The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 26, 1932, Page 4

Published by the Comprodsfty Publishing Oe, Ina, delty except Sunda: i New York City. N. Y. | Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 Hast 13th Street, New 18th &t rage Four Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cab}: at 50 Bast CORRELATING THE RECRU By JAMES WATSON, Agit-Prop Director, District No. 3. The drive for 5,000 twelve months subscrip- tions for the Daily Worker can not be separated m the Party drive for new members. The major drives of the Party, the drive for new or the Daily Worker, and the e for nal militant fighters for the Communist y should progress along paralel lines. On graph these two campaigns in many res- sects should show similar tendencies. For ex- mple in any said week if fifty new recruits are ken into the Party, the Daily Worker curve on the graph for new subs should wan up- ard swing, perhaps not coinciding at fifty recruiting curve, but certainly a elation of the two curves, This even f ON RECRUITMENT OF NEW By RENELDA GUMBS Agit-Prop District 7 the wide explanations that to the Party members explaining mportance of recruitment of new he Party, and how to do it, we at many of the Party members still ve not overcome their right tendencies to i mate the radicalization of the workers, to hesitate to draw them into the Party, even (hese workers show their willingness and fitness o join the Party. Such is the case in Flint, Michigan. Due to ne police terror there, the repeated f our meetings, or meeting places, the there are constantly in fear of bring- col pigeons or police spies into the Party. is so great that they have stopped all activities, and efforts to reach and nize the Flint workers, who are for the most workers, working in the Buick, Chev- General Motors plants in Flint. A ad often asked a comrade, how could Party, and time after time he showed s to become active in the revolu- field. But in spite of this, time after Party member answered only indirectly was all, even tho he had known this time and knew him to be an ct after contact was made ut still no efforts made to bring them the movement. And added on top of this, these same comrades came together week after week and merely repeated the phrase of members” and then went District pite of have we must reernit new home. In_ othe words, these comrades instead of ring down tho walls between themselves and the workers, only built it higher. Having been sent to Flint to assist the com rades, in the discussion they had on how to recruit members into the Party in Flint. I sug- gested that they call a meeting of all the con had made for the purpose of ex to these workers, what hey The Thursday, but that nig! In spite of the weather ¢ kers present, one of them a we ng was an explanation of Party, the role of the Party in nion, the role of the Party in the U! s, the struggles of the revolutions truggles of the workers is and why the workers should in the Communist Party. All of this was told n brief and simple fashion. These workers were enthustastic over this talk and declared that that was the first explanation of the Party that they had ever had, and that this explanation would even make it easier for them to understand some of the articles in the Daily Worker and our other Party literature. One of the workers had been on the National Hunger March, and he gave a short talk on his ressions of this great: march of the un- employed to Washington. Questions were asked and the meeting ended after all of the workers had joined in discussion. ‘The comrades were delighted and somewhat surprised over the enthusiasm of the workers, | and how these workers, with the exception of 1 + Re mt CHICAGO RECRUITS OVER THE second two weeks of the Recruiting Drive * in the Chicago district brought 258 new members of whom 56 were employed, 179 unem- ployed and 23 housewives. This contrasts with 162 for the first two wekes, of whom 138 were unemployed. ‘The aecond two weeks brought 3 new shop nuclei, compared with first two weeks. During the first month the following have been recruited from decisive industries; mining 16; steel—15; metal—65; railroad—9; stock- yards—3; building—3a, With & quote of 1,000, already in one month there are 420 new recruits, The main weakness Party Recruiting Drive January 11 - March 18, 1932 Se SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ITING DRIVE WITH THE DAILY WORKER DRIVE FOR SUBSCRIPTIONS ward march should hold true if our example was reversed, permitting in any said week fifty new subs for the Daily Worker the two curves on the graphs would also exhibit liking tharacter- istics and favorable correlation. It is urging that we minutely examine the pro- gress of the campaigns in these lights, noting carefully from week to week the correlation be- tween the two curves, When in any week the two curves bare no correlation or negative cor- relation, we must lay the happenings of that week on the table and carry them through a rigid objective examination This self-criticism will certainly reveal concrete shortcomings that went by unnoticeable in our frenzy efforts to make both the drive for new members for the Party and the drive for new subs for the Daily Worker a success. MEMBERS INTO THE PARTY ; one who joined immediately, declared their de- | termination to join and become active ©om- munists in the full sense of the name. These workers all took Party lUterature in order to prepare themselves more. Meetings of this kind are only one of the ways in reaching, educating and bringing our contacts closer to the movement. Meeting of this character could be held every month or so even after the recruitment drive is over. These meetings have not only proven of value to the workers invited, but the Party members as