The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 27, 1932, Page 6

sth St, New York City. N. ¥ Telephone Algonquin 4-7956. Cable Fs 5 Pebviishes by the Comprodaiiy Publishing Co, ine, dally except Sunday, at 50 Bast D. & ‘motte al Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 60 East 18th Street, New York, 7 Centred Yorker Party U.S.A. By matl everywhere: One year, of Mankattan and Bronx, New SUBBCRIPTION RATES: York City. Foreign: 36; six months, $3; two menthe, 3 xcepting Boroughs vne year, $8; six months, $4.50 | Party Recruiting Drive January 11 - March 18, 1932 TO THE MESABA RANGE SECTION IN DISTRICT 9 AND THE MINING SECTIONS IN DISTRICT 8 Commit of the Hancock Sec- @ Mesaba Range Section to no in fulfilling the quota set | | Buro ior this recruiting drive, is to mining work. We have f ding one new into the Party, mine and p reviving the old “Cop- ” issued in Houghton. hereas we already issued one new shop paper im Iron River, the “Copper Miner” coming out early in February, recruited 9 miners into the Party, and have taken steps to form a new FROM A NEW COMRADE I Many of our comrades are not very active, because they don't know how to do things, be- cause they are lacking political training. We cannot build our mass organizations unless we | know how. By reading the Daily Worker and | the Commu devote at least 1 hour daily to | study) you will learn a good deal how to or- ganize the workers. The unit buros should see Mine Unit in Painesdale, we are therefore set- ting as our goal the fulfillment of our quota by | 150 per cent during this recruiting drive. And we challenge the Mesaba Range Section to ful- fill their quota to our 150 per cent, Since our District Buro has challenged the | Chicago District to socialist competition, we ex- tend this challenge to any section of District No. 8 situated in the mining territory on the | basis of fulfilling our quotas as set by the Dis- trict Buros HANCOCK SECTION COMMITTEE, District 9. CHICAGO that their members get real training. For this, they must function far better. We need a school very badly in this section and I hope the Sec- tion Committee will organize one soon. JACK SAUNDERS. (We are planning to have a full itme training school opened in March. You will learn about details later—S. C.) THE RECRUITING DRIVE IN PHILADELPHIA. By LEON PLATT. ' N the basis of the plans and instructions worked out by the Central Committee of ou Party, we have begun our drive for new re- eruits into the Party. Every one will agree that the time is most favorable for the drive. The Communist Party is more known to the work- ers than ever before. More workers are ready to foll our leadership and are also willing to T fact we must always bear in mind ot to a ute our shortcomings in the the unwillingness of the workers to and fight with us. On the contrary, if + carry out our quota it will be our it will be due to the fact that this not ofganized well and the member- pared well to recruit and keep our drive join vu to activities of our Party today have broad- it. We are active in unemployed coun- unions of the A. F. L., and are beginnings in shop work. Com- sts, however, must not only begin work nd there, but also continue this work, and e more workers in the organizations we In order to do this, we must provide rs with leadership, and this leadership can come from the ©. P. members. That is why enec cil: we must reeruit new members into the Party. FOR AN IMMEDIATE TUR RECRUITING DRIVE! INTO THE STEEL MILLS! This drive offers us the opportunity. ‘here- fore every member, every unit and section, every fraction must do its share and cooperate. ‘We must not only recruit mew members into the Party, but we must keep these members. If @ worker drops the Party, then we must stop and think and find out what is wrong. We must examine the work of the unit or section, the treatment this worker received from the old members. If a worker drops out of the Party, it discredits the Party. Our aim is not only to | recruit new members; our aim is also to keep these new members and develop them for lead- ership, Whom do we want to recruit? Workers pri- | marily. But today many are unemployed. It is at times easier to recruit unemployed into the Party. But it would be dangerous for our Party to become a Party of unemployed workers only. Our major task is te recruit workers from the shop. It is upon factory workers that we must center our recruiting. It is more shop nuclei that we must build. If we don’t build the Party in the shop, particularly in the war industries, how then will we fight the war danger and de- | 000,000. fend the Soviet Union. Our activity in the Unemployed Councils and mass organizations during the drive, must also be conducted with the view of securing more factory connections for the building of the Party in the shops. IN PITTSBURGH IN THE INTO THE METAL PLANTS! ‘The