The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 1, 1932, Page 4

aa Page Four th St, New Ada York City. ess and mail all checks to the WW Puvvened By the Comprodaity Publishing Ca, Inc, dally Steept Sunday, af 80 Bast f 1 one ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DATWORK.” Worker, 50 Bast 15th Street, New York, N. ¥. N. of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. —————— 7 By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, 31; excepting Boroughs Foreign: one year, $8; six montha, $4.50, ‘STALIN AND HIS CREATURES: (Counter-Revolution’s Outpost in Prinktpo) By BILL DUNNE ] The personal situation of Stalin and his limited group is tottering precariously... Stalin and his creatures have discovered with horror that ‘Trotsky contraband’ has pierced its way Into historical research, historical journals and even into school books.” —Trotsky, in an interview given to the Asso- ciated Press in Prinkipo, Turkey, Feb. 26. “Moscow, Feb. 26 (Asso. Press).—The Soviet Government, it was learned today, made a formal demand last Wednesday on Koki Hi rota, Japanese ambassador, for an explanation of a proposal of the Japanese command in Manchuria to use the Chinese way, partly Russian-owned, for troop trans- portation, charging that “in reality the troops were expected to be sent to the Soviet border.” “Prague, Feb. 26 (Asso. Press).—The Czecho slovakian government has granted permission to Leon Trotsky for a three months residence with the provision that the Turkish govern- ment must agree to allow his return at the end of that period.” recise moment when ced with the sharpest ‘ive of world impe- t the country of socialist construc- himself with added venom in the t camp and to join in the new drive t leadership of the Commun- jet Union—the leader of in the November re- idation of the proletarian the building of socialism. gle honest worker who will me conclusion. TROTSKY h I the soviet s—one of the most imperialism —de- rom the same angle and in the same tone the imperialist press the world over. More alist war song: 4 n Tottering In Wave of Workers’ Oppo- sition To Methods, Trotsky Asserts,” says one e in the New York Evening Post — the piece of Lamont, partner in the House of J. P. Morgan and Company. sis exactly what Count Ilyich Tolstoy, white f the anarchist writer, asserts in a “Liberty.” This is what Ham- nmunist Party and the working class, is never serting.” Woll says. All counter-revoluitonists are “friends of the Russian workers and peasanis” but they are against their leadership — and Trotsky in his - latest interview stands condemned before: the working class, not “by evidence manufactured by “the Stalinist bureaucracy,” but by his own words, by open counter-revolutionary acts in a united “front with the forces of imperialist reaction throughout the world Trotsky did not break “his ban on interviews” at the moment when the workers and peasants of China are performing deeds of heroism never exceeded in their struggle against imperialist in- vasion headed by Japan to issue a call to his followers and dupes to rally to the defense of the Soviet Union and the Chinese revolution. Trotsky, the “revolutionist.” Trotsky, who is “more to the “left” than the leadership of thc Communist International and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Trotsky, who yelled “degeneration” and “Thermidorism” against organized internal warfare against the Commun- ist Party of the Soviet Union and the Five- Year Plan, whose ements now make him tidiculous before millions of workers and colonial peoples, Trotsky, who tried to place on his own shoulders the mantle of Lenin, Trotsky, who accuses the Leninist leadership of the C:P,S.U. of falsifying revolutionary history, Trotsky, who admits in his counter-revolutionary interview | “that he interprets and writes the history of the | Russian Revolution to suit himself, Trotsky, who has not the intellectual honesty to admit that | the Soviet Union has made its greatest stride ‘since he was eliminated from leadership—a fact the whole world, capitalist and working class knows—Trotsky, who now assails the leadership of the C.P.S.U., which carried on victorious) when he saw only defeat and advocated retrea from the socialist front—now finds in the impe- ““Fialist press a heartier welcome than ever be fore The thunderous welcome to Trotsky’s attack | “ven drowns out for the moment the explosive | ;.flamor of guns and bombs as they rain death | ¢9nd destruction upon the fighting Chinese mas- es, it drowns out the tramp of the Japanese | troops and their white guard allies on the East “erm frontier of the Soviet Union, it rises above #he constant num of munitions and armament iactories in a dozen countries turning out weap- ons of death for use of imperialist: arinie fihe Soviet Union and the magnificent . ipf the Chinese workers and peasants for liber- yetion from conditions worse than death, forced won them by the same enemies of the working telass the world over with whom ‘Trotsky long ‘ago joined forces. He now gives additional con- “crete proof of this unity. Trotsky pictures for his imperialist allies the rise of a new movement. of revolt inside the Soviet