well. ‘Then too these meetings to some extent can solve our problem of how to keep new members into the Party. Especially during recruitment campaigns, often the comrades in their zeal to get new members into the Party, approach workers and literally force these workers to join the Party without the proper explanation of what the Party is and what shall be expected from them as Par- ty members, etc. As a result, after singing ap- plication cards they either do not come to meet- ings or if they do, they leave after the first or second unit meeting, which to them is like ; 2 foreign land. Whereas, when these workers receive inter- esting talks on the Party, they enter our ranks willingly know what is expected from them, and as a result stick and become active Communists. Of course, in cases like Flint, where stool pigeons are many, and the Party somewhat un- derground, the meeting of contacts shozld not be called on @ large scale and certainly all the Party members must not be present. This is as | a safeguard against exposure of Party members. | But, however, under no circumstances should Party members lay themselves open to oppor- tunist ideas of “we can’t trust the workers,” or “the workers are not fit for the Party” or ‘the police terror is too great,” ete., but instead | Party members must forge ahead in leading these workers in struggles, proving to them the significance of the Party and to draw the more active workers within the ranks of the vanguard of the working class, in the struggle against capitalism, FOUR HUNDRED IN DRIVE | is insufficient new members from the decisive | shops and industries of concentration, which was the main purpose of the present drive. Of the 420 new recruits, 85 are Negro. 57 women and 37 members of the A. F. L. unions. In the remaining month, steps are being taken to direct the drive to overcome the shortcomings exhibited so far. Particular attention ts given “W sirengthen trade unton work and special leaf- “Eis ere being issued to the 5 baato industries Mass organizations are also being cireularized to send their best members into the Party. MEMBERS OF SECTION 4RA ee vee Seem atte tp, bring down to every member of the section the importance of the present Recruiting Drive! Not even all the functionaries realize the importance, with the result that only a few comrades are in- volved in building of the Party. This must be changed, we must work up enthusiasm amongst the members and make every comrade a builder of the Party. This campaign must be intensified actively towards the shops. If we look at the unit chal- lenges we find that all of them mention shop work, but not one step is taken to carry out this plan. We urge against paper decisions—to agree with the Party on paper but not in practice ts just plain phrase mongering and never will the Party tolerate paper decisions. ‘This campaign, to build the Party, must be based on shop, to root the Party inside the factories, We have some experiences from the last drive we must learn from 1—The recruiting campaign isolated from gen- cral campeigns of the Party. 2—Major concentration npen recritting from mass meetings. 3~A numerical approach to the reeruifing— Ps Sapthn a — LLY TO RECRUITING DRIVE without considering the quatify of the members brought into the Party. The main emphasis must be on developing struggles in shops, against wage cuts. speed-up, mass lay-offs, etc, and struggles for the unem- ployment insurance bill. Uniting both the em- ployed and unemployed workers. If we take our challenge to Section 6 serious, then one thing is clear, that we have to change our present attitude towards the shop and start immediately to explain to every member the importance of building shop units. That each unit check up weekly what comrades are doing in the shop, and foremost that we establish real functioning buros in all units, buros plan the work and make specific assignments to every comrade and also check up that the aesignments are carried out If all pull togehter our Party, nothing can stop us and have three, instead of one shop unit by the of the drive, March the 18th. Forward to 600 members in Section by end‘ of the Drive! Forward to 3 shop units in the Section Forward to 30 units by the end of the Drive! | Pommard to a mass Communist Party. ae Na the IWORK." By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ‘ork, Ni Y of Manhatian and Bronx. New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six months, $4.50. ~ * By BUR WOMEN—AS WELL AS MEN ~ sti anes The Significance of International Women’s Day, March 8th By ANNA DAMON INTERNATIONAL campaigns of the working class play a very important role in the devel- opment of revolutionary events. March 8, In- ternational Women’s Day is becoming more and more a day of struggle of the entire working class against extreme exploitation, unemploy- mett end misery; against increased fascist re- action; against imperialist war, in defense of thé Soviet Union. March 8 is a campaign of the Communist International and of all its Sections, the Com- munist Parties of the world. ‘The object of the campaign is to solidify and strengthen the International proletarian fighting front against capitalism, to call sharply to the attention of the whole working class, the special problems and demands of the working class bring into the general struggle of the the Industrial, Negro and Farm w wives of workers. On this day the toilii of women pledge their class solidarit women of the Soviet Union, to car tinary struggle in co! ith the other sec- tions of the working class for the overthrow of the capitalist system In the United States March 8 is not yet a well-known campaign. Most workers hayen't even heard of International Women’s Day. Daily, we receive questions from workers, and from comrades