Agures given om the first page show that the Party in Pittsburgh is seriously lagging be- hind in the recruiting drive. Increasing unem- ployment, wage cuts in steel, metal, building trades, the development of our own unemployed activities and the work of the Metal Workers’ Industrial League, create very favorable situa- tion in Pittsburgh for building the Party. But we move very slowly, very hesitatingly. One of the basic tasks of District No. 3 is to strengthen the Party in the District center, in Pittsburgh. Pittsburgh is the heart of the steel and coal trusts. Pittsburgh is one of the most important war industries center in the | country! Pittsburgh is the seat of the National Miners’ Union, the National Steel Workers’ Union! Yor any effective struggle against wage cuts | in the steel industry, for a militant struggle against the danger of war, primarily against the Soviet Union. we must build the Party in Pitts- burgh! What the Recruiting Figures Show. First: Onty 49 workers recruited in 5 weeks of the drive! This is only 39 per cent of the quota of 125 in more than one-half the entire period of the drive. This shows that the Party membership in the city is not yet involved in the drive, our recruiting activities are too nar- row, that we have thus far not conducted real masse recruiting! Second: Only i6 steel workers were recruited in 5 weeks, only 7 of whom were employed. The ation in Pittsburgh showed that of p of 118, only 28 were steel and Metal workers. The recruiting drive gave us the task of changing the composition of the Party in Pittsburgh, making it a Party primarily of steel and metal workers. This does not mean to exclude other workers. On the contrary, we must intensify the drive among railroads, butld- ing trades workers, etc. But our main aim must be to recruit steel and metal workers! In the recruiting drive thus far we have not carried out this task. We have not sufficiently con- centrated on the steel and metal plants! Third: Of the 49 recruited, only 12, or 26 per | cent, are employed, and only, 8 employed in big plants. We are not entrenching the Party yet in the mills in Pittsburgh. The recruiting drive is a drive to penetrate the factories, to make our { Party “shop conscious.” to build shop nuclei, especially in basic industry. Thus far we have not succeeded in making our membership in Pittsburgh fully “face to the shops.” Though a | beginning has been made, we have not made a real drive for workers from the factories. These weaknesses must be overcome! An im- mediate turn must be made in the character of the recruiting work in Pittsburgh, We must intensify our agitation and organization work in the steel and metal plants in the city! Can This Be Done? Yes, this can be done! Already we can see a marked improvement in the fifth week. Of the total number of 49 recruited, 23 were recruited the fifth week, 7 of them steel workers. And in the fifth week we established a shop unit of 4 workers in the Jones and Laughlin Steel Mill on the South Side. During this week also, the Woods Run unit began to recruit for the first time recruiting steel workers. It is possible to make our Party in Pittsburgh | @ Party of steel and metal workers provided every Party member is made “shop conscious” and every unit begins an immediate concentrated drive in the mills! Our goal is 500 members in Pittsburgh! recruiting drive is a step in that direction! The LISHED A SHOP NUCLEUS HIS uni s established in January, and was | given the task of organizing a mill unit in the Jones and Laughlin Plant on the Hill. ‘The unit did not have a single steel worker. No Metal League group existed on the Hill There were very few connections of any sort among the J. & L. workers. The comrades in the unit, however, did not consider their task hopel but set about at once to establish con- tacts penetrate the J. & L, Mill. anc Uncover Starvation and Misery The capitalist press, the agents of the ruling class, has been publishing less and less news about unemployment. It hides the starvation of the unemployed workers’ families. We must constantly expose the miserable treatment of families of the unemployed by the city governments and charity institutions. We must uncover all cases of starvation, un- dernourishment, sickness, We must pub- lish these cases in our press, in the Daily Worker, in Labor Unity, tell them at all workers’ meetings. Un- employed Councils should publish bulletins to inform all workers of the starvation and misery of the anemployed. They organized committees to go into the streets where J. & L. workers live, distribute Daily Workers, from house to house, talk to the workers in their homes. A few connections made in the Jan. 29 Scottsboro Demonstration on the Hill, which was broken up by the police, were visited, and discussions started with these workers, In this way, by patient day-to-day work, the unit has