Union. What could delight more the hearts of the im- SieaPerialist bandits? The united front against the Soviet Union is complete—from Wall Street's Hoover government to Trotsky—it is the leader of @ movement too “revolutionary” for the ¢.P. S.U. who again assures the imperialists that there is dissension in the ranks of the Soviet masses as Japanese troops and white guards- the advance forces of the imperialist offensive— prowl on the Soviet frontier. It takes one who has given some thought to the question as to how best take advantage of , the imperialist attack on the Soviet Union and its Bolshevik leadership to explain that the “eco nemie and cultural successes of the Soviet Un- jon” themselves are the car of a new mass + movement “directed against ; » dictatroship of the Stalin faction.” ‘If this were so, Trotsky would be hailed as the : savior of the masses of the Soviet Union since, *. according to his analysis, one must have a for~ ; “ula of faiture in order to achieve and maintain ; bolle Add Rao A « t loyalty and leadership. Success for the revolution brings deféat for tis leadership —this is the Trotskyist’ explanation, made with unexampled hypocrisy, so as to give a “revolutionary” basis for the counter-revolu- tionary tales of the growing weakness of the pro- letarian power, to encourage its class enemies and make the task of boycott, invasion and waz, seem easier to. accomplish, In this way ‘Trotsky attempts to solve for tm- n the glaring contradiction between the cesses of the Soviet Power on all fronts of socialist construction, their own lies intended for workers’ consumption, and his own conflicting | statements—also for consumption of workers. Eastern Rail | actually set the pitch for | n-enemy of the Soviet Union, the | This is what Matthew | | | | Surely, it is no mere coincidence that the government of Czechoslovakia, that puppet of Prench imperialism, within whose frontiers are the great Skoda armament works, now running night and day on orders for Japanese, Polish, Rumanian and other imperialist armise, granta Trotsky permission for a three-months stay at the very moment he is preparing his counter- revolutionary statement for the imperialist press of the world and the imperialist attack en the | Chinese masses and the Soviet Unton reaches a new high point. It was the Czechoslovakian embassy in Mos- cow in which was concocted the provocative pict to kill the Japanese ambassador and precipitate war by Japan upon the Soviet Union just prior to the new drive of Japan in Manchuria and the murderous imperialist attack upon the Chin- ese masses in and around Shanghai Every honest worker will draw the correct con- clusion from this significant arrangement which has as its purpose the presentation to Trotsky of a base closer to the Soviet Union, in the very center of imperialist plots on the western front- ier of the Soviet Union, for his counter-revolu- tionary utterances and acts. From Prague he can speak wih even greater “authority” in aid of imperialist banditry. Trotsky even boasts in his Associated Press interview of the fact that he still carries on dis- tuptive activity and sabotage inside the Soviet Union and admits that the charges made by Comrade Stalin in his letter denouncing the revision of Leninism and the “rotten Hberalism” of certain intellectual elements, under the guise of writing “history,” are true. He does not do this in the words I use, of course, but certainly the following quotation from his interview is clear to anyone who can understand the Eng- lish language: “The bureaucratic faction of Stalin... try to prove their special rights by their role in the fight against the Czar and in the October Revolution. Thus are created apocryphal his- tories and thus is apocryphal history written... I have devoted my time on ‘this island prin- cipally to historical work... The veritable pic- ture of the revolution of 1917, which I have made on the basis of positive and indisputable documents, is in complete disaccord with the official legend of Stalin bureaucracy. Stalin and his creatures have discovered with horror that Trotsky ‘contraband’ has pierced its way into historical research, historical journals and even into school books. In November of last year Stalin gave the signal for beginning the recent campaign against the Trotskyists.” (My emphasis). “Stalin and his creatures...” So says every counter-revolutionist in every country of the globe! “Stalin and his creatures”—the Bolshevik Par- ty which leads, by Trotsky’s own admission, the working class and peasantry of the Soviet Union to ever greater “economic and cultural succeses,” they have falsified Leninism, they have “created apocryphal histories...” Not Trotsky, who exiled | for sabotage, obstruction and defeatism, now “building socialism in one country,” Trotsky, who | writes, responsible to no one but himself—and of course especially now to the exigencies of world imperialism—‘the veritable picture of the revolution of 1917.” Life itself has proved that the enemies of the working class prefer Trotsky’s “history” of the revolution to Bolshevik history. Naturally, it serves their purposes much better. ‘Trotsky himself has proved in his