directly engaged in work among women—as to what International Women’s Day means; how it started; where it was first cele- brated, and many other similar questions. We believe it is therefore worth while to ac- quaint the workers with the important historic development of International Women Day, by a brief sketch. Historte Development of March 8th 1908—At the conference of Socialist women in America they decided to set aside a special day for agitation and propaganda among women. Votes for women was the issue of the day and ‘the main slogan of the Socialist women was “Equal Rights.” Following the line of the 2nd International, which drew no class distinction, the Socialist Women’s Conference in the United States in 1908 supported the feminist suffragette Movement of the bourgeoisie. Two resolutions were passed at this conference. The first un- der pressure of the more class conscious ele- ments, namely: “That the American Socialist Women must carry on a fight for equal rights independent of the feminists—through the un- fons and political organizations of the working class.” ‘The second resolution—“expressing sym- pathy with the feminist movement and wishing them success in their fight for equal rights.” ‘This opportunism and betrayal of class interest, by the Socialist party was already evident in 1906, International Women’s Day Adopted 1910--The 2nd International Conference of Women held in Copenhagen, upon the motion of Clara Zetkin, it was decided that March 8 be set aside as an International Women’s Day, the day was given a broader interpretation than merely the struggle for equal right to vote. 'The German delegation pointed out that the fight for political rights is not an aim in itself, That real freedom and equality for women will only be achieved through a social revolution. 1915—Under the leadershtp of Comrade Lenin, @ resolution was introduced at the International Women's Conference held in Berne, Switzerland, by the Russian delegation, which was rejected by the Conference as too revolutionary. Reso- jutions and speakers stated: “That the liberation of women can only be achieved through united effort of the working class. Through the over- throw of the capitalist system. ‘The years of 1914-17 practically did away with International te the general betrayal of the by the socialist Second Interna- their support and aid of the world the historic revolutionary task of the Russian Bolsheviks to revive the Interna- tional Women’s Day. 1917—On. March 8, 1917, the women workers of the Putilov munitions factory in Leningrad marched out on the streets and were joined by hundreds of women demanding “bread and the return of their men-folk from the battlefront,” thus helping: the way to the October Revo- lution einen March 8 Day of Struggle Against Capitalism In the Soviet Union, March 8th is a day of celebration of the emancipation of working class women. A day when the women celebrate the success of the 5 Year Plan. A day when they review the great gains of the working and farm women under the Soviet rule. A day when they pledge to further carry on the building of So- cialism side by side with the mon. Jt was after the formation of the Communist ‘Third International that International Women’s Day, March 8, really became a revolutionary world campaign of proletarian solidarity of men and women for special women’s demands, against. capitalist exploitation, and against imperialist war 1920—Since 1920 International Women’s Day has been celebrated in every country under the leadership of the Communist Parties, sections of the Communist International, 1932—International” Women’s Day 1932 is be- ing celebrated under two totally different sys- tems: the capitalist system and the socialist system, In capitalist countries, and in the work- ers’s country—covering one-sixth of the world. The celebration and demonstrations take on different characters in these two worlds: Women Win Freedom Through Revolution In the Soviet Union the conditions of the workers are steadily improving, there is no un- employment. In fact there is a shortage of labor. The 7-hour day prevails in most in- dustries. Special social insurance is provided for all workers. The work of building socialism is going ahead at full speed. The 5-year plan of industrialization and collective farming is being successfully completed in four years. The sec- ond five-year plan is being launched which will further improve the conditions of the workers. In all the gains of the workers in the Soviet Union the women have benefited most. Equal pay for equal work is a reality. Spectal mater- nity and social insurance is provided for the women workers. The thousands of communal dining rooms, laundries, children’s homes and nurseries have freed the women from the drud- gery at home and have made it possible for the the overthrow of capitalism and through the establishment of a proletarian dictatorship can women really be free. Demonstrate Against*Government of Hunger and War In the capitalist countries the world over, In- ternational Women’s Day, March 8, comes at the time of the third year of an extreme economic crisis, which is continually deepening and which women to take part in the building of socialism. Working women should realize that only thru the bosses are trying to solve at the expense of the working class, at a time when the capitalist. powers are looking towards imperialist war, as a way out of the crisis. Imperialist war against the Chinese masses, is already a reality in the Far East. A war of intervention against the Soviet Union comes nearer daily, with growing open acts of provocation against the Soviet Un- jon, seizure of the Chinese armed occupation of Manchuria, and an embargo on Soviet goods. Join in Demonstrations on March 8th. March 8 comes