succeeded in making a breach in the wall of isolation which separated the Party on the Hill from the steel workers. The unit was able to establish a mill unit in the J. & L. plant on the South Side, with workers living on hte Hill, and is now deter- mined to establish also a unit in the Hill plant of the J. & L. before the drive is over. As well, a basis has been laid for establishing a branch of the Metal Workers’ Industrila League on the Hill. The experiences of this unit show it is pos- sible to recruit the stee! workers into the Party, but we must go into the territory where they live, utilize the Daily Worker to establish con- tacts, visit the workers, discuss with them and win their confidence. Other units should follow the methods of the Hill No. 2 unit, recruit steel workers into the Partgt % ua tet oi ey Geen a is ; | | ys News Item:—CZARIST WHITE GUARDS MOBILIZE ON SOVIET FRONTIER. Stop the Shipment of Arms and | Ammunition to Japan! By M. L. 'HE Geneva “disarmament” conference {s tak- ing place in the midst of feverish war prep- arations and open imperialist war in China. ‘The imperialist countries are engaged in an orgy of armaments. The French war budget for the first nine months of 1932 will total $600,- (N. Y. Times, Feb. 24.) The U. 8S. intends to build up its navy to the | maximum provided in the London Naval “Dis- ; armament” Treaty. This will involve an ex- Ppenditure of close to $1,000,000,000. In comment- ing on the bill providing for this naval expan- sion Senator Robinson of the Naval Affairs Committee, said that “he will insist that con- sideration be deferred long enough to avoid ap- pearance that the U. S. is working at Geneva merely for proportionate armaments, rather than actual disarmament.” (N. Y. Times, Feb. 24). ‘The Geneva conference is a smoke screen to veil these actual war preparations. The French imperialists are working their munition factories at ful speed supplying war orders to Japanese imperialism. The Business Week (Feb. 10) reports that “in Paris it is rumored that the Hotchkiss machine gun works is working night and day on Japanese orders. Rumors of private credits for Japan have not improbable, but credits by French firms work- ing on Japanese deliveries are not unlikely since a French embargo on arms shipments is alto- gether improbable.” Drew Pearson, Washington correspondent of the Baltimore Sun (Feb. 20) reports that “the Schneider-Creusot munitions group of France, whith controls the Skoda works in Czecho- sales to Japan. The Skoda plant is reported to be working extra shifts.” French finance-capital controls the Skoda works. The New York Times Vienna corres- pondent (Feb. 7) writes the following: “The Little Entente (France's military allies) is France’s chief support in Europe and its armaments France's vital interest. France there- fore granted credits for this purpose, but only on condition that she furnish the weapons and munitions ordered under them.” The same dispatch reports that of the recent $24,000,000 loan to Czecho-Slovakia, $8,000,000 of it, was used to rehabilitate the Skoda works, or better, it was said, to cover its debts to Schnel- der-Creusot. Still more. From the last and fu- ture loans to Roumanta, France declared her in- tention of subtracting the amounts. Roumania owes Schneider-Creusot.” French imperialism has organized an tron ring on the western frontier for war against the Soviet Union. France as well as the U. S. has backed Japan in Manchuria to forge the war front against the U. 8. S. R. in the Far East. This statement by Senator Moses is signifi- cant: “France would be well pleased to have Japan in Manchuria. . . . With Japan in Man- churia, France would expect that Russia would be compelled to keep armed forces massed along the Manchurian frontier. And, of course, the more Russian forces massed along the Manchur- jan front, the less Russian forces will be con- centrated at points which might be of danger to France.” (Times, Feb. 24). The United States is stepping up production of munitions for war orders. The American Metal Market (Feb. 12) reports that “a number of Youngstown district steel makers are sharing in awards for munitions steel, though the circum- been confirmed. Direct credits are | -Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Com- munist Party. NQMC ...serccessecsccsessecssesectssseccnccos City .. seeeee State Occupation sb aeeersecsceners age ‘ -Mail this to the Centra) Office Communis' Jommunist Party U S A RP. QO, Box #7 Station O Now York City | stances are veiled in secrecy. It is understood some steel for shells is being rolled in the Valleys.” Drew Pearson of the Baltimore Sun -(Feb. 20) states that “it has been reported from Hope- well, Va., that five vessels have been loading nitrates for the Japanese government at the docks of the Atmospheric Nitrogen Company. Nitrogen is one of the most important chemi- cals