latest bid for imperialist toleration the necessity and cor- rectness of the fight made against him by the C.P.S.U. Especially has he proved, in this hour of peril for the proletarian revolution and its | fortress, the Soviet Union, its allies, the colonial peoples fighting through their challenge to im- perialism as are the Chinese masses, in this period which demands the utmost from the for- ces of the revolutionary working class through- out the world, that he breaks “hig Ban on in- terviews” to join with the imperialists and their press in the attack against the leadership of the masses of the Soviet Union; an attack which presages a life and death struggle between decay- ing capitalism and the world’s working class and its allies led by the Communist International and its sections, for defense of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Revolution and the overthrow of capitalism. following the trail blazed by the heroic proletariat of the Soviet Union. The attention of the whole. world, capitalist and working class, is focussed on the tremendous events in the Far East. The unswerving reso- lution and heroic and skillful struggle of the Chinese masses has amazed and dismayed the imperialists and aroused the admiration nad enthusiasm of the working class, ‘The world resounds to the thunder of imperialist war, ‘The class forces are forming in battle array. ‘Trotsky takes his place, long held vacant for him, and marches openly in the intelligence staff of counter revolution. He ends the interlew: » +. one can, in this tranquillity and isola- tion, ponder quietly and to ther very end upon the logical succession of events and in that light upon the role of parties and men. Two-thirds of my time is consecrated to this . . . and one-third of all my time is devoted to articles and pam- phiets on current political events.” No class conscious worker needs to “ponder quietly” upon the role of Trotsky. Out of his own mouth he proves once more that he is to be counted as @ member of the counter-revoln- tionary propaganda staff of world imperialism He is a valuable asset to the enemies of the Soviet Union and the world revolution but this has long ago been discounted by the hundreds of thousands of proletarian recruits into the | revolutionary ranks, and by deepening crisis of world capitalism, ‘Trotsky’s latest eounter-revolutionary outburst, his verbal barrage laid down against the Soviet Union, the proletaorian revolution and its Len- On the Second 5-Year Plan By V. MOLOTOV. «:;§aiay, Part 4 rai How is i to be explained that, at a time when the Party successfully developed socialist con- struction and in spite of the resistance of the capitalist elements advanced rapidly, that at this time groups were to be found in it (some of which were for a time very large) which en- gaged in a fight against the Party, and in this fight spared neither words nor honour? In the meantime it has become evident that precisely because Socialism had already at that time achieved tremendous successes, in that it successfully ousted the remnants of capitalism, precisely therefore oppositional tendencies arose which expressed the vaccillations of the petty bourgeois strata. These oppositional tendenci both of the “Left” and the Right variety, re- felcted in a corresponding manner the pressure of the bourgeois elements which, for quite un- derstandable reasons, opposed the policy of the Party and found a peculiar reflection of their sentiments even within our Party. Is it due to chance that precisely in those years in which the Party successfully ousted private capital from its last refuge in the town, from trade and home-work, that precisely at this time there arose an opposition, headed by Trot- zky, against the policy of the Party? In order to conceal their bourgeois tendencies, Trotzky and his followers had to make use of “Left” phrases and “fine” gestures, It even happened that often certain elements which, true, were politically naive, but nevertheless close to the Party, were caught by this bait. But the actual nature of the “Trotzkyist platform” was marked by un- belief in the possibility of a victory of the work- ing class over the capitalist elements under the given circumstances, by unbelief in the building up of Socialism in the Soviet nion; and this led the Trotzkysts to actual capitulation to the bour- geois elements. They were only the mouthpiece of all those private capitalist elements in trade, ete., which were rapidly ruined in the years 1925-27. Further, is it due to mere chance that pre- cisely at that time when we developed the at- tacks on the kulaks—the last buttress of capital- ism in the village—that precisely at this time there arose a new opposition of the Right op- portunist type? In fact we know that this op- position was in the first place a peculiar mis- erable wail of the bourgeois kulak elements in the village who have been ruined. Meanwhile, the resistance of the kulaks and of the bourgeois intellectuals allied with them was 80 great, espe- cially in the years 1928 and 1929, that prominent. members of our Party were at the head of the Right-opportunist opposition at that time. ‘Life has, in the main, drawn the