The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 24, 1932, Page 4

Wubdtieked by the Comprodafly Publishing Ce, fee, Selly ereep? Sredey, at 60 Eest Telephone ALgonauin ¥.7986, SUBSCRIPTION RATES: T Page Fout 13th St. New York City. N. ¥ Cable “DAIWORK.” By mall everywhere: One yeer. $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs 1 Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, §¢ Fast 15th Strect, New York, N.Y. ef Manbatian and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: une year, $8; six months, $4.50. ' :. ” By BURCK Mother Mooney, “Only the Working Class will save my boy, you fourflushers! Party Recruiting Drive - January 11 - March 18, 1932 The Party Recruting Drive Forges Ahead : Shop Nuclei Still Slow Composition in last few weeks a little better—still quotas, in lagging behind original A DENVER DISTRICT FULFILLS ORIGINAL QUOTA DECIDES TO INCREASE TO 200 NEW MEMBERS Result of revolutionary competition between Chicago-Pittsburgh-Minneapolis. Chicago Leads in the Three-Corner Fight. : : If other districts do not speed up, the Recruiting Drive Banner may be se- eured by the Chicago District. : Here is the total new members recruited: ; Chicago—875; Pittsburgh 411, Minneapolis 340 ae Total in Three Districts—122 Recruited from January 27th to February 10th (Chicago reported only until Feb. 6th) Chicago—258 ; Pittsburgh 169; Minneapolis—132 Chicago and Minneapolis are reaching their quotas—Chicago already increased its quota to 1,500 in view of the acuteness of the war situation. What is Pittsburgh and Minneapolis’ answer to the new Chicago challenge? Shop Nuclei Quota Still Lagging Behind. Chicago—6 new. shop nuclei organized. Pittsburgh—5 new shop nuclei organized Minneapolis—2 new shop nuclei organized Here again we must remind the competing districts, that in the results of the revolutionary compettiion, the quota for shop nuclei will be the first considera- tion, All energy behind organization of new shop nuclei! Shop nuclei in war industries will be counted 2:1—Shop nuclei in shops of over five thousand will be counted 3:1. In the large shops— Composition of the New Members Since the Last Report. Chicago Pittsburgh Minneapolis . NERTOCS: 9:2 sccrecces - 55 16 1 Women .. bigs 22 23 re ad 14 18 3 8. P. members no record 54 Employed .... Sues 56 65 26 Occupation of the New Members Since the Last Report (Most impertant indastreis) Chicago Pittsburgh Minneapofis TIROOED orn on sie ss wieiwinc sac cms einem 6 205 33 Steel and metal ...s..uc 80 co) 6 Packing .... ee 3 Chena) ok. oc ctmnsuns ot é 3 DONEOOY cua se tceccs nl scedec 3 The composition figures are tentative and vary from different dates. Chicago’s figures are from January lith; Pittsburgh’s from January 1st and Minnesota’s from January 1st. Recruited By Old Shop Nuclei Chicago—22; Pittsburgh—30; Minnesota—16. Literature Bought In the Campaign Chicago—10,000 pamphlets. Pittsburgh—5,000 pamphlets. Minnesota—1,500 pamphlets. The sale of literature also indicatesthe mass character of the campaign. ‘The composition of the new nembers is still poor—the base of the campaign still narrow—shop work is not yet in the center of the campaign. Chicago called recently a meeting of all Party comrades working in large shops to discuss the methods of work in the shop; this is a good beginning— more personal guidance is necessary, more planned shop concentration. Will Chicago. Pittsburgh, Minneapolis Accept This Proposal from the Org. Dept. CC 1, That the districts agree for every employed miner recruited in Chicago to recruit two employed miners in Pittsburgh and one employed miner in Minne- sota. 2. That the Districts agree for every two employed steel workers recruited in Chicago to recruit one employed steel worker in Pittsburgh and one employed marine worker in Minneapolis. Do you agree to this—answer! It’s time to ask— WHO WILL GET THE RECRUITING DRIVE BANNER? THE RECRUITING DRIVE IN THE ALLEGHENY VALLEY SECTION OF THE PITTSBURGH DISTRICT By N. TCERMEGAS. In order to build the Party, it is necessary first of all to develop mass struggles in the inter- est of the employed and unemployed workers. This is the only way fora Bolshevist Party to convince the masses of workers that the Com- munist Party is their own, and as such it is their-duty to join its ranks. From the experiences that we have out in the mining fields and among the steelworkers in the Allegheny Valley, we find that in order to carry out this special recruiting dri oday s fully and to build the Party in every min: steel mill that we can reach, if’ is ne y to develop local struggles in the mines and steel mills. We must assign special forces of comrades from the section committees and active members from the units to concentrate on one or two mines and steel mills with the main objective of building mine and shop units there. After this is done, these committees should turn to another mine or mill. This method has been used by the section committee in the Allegheny alley and the result was that in three days of concentration in one mine we organized a mine unit of eight members working tn the mine. In the American Aluminum Company with only a little effort of concentration we recruited two new members. The same method must be ap- plied in every coal min and steel mill. Even in recruiting unemployed workers for the Party, aside from the general struggles