in the manufacture of munitions. The Atmospheric Nitrogen Company is a subsidiary of the Allied Chemical and Dye Co., one of the largest chemical companies in the U. S. It is reported to be closely interlocked with several By BURCK other industries, being a heavy stockholder in U. S. Steel Corp. and the Texas & Gulf Oil Companies, the latter owned by the Mellon family.” Workers in the Hoechst Works of the I. G. Farben Trust report that 150,000 tons of salt- peter (nitrates) have just been sent to France, on the way to Japan. The production of all chemicals needed for explosives is increasing rapidly. In the Copper and Brass Works in Hettstedt (Central Germany) it is reported that Japanese representatives have held conferences with the firm’s representatives and production is being increased. The “Neue Leipziger Zeitung” reports that the Japanese trade representatives in Berlin have purchased 1,500 tons of iron bars in Luxem- burg and 2,000 tons of lead for war purposes. An order for 4,000 tons of sheet iron has been placed in Germany. It is understood that fur- ther orders are to follow. On the Second 5-Year Plan — By V. MOLOTOY. PART 2. i—The Results of the First Five-Year Plan. You know, comrades, that the Party submitted two variants of the Five-Year Pian, the “initial | variant” and the optimal variant.” The optimal variant, according to’ the view of the State Plan- ning Commission for the Soviet Union, was cal- culated for more favorable conditions. The Party adopted as its basis the optimal variant, i.e, the Plan with the greater economic tasks. It is this optimal Five-Year Plan, calculated on favorable conditions, that we are now carrying out. It is an achievement of the Party that the slogan set up by the masses themselves of | “Five-Year Plan in four years” is being success- Slovakia, is reported here to be making large | bigs J fully carried out. We are realizing the before- mentioned optimal variant of the Five-Year Plan not in five years, as was originally anti- cipated, but in four years, that is to say, we are shortening the period for the carrying out of the Five-Year Plan in its optimal (highest) variant by a fifth. The successes of the first Five-Year Plan are successes of the industrialization policy, and therefore of the policy of promoting heavy in- dustry, above all the production of the means of production. These successes are characterized by the fact that we now have a basis for com- pleting the technical reconstruction of the whole of the national economy. This fact is of de- cisive importance for the further growth of so- cialism in the Soviet Union. The successes of the first Five-Year Plan are also expressed in the extraordinary successes of collectivization, in the setting up of collective farms and Soviet farms. In our backward vil- lages, which only yesterday were split up into many tiny farms, we are building up big so- cialist farms on the basis of machine-technique. We have already reached a situation in which the socialist forms occupy a dominating posi- tion also in agriculture. The most difficult and most important task of the proletarian revolu- tion has thereby been solved. Great and down- right magnificent as the tasks of the second Five-Year Plan may be, it must not be forgotten that after the October upheaval the most dif- ficult task consisted in the transformation of agriculture on the basis of collectivism and high- ly developed machine-technique. It is precisely this task that the Party has fulfilled and is fulfilling syccessfully, and there can be no doubt that collectivization will in the main be com- pleted in the year 1932-33. All this has enabled our Party to declare that the fundamental Leninist question “who will beat whom,” has been decided against capitalism and in favor of socialism. This is the most im- portant result not only of the economic but also of the political development in the past period. One cannot help seeing that not everything during these years has followed the exact out- lines of our Plan. The Party made changes in the first Five-Year Plan not only in regard to single years but also the whole period. I will give a few examples. In the Five-Year Plan, for instance, it was not estimated that unemployment would be completely abolished at the end of the Five Years. True, the Five-Year | Plan anticipated that there would be a tremen- dous diminution of unemployment, but at that time, at the moment the Plan was adopted, it was impossible to foresee that unemployment in the Soviet Union would be liquidated already in the year 1930-31. As you see, we have slightly snceeded our plaaned estimate, but it is to be hoped that such an alteration, or better said such an improvement of the Plan lies entirely in the interests of the working class and. will be adopted with full approval by it. In regard to the ecoriomic tasks of the first Five-Year Plan, the