lessons from the fight against opportunism im its two most important varieties. Trotskyism has secured its place as the advance-guard of the bourgeois counter-revolution and has become a supplier to the latter of ideas for the fight against the proletarian revolution. Right opportunism, which is obviously the expression of bourgeois influ- the combat battalions of the working class and colonial peoples. “Stalin and his ecreatures”—this insult to the leadership of the C. P., S. U. and all who support. the Soviet Power, coinciding with the mobili- zation of imperialist forces against the Soviet Union, the Chinese Revolution and the world’s working class, driven to the lowest depths of misery by mass unemployment and hunger, wlil be hurled back with such force that the ship of Trotskyism, loaded with its counter-revolution- ary armaments for use in America, and all other countries, will be deserted by the honest workers still among its crew, and sumk in the very harbor of world imperialism to whiose aid it sails. ‘Those who stand with Trotskyism today can no longer conceal their allegiance to counter revolution with headquarters in Prinpiko and in the imperialist capitals. But it is not in Prinpiko that we fight ‘Trot- skyism—but here in the United States. With the aid of the Communist International and of the American working class we will rally the masses against counter revolution and in de- fense of the Soviet Union and its Bolshevik lead- ership to whose destruction by world imperialism ence upon the proletafiat, is one of the chief suppliers of ideological wares to our class enemies. The Party exposed both these anti- Leninist deviations and raised the question whether Trotskyism and Right opportunism was compatible with membership of the Party. The Party has become steeled in the fight against these anti-Leninist tendencies; it has grown and has moved a step higher. This is one of the decisive prerequisites for our further vic- tory. IL. The Political Character of the Second Five- Year Plan. 2 The political character of the second Five- Year Plan is formulated in the theses as fol- lows: “The XVII Party Conference of the C. P. S. U. is of the opinion that the vast natural resources of the country, the Bolshevist tempo of socialist construction, the increasing activity of the broad masses of workers and collective farmers and the correct line of the Party will-fully secure such a development of the productive forces of | Socialist economy in the second five years, that as a result the capitalist elements in the Soviet Union will be finally liquidated. The Conference .is of the opinion that the fundamental political task of the second Five-Year Plan is the final liquidation of the capitalist elements and of classes in general, the complete removal of the causes which produce class differences and ex- ploitation, the overcoming of the remnants of capitalism in economy and in the minds of the people, the conversion of the whole of the work- ing population of the country into conscious and active builders of the classless socialist society. “On the basis of the liquidation of the parastic class elements and the general increase of the national income, over which the workers have complete disposal, a considerably more rapid in- crease in the well-being of the working and peasant masses is to be achieved. ‘The Confer- ence is of the opinion that the supplies to the population of articles of necessity, including foodstuffs, must by the end of the second Five- Year Plan be increased at least two to three- fold, compared with the end of the first Five- Year Plan.” In the part of the theses just quoted, there is fully and entirely given the political character of the second Five-Year Plan. I need deal only with the most important expositions contained in this part of the thesis. In beginning with the question of classes and of the class struggle. The theses say that the fundamental political tasks of the second Five- Year Plan include “the final liquidation of the capitalist elements and of classes in general” and “the conversion of the whole of the work- ing population of the country into conscious and active builders of the classless socialist society.” These words express the chief elements of the political character of the second Five-Year Plan. Marxism-Leninism teaches that Socialism is the abolition of classes, that Socialism is the creation of the classless society. In the words just quoted, therefore, there is formulated the task of establishing Socialism. Is the task in regard to classes correctly set up here? Is the task of abolishing classes as set up in the theses of the C.C. capable of realization? In my opinion this task is not only correct, not only capable of being carried out, but that only such a political setting of the tasks of the, second Five-Year Plan follows from the policy of the Party, from Marxism, ‘The chief question that must be considered here is, how far is it correct that in the second Five-Year Plan we can set ourselyes/the task of finally abolishing the capitalist elements. That is the essence of the question. If one approaches the question of classes in the following five years from this angle, then, and