which we carry on, the unemployed and Party mass meetings and demonstrations, it is necessary for the section committee of the Party to as- sign and instruct the unemployed Part tion to concenrate in certain workit tions to develop struggles around concreic de. mands of the unemployed in the course of the struggle t recruit the best elements into the Party. Another point that we must not overlook dur- ing and after the recruiting drive, is the dan- ger of opportunist tendencies expressed by some Party members, and in some instances even by Jeading members in the section committee and in the units. ‘These opportunist tendencies come primarily from the lack of faith in the masses. Some comrades, influenced by the sharpening of the class struggle and the difficulties in leading the struggles of the workers, express these ten- dencies in statements that the workers in he mins are afraid to be organized, the workers in the mills and the unemployed do not want to organize and so on. , ‘The section committee must conduct an idea~ logical campaign systematically among the Party members against these tendencies and convince the comrades of the correctness of the Party line so that the whole membership in the sec- tion will throw itself into the work for the suc- cess of the recruiting drive. Thus we will build a strong mass Party in the coal mines and steel mills, Uncover Starvation and Misery capitalist press, the agents of the ruling class, has been publishing less and less news about unemployment. It hides the starvation of the unemployed workers’ families. We west constantly expose the miserable trestment of families of the unemployed by the elty governments and charity institations. We must uncover all cases of starvation, um dernourishment, sickness. We must pub- lish these cases in our press, in the Daily Worker, in Labor Unity, tell & them at all workers’ meetings, Un- employed Councils should publish ; «» bulletins to informs all workers of _ , the starvation and misery ef the {=e unemployed. mt Paley How the Dressmakers Can Achieve Victory Burton, (Editor’s Note:—Com. Simons’ article has been unintentionally delayed. In spite of this we are printing it because of the importance and timeliness of the questions raised. The Daily Worker has requested Com, Simons to | | | | | v7 & “ mobitise supply a short article dealing with the latest phases of the strike and to discuss the impor- tant problems raised by him in the previous articles in the light of present and further developments.) By RALPH SUIMONS. IL (Conclusion) HE tactics of the United Front from below, the joint struggle emanating from the gen- | eral demands of the members of the Industrial Union, unorganized workers and workers who are still under the influence and leadership of Schlesinger’s machine does not find it neces- sary to belittle or to withhold from criticising openly strike-breaking activities of the leaders of the. L. G. W. U. ‘The Industrial Union at the time of the strike must not disappear from the stage, nor cover up its face, nor weaken its activities, but on the contrary, must develop maximuni initiative and many times strengthen mass activities, carrying through its members, who are the menibers of the shops and central strike commitices, the Une of consistent revolutionary class struggle. The Industrial Union must at the time of the strike regularly call meetings of its members, * giving them the necessary instructions, concrete assignments and check up on them. Members of the Industrial Union must serve as an example of discipline, self-sacrifice and consistency. They must appear always and everywhere on the front lines; on the picket ines, demonstrations, etc. They must work in such @ direction as to find a common under- standing with the members of the I. L. G. W. U., with the unorganized and unemployed workers; they must by all means assist in bringing forth their initiative, patiently and comradely trying ‘to convince them of the correctness of the united front polity of the Industrial Union to assist in the work of the revolutionary opposition within the I, L. G. W. U. and to help them to draw into their ranks new active elements from the mem- bers of the I. L. G. W. U. The members of the Industrial Union must develop without any delay energetic recruiting work among the unorganized workers, among the workers of the open shops and to carry on such work not only during the strike, but also after the strike is over. The work of miass re- eruiting of new members into the Industrial Union must be given very serious attention The Industrial Union must come out of this strike stronger, with the enlarged membership drawn from the working masses. The recruiting drive is not carried on with the necessary energy. Tendencies have manifested themselves to delay recruiting until after the settlements. Such tendencies have not yet. been overcome, and it is extdemely dangerous to lose even the slightest opportunity for such recruit- ment. Al) in all, ‘here is absolutely no reason to be satisfied with the results in this respect up to date, Likewise there can be no excuse for the fact that the units are inactive in the strike an? no district committee. Responsibility falls upon the fraction in the Industrial Union and in the I. L. G. W. U. as well anon the units who failed to carry through these directives. Such a situation cannot be