Party introduced such re- visions as the creation of a new metallurgical “base in the East, in the Urals and in the Kus- netzk district. In none of the four volumes of the Five-Year Plan is there any mention made | of this second metallurgical base. Can one, how- ever, now discuss the first Five-Year Plan with- out speaking of the new metallurgical base created by us in the Ural-Kusnetzk district? Of course not. The less so as the first furnace in Magnitorsk has commenced working and new furnaces will soon be set going in Magnitogorsk and in Kusnetzk. Thus here, too, we have made an alteration in the Five-Year Plan which is not a bad but a good alteration, to which not a single worker in the Soviet Union will raise any objection, but will rather be fully prepared to support it. The Five-Year Plan called for a certain tempo in the collectivization, but the actual result was different. We have already long surpassed the tempo of colleetivization and of the development of the Soviet farms as envisaged in the Five- Year Plan. This, too, is a very substantial alter- ation of the Five-Year Plan, but not a bad but @ good alteration which considerably improved matters. The masses of the peasants, number- ing millions, not to speak of the working. class, will not raise any objection to this alteration, which is in fact fully and entirely in accordance with the policy of the Party and in accordance with Leninism. Unfortunately it gannot be said that all our amendments to the Five-Year Plan have been good, Here and there the contrary was’ the case. We must not, for example, forget the follow- ing three points. We did not fulfill our esti- mate for the raising of the productivity of labor in industry. This is a very big item on the debit side. It is clear that we must do every- thing in order to make this good, supported by the consolidation of proletarian discipline, the growth of technique and its mastery by our cadres, We have also not carried out the proposals of the Five-Year Plan in regard to increasing the harvest yields. Here we are still on a very low level, considerably lower than the proposals of the Five-Year Plan. It is clear that in this sphere also we must straighten out the front, put matters right. ‘We have not fulfilled the tasks in regard to the reconstruction of transport, in particular of railway transport, and we feel the effects of this every day. It is obvious that also in this sphere we must work hard and persistently in order to improve matters more quickly and to raise our to its proper level. Our survey ¢f the results of the first Five-Year Plan from thie political standpoint would be in- adequate if we failed to deal with the question, under what conditions the struggle of the Party for the carrying out of the Five-Year Plan de- veloped, with what criticism and with what counter-proposals the opposition groups, the Trotzkyists and also the Right deviators, came forward. The lessons of the past are of first class im- portance for the Party and the whole of the working class. Tt is thexefore necessary to r2- mind you of the most important stages in the | Recreation and Un- employment By IRENE DIXON. | Y bid seyious attention which»the governments and industrial concerns are giving the cues- tion of recreation and athletics for the unem- ployed is shown by the Eighteenth Recreational Congress of the United States and Canada held in Toronto recently. The December issue of the “Recreation” magazine (formerly “Playground”) is entirely given to the main topic of discussion’ at the Congress, that is, recreation and unem- ployment. The entire Congress centered around methods and means by which to “curb the harm- tul’ and destructive effects of unemployment through recreation.” President Hoover and Prime Minister Bennett of Canada sent greetings to this Congress, The following is part of the mes- sage sent by Prime Minister Bennett: “During these trying days of economic depres- ston public expenditures should not be cut at the expense of recreation.” President Hoover's message was, in part: | “Recreation is especially necessary in days of unemployment.” This year’s Congress showed a huge increase in the number of delegates and especially of in- dustrial delegates. These delegates represented huge industrial firms in the Uniid States and Canada. The entire discussion showed the enor- mous increase in the use of sports and recrea- tional centers by the unemployed and by the children of the unemployed workers. One of the delegates stated that: “Unemployment rocrea- tional centers are just as important as banking centers.” This gathering of recreational directors and industrialists of United States discussed the problems of combatting the effects of unem- ployment, how they could-best keep the. workers from joining workers’ organizations, and how to combat the demands of the workers for un- employment insurance. The