only then, can one concretize the question and receive a clear and for a Bolshevik, indis- putable answer. Let us_examine the main question. ‘The economic plan adopted by the Party for the year 1932 assumes that, already at the end of the first Five-Year Plan, the share of the whole private sector in the national income will amount to less than 10 per cent. The next fact: ‘We have already more than 60 per cent of the peasant farms organized in collective farms; and there can be no doubt that the tasks set by the Party, practically to complete collectivization in the Soviet Union in the years 1932-33, will be fulfilled. This, however, means that already in the course of the next two years, as a result of complete collectivization, the liquidation of the main part of the capifalist elements in the vil- lage will be realized. To this there should be finally added that the capitalist elements in big industry have long since been ousted and that in small industry and commerce they are play- ing a rapidly decreasing role. Consequently, there can be no doubt that in the second Five- Year Plan the Party can and must put the task of finally liquidating the capitalist elements. But, it is objected, you may finally liquidate the capitalist elements, but tow is it with the liquidation of classes altogether? Such a put- ting of the question involves a big inner con~ ss sysorcx |Roll Up a Nation-Wide Wave of Protest Against Anti-Foreign-Born Bills By 8S. HORWATT, New York District Secretary for Protection | of the Foreign Born. delegation sent by the Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born and the Ine ternational Labor Defense will appear today bee fore the Immigration Committee of the United States Congress to state the opposition of hun- dreds of thousands of workers against the anti foreign born bills which are now being dealt with by this committee. All of these bills aim to serve more discrimina tion, more persecution and more deportation of foreign born. Among these bills there are two, which, if adopted by Congress, will not only re- strict the rights of foreign born but would also enslave them. The foreign born workers per- ticularly, would be hit by these bills to such an extent that it would absolutely deprive the foreign-born worker of the right to participate in any economic or political struggle for better living conditions or civil rights. | The bills we are referring to are the Hop- | kins H. R. No. 4979 and the Bachman Bill H. R. No. 1967. These two bills, which were intro- ducéd to the first session of the seventy-second Congress, provide for exclusion and expulsion of alien Communists, and it reads as follows: “Be it enacted by the Senate ard House of Repre- sentatives of the United States of America. ... That subdivision (a) of section 1 of the Act of October 16, 1918, as amended by the Act of June 5, 1920) U.S.C. Title 8, Sec. 137, is amended as follows: “(a) Aliens who are anarchists or Commu- nists.” Needless ‘to say that these two bills deprive the foreign born of their political rights granted by the Constitution of the United States. Let no one be misled that these bills can only be applied against “alien Communists.” On the contrary, these two bills will lay the juridicial justification for charging every and any foreign- born militant worker with anarchism, Commu- nism, and use against them, “the club of de- portation.” That this is going to take place we do not have to prophecy, since militant workers are al- ready being deported for the only crime of dis- tribution of leaflets or belonging to a militant trade union. It certainly will be interesting to mention here a few of the nearly two hun- dred cases, which will prove the correctness of our stand, > Louis Bebricks, editor of the workers’ paper, Uj Elore, is being held for deportation ,even though he is legally in this country, and is not accused of any other “crime” than that of being the editor of a working-class paper. Edith Berkman, arrested in Lawrence, Massa- chusetts, for the only “crime” of belonging to the National Textile Workers’ Union and has par- ticipated in the textile strike. E. Yamaguchi, arrested for the only “crime” of attending a Negro mass meeting. Padillo, arrested and was deported for selling Communist papers. We could quote numbers of such cases, but the few mentioned are sufficient to prove the correctness of our statements. ‘The Protection of Foreign Born Delegation which is today being heard by the Immigration Committee of the U. S. A. Congress represents hundreds and hundreds of thousands of native and foreign born who support the struggle of the committee against these bills. The return of the delegation must be the signal to start a nationwide campaign against the bills before the committee now, and against those bills which are going to come up sooon. We must especially remember the Cable Bill, which provides for registration and the issuance of certificates of residence of foreign born. When: the Cable Bill will come up it is important that each language organization, that each American progressive organization should be represented in. a general mass delegation which should strengthen the fighting power