tolerated. dressmakers’ sirike opens up a field of struggles in the various branches of the needle industry, foremost among them furriers, cloak arty oppositions in the I. L. G. W. U. In the process of this struggle will prove whether the Industrial Union is able not only to initiate a strike on the basis of the united front from below, but whether it is able to lead such a strike , leading this mass struggle. Special serious attention must be given, not only to problems of the correctness of the tac- ties, the successful approach to the masses, but. also to the organizational part. We must em- phasize that the organizational part of the strike is still weak. Insufficient attention and effort has been paid to this basic task. On this depends whether the strike committees will be able to release mass initiative, a mass activity, which to a great extent decides the success of the strike. Of the greatest importance are the proper building up of the strike machinery, mass picket- ing demonstrations, uninterrupted, constant in- formation to the striking masses, to check the various rumors spread by our enemies, financial assistance to the strikers, éollections of money into the striking fund, legal defense, etc. as was emphasized with special clarity in the orig- inal directives. But we see that the United Front Strike Com- mittee is not yet sufficiently acting as a real | guiding body. It is not sufficiently based on the building and block committees. It has not helped to build them up in the course of daily practice, giving them assistance each day, The building of these committees was begun too late and its efforts as an organizer of the rank and file activities is far from sufficient. The directives specially emphasized the importance of these building and shop committees. In spite of this, not sufficient understanding of the importance of the question is displayed. The approach to it is entirely formal, It is not enough to call generally for such committees. The United Front Strike Committee must help and instruct on how to build these and check up from shop to shop and building to building to see whether and how they were carried out. This requires much effort, but in the dress- making industry where there are many small shops, it is unthinkable to bring out the activity of the entire striking masses, to retain them under constant leadership, to direct the fight- ing spirit and energy to fight against the strike- breaking maneuvers of our foes, if the problems are not understood in their entirety. The Central Strike Committee will remain an upper staff, will turn away from the masses, if it will not be founded on the shop, building and biock strike committees’ ‘To postpone or to delay this task even for one day may cost us dearly. Organization of sub- committees, distribution of functions among the members of the strike, central, shop, building and block committees, drawing the striking masses to the execution of a separate concrete task, connected with the strike, is absolutely neces- sary in order to assure active participation of the masses in this strike. ‘Mass picketing, involving the wives and chil- dren of the workers and also the unemployed masses, must be carried on during the entire period of the strike. Usually, in the first days participation in the mass picketing goes on well, but gradually it weakens. It is not enough to be satisfied with picket demonstrations, but continuous and stub- born mass picketing of the shops from morning to night. Very good care must be taken that the mass picketing should not be slowed down, not for one day, not for one hour, but what is more important, is to attain united picketing not only with the unorganized, but also with the workers of the I. L. G, W. U. Any atetmpt of the Schlesinger strike-break- ing machine to separate workers, to organize sep- arate picketing, to create barriers getween work- ers, must be counteracted with firm will and de- cisiveness to unite the pickets of the strikers. We must decisively combat the tendency of di- viding the workers by differentiating “their” Strike and “our” strike, _Our aim is to attain a common strike under It is timely to mention that this problem was until now not properly considered by the leqder- ship of the strike who probably assumed that the strike would be finished early and are there- fore justified in neglecting the financial neces- sities. é ‘On the contrary, in the present period strikes are attaining more and more stubborn and in- tensive character and that is why the orienta- tion of the strikers must be directed along these | lines. A “mass strike” is not a pleasant prom- enade, but a stubborn struggle, the result of! which depends on how well the workers are or- ganized, on the proper and consistent leadership of the struggle and also on the organization of financial assistance to the strikers. We must not forget that for the new elements joining the strike, Americans, Negroés, Italians and Spanish, this is their first experience in | strike struggle, fe All these possibilities and difficulties must be | counted upon and we must be prepared to face them fully equipped and well disciplined. Not to retreat in disorder and panic before the rising difficulties but conscientiously stub- bornly and expedientay to overcome such diffi- culties, firmly holding on the fighting front. The Schlesinger