to do the hardest work at low- est wages. ‘The experience, especially during the present” + crisis, shows clearly that the women will not @ accept these conditions unreststingly. All over + y, the country they have shown a real fighting spirit in many of our strikes—in Lawrence, Pat- erson, New York dress strike, including the Pittsburgh and Kentucky strikes. They have been leaders in the fight for unemployment in- surance, for local relief, against evictions and high cost of living. Take the cases of Clarina Michelson, Doris Parks, Ann Barton, Dorothy Ross, Julio Parker, Marguerite Fontaine in Ken- tucky. The TUUL unions, especially textile, must take up far more seriously the question of organiza- tion of the women workers, giving special at~ tention to the building of functioning women’s departments, bringing forward women’s de- mands, fighting against the dismissal of mar ried women. The percentage of women in the industrial unions is far too small. It does not reflect the growing number of women in basic industries snd the degree of militancy and participation of ,women in the strikes and unemployment struggles led by the TUUL, The March 8th campaign must be utilized everywhere for recruiting women into revolu- tionary unions. Attention should also be paid to drawing the women workers of AFL unions into the revolutionary minorities organized in these unions. The March 8th demonstrations must be made teal mass movements. Every TUUL union should mobilize its membership for full support and Participation in the demonstrations. Interna- tional Women’s Day must be made a day of struggle against special exploitation of women, against imperialist war and in defense of the Chinese masses and the Soviet Union. The Pacifists Prepare War By TONY MINERICH. E pacifists are a necessary part of the cap- italist: system. It is their job to cover up the bosses’ war prep- aration with a smoke screen of “pacifism.” The more they speak of “no more war,” “disarma- ment,” ete. the more the war preparations go on. The building of new battleships under the London Naval Treaty was carried out under the The last world war was also organized to a great extent by these same pacifists. The attorney for the White Guardist oil in- terests, Mr. Morris Hillquit, who is ‘also chair- man of the “socialist” party, proved this in the also the schematic ideas lead to great confusion ‘Therefore we have to deal with the question of the abolition of the classes somewhat in detail. : I begin with the question of the working-class. ‘To Marxists it should be clear that since the working-class captured power and took over con- trol of all means af production, big industry, transportation ete. it is no longer a proletariat in the direct sense of the word as it was under capitalism. In capitalist society the proletariat is deprived of the instruments of production and is therefore fettered with the chains of bourgeois exploitation. The position of the proletariat” under capitalism is the position of an enslaved and exploited social class. Simultaneously with the overthrow of the power of the bourgeoisie and the taking over from it of the means of produc- tion, the working-class becomes the dominating power in the State. From this moment there begins the liquidation of the capitalist class and the ground is prepared for the abolition of classes in general. Since the working-class of our country, in Oc- tober, 1917, achieved the biggest victory over the bourgeoisie in the history. of the whole world, since then—we have in the meantime already entered on the second decade—the working-class of the Soviet Union has not only freed itself from capitalist slavery, but has also become the ruling class which is building up the new socialist so- ciety. The historical role of the proletariat con- sists not only in its being the grave-digger of bourgeois society, but also in that it is the builder of the new socialist society. Thereby the State which the working-class creates after its victory is used by it in order to liquidate the capitalist elements and at the same time to abolish classes im general. To the extent to which the capitalist elements are abolished, the roots of all class dif- ferences are removed from society, and thereby there is prepared the abolition of all classes and thereby also of the working-class itself. The working-class of our country has already made great headway in liquidating the capitalist ele- ments. The following five yeurs will be that period in which the question of liquidating the capitalist elements and classes in general will arise in its whole magnitude. In fulfilling the task of liquidating classes the working-class plays a special role. As the ruling class, the working-class guides the whole work of socialist construction, including the liquidation of the capitalist elements and the transformation of small peasant economy on a socialist basis. Nay more, in the process of this fight for socialist Production, the working-class itself is re-edu- cated , in that it produces from its own ranks increasingly active and conscious builders of Socialism, and is steeled in the fight against the capitalist elements and in the fight to overcome petty bourgeois sentiments both in its own ranks and in the whole mass of the working | population. We will now deal with our peasantry, or more correctly said, the working masses of the pea- santry, as the question of the capitalist elements in the village has already been put. Since the October revolution, fundamental changes which must be overlooked have taken Place among the peasantry, This applies espe- cially and before all to the masses of collective peasants. Although the toiling try adopted the path of complete collectivisa¥gon only about 2 1-2 years ago, ‘t is clear to “fe it has finglly entered on path of Socialism. In the fight ageinst the kulaks the collective peasants tand there are already millions of them) have, under the leader- ship of the working-class and in their over- whelming mass, firmly entered the ranks of the builders of Socialism. ‘They, of course, fully realize what they were | before the October revolution. They cannot for- get what they were under the rule of the bour- goisie and of the landowners; that they were threatened with beatings by the police officers and the provincial officials and that they were frequently in the clutches of the priests and other “spiritual fathers.” The peasant who compared his situation with the state of the half-starved workers and the conditions of living of the un- employed under the rule of capital, and saw no way of improving his situation in life, clung to his small bit of property, and on this basis there arose the powerful habits of the small property ’ owner. In the period of the second Five-Year Plan the whole of the working masses of the village will be included in the socialist transformation on the basis of collectivization and highly de- veloped machine-technique. This cannot take place smoothly and automatically; it can proceed only in a hard struggle against the remnants of capitalism in the village, only in the fight for the organizational-economic consolidation of the col- lective farms, and