at a time when there are over 50 million unemployed workers suffering misery and starvation the world over, as well as in- creased political reaction and terror at the haads of the capitalist class. Wage-cuts, pagt-time work, speed-up, is the order of the day of the capitalist system. The working class, and és- pecially the working women, ate paying very heavy penalties. Living conditions become worse daily. Undernourishment, sickness and death are on the increase. Therefore, International Women's Day in the capitalist countries, and especially in the United States, becomes a day of struggle against unemployment, wage-cuts, speed-up, stagger plan, against dismissals and discrimination of married and Negro women. A day of fight for Federal Unemployment Insur- ance, for equal pay for equal work, for special maternity insurance, against night work~ for women. Negro and white working men and women, join in demonstration on March 8, International Women’s Day! Fight against imperialist war, in defense of the Soviet Union! Join the Communist Party of U‘S.A.! NOTE:—Other articles dealing with problems of Working Women will appear during Interna- tional Women’s Day campaign. All comrades from the districts are urged to write articles. On the Second 5-Year Plan By V. MOLOTOY. PART 1. Full Text of the Report Delivered at the XVI. Party Conference of the'C. P. 8. U. Comrades! | a very fact that our Party is proceeding to discuss the tasks of the Second Five-Year Plan speaks for itself. It shows, first of all, that our first Five-Year Plan is being success- fully carried out. It further shows that we are absolutely certain that the year 1932 will see the completion of the Five-Year Plan, that we shall fulfill the first Five-Year Plan in four years. One must consider more closely the impor- tance of this fact, the fact of the drawing up of the second Five-Year Plan of the Soviet Union. Firstly, regarding the international importance of this fact. The international importance of this fact is that the workers of all countries, that the work- ing population of all countries are able to com- pare the results of the rule of the bourgeoisie in the capitalist States with the results, with the first results, of the rule af the working class in the county of the proletarian dictatorship. In this respect we are not afraid of a comparison with. the technically, and economically most advaliced, with the richest countries in the capi- talist world. At the present time, when the crisis has seized all capitalist countries and is becoming ever deeper and is destroying industry and the other branches of economy, a compar- ison between the bourgeois States and the Soviet Union is particularly striking. ‘This comparison provides us with the opportunity to answer with- out hesitation the question, to whom the future belongs, to the proletariat and its power or to the bourgeoisie and its rule. It is clear that from the international standpoint our success, the great: success of socialist construction, which is embodied in the successful realization of the Pive-Year Plan and now in the first proposals of the second Five-Year Plan, demonstrates to the workers and toilers of the whole world that the future belongs, not to the rule of the bour- geoisie, but to the dictatorship of the prole- tariat; that the facts speak against capitalism and for Socialism. Secondly, regarded from the inner Soviet point. of view, the fact of our going over to the tasks of the second Five-Year Plan, is likewise ex- ceedingly significant. ‘It is one of the decisive tests of what the lead- ership of the peasant masses by the working class, after the overthrow of the power of the bourgeoisie, yields. In the Soviet Union, for the first time in the history of the world, power is in the hands of the working class, which is lead- ing the toiling masses of the countryside with it and, together with it, is transforming the whole national economy on a socialist basis. Our success, the great success of the working class, lies in the fact that the building up of Socialism is taking place not only in the town but also in the countryside, that the most backward part of the working population, the toilers of the vil- lage, are beginning to rise up to Socialism, to- wards the classless society. Finally, from the immediate economic stand- point, our successes are successes of planned so- clalist construction. In no country in the world before has a planned State economy existed. Here we are making the first steps, and the re- sults are already evident. From the solution of individual tasks we shall proceed to new and, with every year, greater tasks. ‘The success of planned socialist economy is not only and not even so much the success of our planned economic organs. Our planning and our calculations are not limited to these relatively narrow confines. A proper economic work, the organizing of national economic sta- tistics and the working out of the plan can be carried out, and in fact will be carried out, only t astern Railway, | | result, What is the Revolutionary (From the “Mundo Obrero,” Central Organ of the Communist Party of Spain) t REw. the armed forces of capitalism haw attacked the toiling masses that, defenmes, less, were unable to respond to the aggression. | As in Seville and Barcelona, the recent everrts| in Gijon, Jilena and Zaragoza make clear the| urgent need of the proletariat and peasantry te, organize their defense, of furnishing themselves, instruments and organs of combats for their struggles. This necessity is felt most pressing when we observe the rapid course taken by the counter~ revolution in the organization of its offensive.) No one doubts that in the center of our a6-| tion, as a principal task, must be the estab-| lishment of a united revolutionary