following are some of the proposals of the Congress: (a) The use’ of unemployed labor to build parks, recreational centers, etc. Emphasis was put on the workers available at low wages or even for only meals and no wages at all to do the work. (b) The Congress stated that it was not so interested in the material and economic effects of unemployment but rather the MORAL AND SPIRITUAL EFFECTS. They proposed recrea~ tional and sport centers to be built in order to keep the unemployed adults, youth and children under their influence and “supervision” so that they will not get “anti-social” ideas. These cen- ters to be built wherever possible in connection with flop-houses, breadlines, and employment agencies, That the workers who register at the employment agencies and have a card be allowed | the use of the recreational centers. The ques- tion of keeping the workers from congregating in order “to discuss matter among themselves” ‘was considered important and therefore all plans were made to see that recreation and sporis was givcn to the unemployed under “trained Jeaders.” These leaders also to be recruited from among the unemployed “white collar” workers and well trained. The governments of the United States and Canada are making all preparations to use the normal instinct of the workers for recreation and sports in order to keep the workers from joining the Unemployed Councils and the othor workers’ organizations to fight for immediate relief end unemployment insurance at the ex- pense of the bosses and their government. They propose to put all the recreational facilities un- der the control of the YMCA’s, settlement houses, churches, ete. 'This is a direct: challenge to the program of the Labor Sports Union in its fight for the free use of public sport facilities under the ADMINISTRATION of the YOUNG WORKERS THEMSELVES. Already the bosses are putting their plans into practice. ‘n Cleve- land, the city government together with the in- dustrial bosses of the Otis and McKinley Steel Companies are opening up all facilities for the use of the unemployed not under the Labor Sports Union or Unemployed Councils, but under the control of the YMCA’s, etc. They have con- sistently refused the use of school gyms free of charge to the Labor Sports Union clubs under various excuses. In Philadelphia they have built a recreation center next to a flophouse. : Our answer to these attacks of the bosses these be to expose and fight against this method of fooling the workers. We musi show the worke ers the necessity of joining the workers’ organ- izations and fighting militantly for their dee mands for immediate relief and unemployment insurance. The Labor Sports Union must ine tensify its campaign for the free use of public schools and sport centers for the young workers under the control of the young workers them~ selves. This must be done through a huge came paign for the collection of signatures for peti- tions, through the endorsement of this campaign by workers’ organizations, by independent sport clubs of young workers, and’ by mobilizing the young workers from Community Centers, bread- lines, flop houses for our campaign. Only thru Mass pressure and demonstrations demanding from the city governments can the workers se~ cure the use of free public facilities for recre- ation and sports under the leadership of the workers. Party's struggle against the so-called “Left” and Right deviators. This is all more necessary as the struggle against such deviations, and in par- ticular against the Right danger as th@ chief danger, will be unavoidable also in the future. I would remind you that the directives for the first Five-Year Plan were adopted by the Cen- tral Committee before the XV Party Congress and were discussed at thie Party Congress. The Trotzkyist opposition came forward with their counter-thesis against the thesis of the C.C. on the first Five-Year Plan. This counter-thesis was a very long-winded document, was thor- oughly hostile to the line of the Party, and in- cluded every imaginable slanderous accusation against the C.C. I would further remind you that the Rights, already at the time of the adoption of the thesis on the Five-Year Plan by the XV Party Con- ference, attempted to come forward with their counter-plan. It suffices to point only to the socalled “Two-Year Plan”, which in a concealed form was opposed to the decision of the 0, ©. on the Pive-Year Plan and to the political Une of the Party. ‘There was enough said about all this at the time. The important thing now is, to consider the events of the past from the point of view of the results of socialist construction in the last hree to four years. In this connection I must Quite some extracts from documents and speeches of oppositional leaders of the Trotzky- ist and the Right opportunist type. ‘ bosses: against the organization of workers must ° at oy | { i Me