thereby in the fight for the transformation of the small property-owner of yesterday and the collective peasant of today and tomorrow ‘into conscious and active builders of Socialism. There will still be vacillations among the masses of the peasants: they are unavoidable at various moments and in various spheres. These vacil- lations will become particularly noticeable where our work is weak and where, however, the kulak and the bourgeois elements are active. ‘There is no need to point out that the present collective peasants—-and in the next few years the great mass of them—are no longer the old peasants, the individual peasants of the pre- revolutionary period. In the years of the re- yolution and especially in the years of the rapid development of complete collectivization, pro- found changes have taken. place in the peasantry. ‘The peasant has become quite another man. From an ignorant, backward, taciturn drudge b? has become an active builder, an active collective farmer. Upon this basis, the ranks of active and conscious builders of Socialism in the village have grown so rapidly that one can say with conviction that in the second five years the whole of the working masses of the peasantry will be organized in collective farms, and thereby an end will be put to the rule of small property in the village which has obtained for centuries. Completely to abolish the capitalist elements in the village means to carry out complete collec- tivization. This can be accomplished only in an inexorable fight against the kulaks and in the fight for the socialist re-education of the masses - of collective peasants, for the strengthening of proletarian discipline on the collective farms, for the decisive improvement of the organization of the work of collective peasants. The organiza- tion of this struggle under the leadership of the Communist Party is our chief work in the vil- lage. The result of the successful fight under this banner will be the abolition not only of the capitalist elements but also of small property economy in the village. This also means that we are faced with the task of abolishing the capitalist elements and classes generally. Our workers and our collective peasants are already, for the greater part, in the ranks of the active builders of Socialism. The task of com- Pletely abolishing the capitalist elements and Classes im genera! is at the same time the task of converting the whole of the working population of the country into conscious and active builders of the classless socialist society, The realization of the task of creating a classless society in the second Five-Year-Plan is becoming a practical __ | atain the Young: Conmnnist Jast war. He made speeches against the war, but was making speeches for the .war when the bosses were actually going into war. His news- paper, supposed to carry on the fight against bosses’ war, was recruiting soldiers for the United States army. Now that the war is actually on in Manchuria, some of these pacifists are changing their tune, ~ Of course many of the leaders will still speak and write against large armies. They will ate | tend so-called disarmament conferences. These “ are necessary so the bosses. can better prepare. But others—who have made such speeches for years--will come out in the name of “pacifism” for larger armies and navies. This brings us to the Rey. Edward Russell Evans, M.A. What the M.A. stands for, we do not know. But the Reverend stands for a large army and navy. In this he is no piker. He wants “a navy sécond to none.” Writing in the Fascist, Ne- tional Republic for January, 1932, the preacher starts out as follows: “I am a pacifist. War is a source of meesureless evils. It is even worse than what Sherman said it was.” And it will be remembered that Sherman said “War is hell,” and the preachers are always telling us there is no place worse than hell, But then the fellow- | preacher of Norman Thomas goes on to his real | purpose, y “Now, because I am a pacifist, I earnestly ad- vocate that my country maintain @ navy second to none, and the nucleus of an army disciplined and equipped to the ultimate standards of mod- , erness.” When the pacifists speak this way, we have additional proof that the world war is here. ‘The “preacher pacifist” then remembers the “ thousands of students in this country. And, of course, knowing that most of them will not be able to get a job, or get unemployment insur- ance when they are out of school, the reverend thinks of them. He says: “Also, that our schools and colleges maintain military drill of the high- est order.” This is the bosses’ answer to the movement against war in. the schools and col~ leges of this country. This also proves that the bosseS will soon be asking or telling the stu- dents to join the armed forces. In his article the Reverend Evans also tries to be funny. He says: “I trust I hold a medium position in this matter, not advocating the ex- treme of preparedness nor the minimum of it.” We do not know how the “soul saver” figures: this out when he asked for “a navy second to none” and “an army disciplined and equipped. to the ultimate standards of moderness.” But this is pacifism. Further, about the army and navy, the preacher says: “Don’t boast about it. Don't keep showing it. Use it only when you are ab- solutely compelled to. But when you do employ it, make your opponent see more stars than ths latest astronomic camera can reveal.” This, of course, is just what happened during the last war. The preachers spent many years in telling us, “Thou shall not kill,” and after the war is on, the same preachers BL! THE GUNS, AMMUNITION AND BAYONETS and tell you to cut the guts out of the other fellow. Reverend Edward Russell Evans, M.A., is hold« ing to this tradition. ‘These pacifist leaders are helping prepate the war. They have two jobs. One is to disarm the workers, poor farmers and working-class students. The other is to help the boss class prepare for war. Now that the war is on, some of the pacifist leaders are openly calling for bigger navies, more soldiers, more military train ing for the youth. On the other hand, the Communists and other workers are carrying on a fight against the bosses’ war preparation. They ficht against pacifism and the pacifist leaders. We are carrys ing on ‘the teachings of Lenin, educating the workers and arming them with knowledge to fight against the bosses’ war, to fight against — the bosses’ pacifist allies, to turn the coming bosses’ war against the boss class. History is with us. Already one-sixth of the globe hat paved the way. In China the workers and | ants are following'the same path of the ie) workers. ; In the fight against the last war, the Young _ Communist International was born. Our Young _ Communist League, the American section of the _ Y. ©. L. is carrying on the fight against the te ent bosses’ war. ‘The League, in order to better, | fight against the bosses’ war. mus! recruit thous sands of new members. ‘The Young Communist League is conducting a big recruiting drive. It is leading the in the fight against the bosses’ war. In fight against pacifism and the pacifist ‘Your place is n the ranks of the fighting } Leagne, een Tone