of the Commit- tee for the Protection of the Foreign Born against the anti-foreign-born bills. All mass organizations must immediately start to arrange mass meetings, where a report of the delegation should be given, and resolutions in support of the delegation should be adopted. tradiction, which leads to great confusion. As you are awake, the fundamental task of socialism is the abolition of capitalism, or in other words, the abolition of classes, i. e., the abolition of exploitation of man by man. From this it follows that the complete liquidation of the capitalist elements means the liquidation of the exploiting class. Without exploiters there can be no exploited. (TO BE CONTINUED) 4 The N.A.A.C.P. Report (Editorial from The East Tennessee he can be found on the far northwest The Murderer of Lieknecht (Inprecorr Press Service) Naturally, the social democratte News of Feb. 18, 1932) At least one beneficial service ren- dereed by the International Labor Defense was their forcing the Nation- al Association for Advancement of Colored People to publish a report of the money collected as a defense fund for the eight Scottsboro youths and show how it was spent. The report as complied by an expert auditor ap- pears elsewhere in this issue and cer- tainly the most liberal proponets of the program advocated by the N. A. A. C. P. will refuse to condone the ruthless expenditures of the vast amount of money collected, especially when it is known that the unfortunate youths received little or no benefit from the same. The high salaries paid officers of the New York organization and the enormous expense accounts which serves to keep the Association treasury drained and cause them to keep a continuous appeal for funds before the public, account for the ineffetive- ness of the organization in protecting the interests of the racial group. Pick- ens, when the weather is cold, will be heard from hibernating ‘mid the sun- shine of the “Land of Flowers,” and nish leadership, will bring still more recrutts to } ‘Trotsky giyas of bie fi AR se Eazy (Ms the breezes become more pleasant. ireneTabhie 2 pao rr sade eprrac rn Bc ead es nf eS oc FOS OE eee OUR coast, issuing a tirade of abuse at some imaginary wrong as he endeay- ors to have it appear that he is cham- pioning the cause of the minority group in the United States. The N. A. A. C. P. evidently antici- pates the storm of protests that will arise from this tossing to the winds of more than seven thousand dollars of an earnest public money as they suggest that Clarence Darrow, whose only service in connection with the defense of the Alabama youths was his announcement that he would have | nothing to do with the case, if such | could be considered service, would re- fund a portion of the amount paid him as a fee, It is very evident that even the most casual observer as to the exact cause for failure of Negroes to get results as concerns getting justice in important litigation involving person- al as well as civil rights. ‘There is al- ways to be found those individuals and organizations whose only purpose and motive is to get hold of the funds that might be flitehed from the pock- ets of an unsuspecting public and use it for salaries and expense accounts. Until a top is put to such practices, the interests of the racial group will OSLO.—Under mass pressure the Norwegian government has decided not to grant the murderer of Karl Liebknecht, Captain Pflung-Hartung, permission to stay in Norway. Hart- ung has already been expelled from Sweden. This man who had the cour- age enough to murder an unarmed and wounded man in cold blood has not courage enough to return to Ger- many from which he fled immediately after his part in one of the vilest crimes in history became known. He is begging the Scandinavian govern- ment to give him permission to stay there on the ground that his life would be in danger if he returned to Germany. Hartung is of course a fascist. In an interview with the “Tigens Tegen” he tried to shift the responsibility for the murder off his shoulders by declaring that he did no more than carry out his orders, He declares that the order for the murder of Karl Liebknecht was given by the social democratic Noske. ‘This nto carried out the order his own life ‘kage haem io Ane. Bin. ition press springs to the defense of Noske and expresses great indignation at “such a slanderous charge against a high German official” (Noske is now President of Hanover for the German bouregoisie can always use men of his kind). The central organ of the Norwegian Social Democratic Party, “Arbeiter Bladet” has secured a long reply from its colleagues and friend Noske in which this gentleman denies having given the order for the mur- der. However, in the eyes of the inter- national working class Noske will never be able to wash himself of the guilt. Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Lux- emburg and thousands and thousands of other German revolutionary works ers were murdered by Noske’s bands. It was not necessary for Noske to issue any direct orders for the murder of this or thet lender. the regime of murder, he issued the order for wholesa!> shootings and his bloodhound He instituted, —