front directed | against the ruling classes and castes; s united front whose organic expression in the present moment are constituted by shop committees and. the revolutionary militia of workers and peas- ants. The meaning and importance of the shey committees have been already analyzed by ws in several articles, and we will continue to treat < ¥ of them, ‘Today we will speak of the militie | formations. What are these, and for what do they serve? Always, when the question is proposed of giv. ing the workers’ struggles determined forms af é organization, it is necessary to seek those tami have a very ‘broad character and that comprise the entire or the greater part of the masses, Tt would be absurd to conceive that the struggle against reaction and the armed forces of eapi- talism must or can be carried out with organiza- tions that embrace only a minority, be this min- ority Communists, anarchists or sindicalists, ‘The defense of the masses, the attack against our enemeis, relies upon the masses themselves. ‘They ahre the ones who must act, mobilize them= selves to go into the struggle and to decide ita It is our duty to organize them, to lead. them, to assign them the concrete objectives; but never to supplant them. In the present situation, confronting a reva- lution that develops; possessing its motive forces in the proletariat and peasantry, the organs that, are created have to express this same relation of classes. Therefore, the militia formations must express the revolutionary alliance of the workers and peasants. These workers and peasants. organize their militia to participate in all struggles; offensive and defensive. The fact that the final objee- tive of all is the conquest of power, and that the militia is born in a revolutionary situation, | is not to say that they are created exclusively | for the final assault and seizure of power. It t would be as absurd as to say that the Soviets are only the politica! organs of the insurrection. The militia is created, in the first place, for defense against the counter-revolution; to give the masses-an arm of combat against’ fascist bands of whatever type, to prevent the unpum ished murder of our brothers, to guard demew= strations and to see that a half dozen poltes, armed with clubs, do not break them up. This is not sufficient. The militia, exists for something more. The peasants will never have land by the voluntary concession of their land- lords, ‘They will have to take it and to defend it. ‘The workérs have to enforce their demands and to destroy the privileges of the plutocrate. Finally, the workers and peasants have to en- force their own government, and this is not at- tained with paper ballots, nor with peaceful demonstrations. It is a question of war that, has to be decided in the streets; and for this militia is necessary, not of small groups bet large contingents that embrace all that is mik- tant and revolutionary in our class—Madrid, Dec. 12, 1931. Uncover Starvation and Misery The capitalist press, the agents of the ruling elses, has been publishing less and less news about unemployment. It hides the starvation of the unemployed workers’ families. We must constantly expose the miserable treatment of families of the unemployed by the city governments and charity institutions, We must uncover all cases of starvation, wi aernourishment, sickness, We must pub- lish these cases in our press, in the Daily Worker, in Labor Unity, tell them at all workers’ meetings. Un- employed Councils should publish bulletins to inform all workers of the starvation and misery of the unemployed. _—_—$$ "> with the active cooperation of the working masses, who often in the course of the actual carrying out of the plans fundamentally revise the original proposals. Supported by this activ- ity of the working class and of the working pop- ulation in socialist construction, our economic plans are worked out under the leadership of the Party. One must not, however, forget that tremen- dous work of drawing up a plan of national eco- nomy which has prereded the preparation of the second Five-Year Plan. The first plan of national economy waa the plan for electrification, the Goelro plan. ‘This was @ rough draft, a beginning, a first step to- wards the work of the general technical recon- struction of the national economy of our coun- try. This Plan possessed enormous importance for the whole of our economic work and for the development of planning work itself. ‘We know, moreover, that a great work was performed for the setting up of tlie first annual plans, the “control figures of national economy.” The first control figures for the year 1925-26 were confirmed. Since then thcy have been confirmed every year and are acquiring ever greater importance in regard to the conducting of national economy. Almost simultaneously with the working eat of the first annual national economic plans, we commenced to prepare comprehensive plans for transforming national economy. In the course of a number of years, the work was carried on for preparing the first-five Year Plan, and at the same time the so-called general plan for trans- forming the national economy, calculated for ten to’ fifteen years, was prepared. This last- named work was not completed. But so far az the first Five-Year Plan was worked out and is being carried out, and now so far as the se ond Five-Year Plan has been worked out. so are the fundamental questions of the so-called “general plan” far exhausted with these two Five-Year Plans; the rest, however, will be sub- mitted in a more developed form. ‘Thus the pro- posa} of the second Five-Year Plan was pre- ceded by a great work, without which the prep- aration and the discussion of the second Five- Year Plan of national economy would be im- “hae, $80 BE CONTINGED) a