machine which was forced to declare their fake strike are now preparing to bring it to a speedy close. They are using all methods to prevent a real joint strike and to keep the United Front Committee from break- ing down the barriers between the rank and file, | in order to keep their grip on the workers in the future, Therefore, we must, with all energy and by every means, break down these barriers, mob- ilize all strikers for one strike on the basis of the united front of the workers against the united front of Malone, Schlesinger, Mulrooney. Against the fake Schlesinger “settlement,” the masses must be convinced not to recognize this settlement which is directed against the workers. We must convince them to take matters into their own hands and to fight for real better- ment of their conditions, settlements made under | the control of the strikers themselves. The successful end of the dressmakers’ strike will be a mighty signal for the workers in the fur, cloak and millinery industries. -This will give us confidence and will be the starting point, for further economic struggles in ‘the various other industries. The proper leadership of this strike will enable other groups of the working class to avail them- selves in their struggle of the positive lessons learned in this strike. This militant strike of the dressmakers im- poses certain duties on other groups of workers. It is the very duty, not only of the workers of New York, but of the entire United States, to organize wide manifestations of solidarity and financial aid. The advanced fighting groups of the work- ing class, Kentucky miners and dressmakers of New York, deem it their right to expect, that. they will not remajn alone in then struggle and will get from the workers of the United States @ vigorous response and proof of the fighting | workers’ solidarity. Crisis and Chaos in Tex- tiles, 1931-1932 REPOR' in the New York ‘Times of January 1 reviewing the cotton manufacturing situation for the year 1931, illustrates clearly the chaos of the competitive system and the state of the tex- tile workers under capitalism. ! It states first that the textile industry has been “much depressed” in New England “as it has been in the South”. Which means that the living standards of the workers have been de- pressed through increase in unemployment and wage cuts, Then it admits that the “volume of business” in the mills manufacturing cotton cloth “has been much less than during 1930”; and that the mills have pursued “a rigid program of cur- tailment”. This means, of course, a rigid program of keeping workers out of jobs. w “There has been lack of demand,” says the re- view. This means, of course, that the workers have ceased operating and by actually demolish- ing machinery”. Thus the textile capitalists, in their pursuit of profits, are consciously desiroy- ing the industrial equipment needed to produce goods for the workers of the country. They haye closed down mills that could turn out miles of yards of fabrics. Finally, the article declares that “dividend dis- bursements” have been lower than before, but. | began to blaze. | Mooney. Feb. 24th-- Mooney, Scottsboro Libera- tion | Day! ; By J. LOUIS ENGDABL. | igre descent February 24th, is the fifteenth anniversary of the death sentence imposed on Tom Mooney, February 24, 1917, that has now been set aside by the International Labor De- fense as a world-wide day of protest demanding the unconditional liberation of Mooney, the Scottsboro boys and all the class war prisoners. The whole campaign leading up to this inter- national day of protest will raise the new dan- gers that threaten Tom Mooney, while at the same time continuing the exposure of the vicious frame-up that sought to put him to death, that today seeks the lives of the Scottsboro boys in Alabama, and the striking coal miners in Ken- tucky. Danger Faces Mooney! To many it may seem strange now to raise the cry that Tom Mooney is in danger. Especially in these days when the great effort of boss class propagandists may meet with some success in creating the illusion that the tide has turned for Mooney—that Mooney faces a better day. Mooney had been charged with murder, con- victed and on the road to the gallows. His life saved, he has been thrown into prison for life, What further danger? é m To be sure, the prison regime hungérs for his life. Diseases lurking in penitentiaries—especial- * ly San Quentin—ever raise the threat- of death, The killing burden of heavy prison toil heaped upon Mooney’s shoulders bends him daily closer to earth. This is the living death behind the steel and stone of capitalist class justice. There are other dangers. Police stations, jails, prisons are in these days overcrowded. So in the San Quentin prison. Everywhere prisoners are restless, discontented. So are the prisoners of San Quentin. Here, as elsewhere, the most vicious repression is organized against them. Thus, for instance, the so-called “holiday seaw son” at San Quentin was marked by the brutes murder by prison gurads of the young Negro worker, Hugh Adams. The armed guards needed little provocation, or they themselves created one, to begin a merciless attack on young Adams ay he was leaving a mess hall with the great many | of other prisoners on Monday, December 28tht, He resisted. The beating increased and guns Adams fell dead, pierced with many bullets, while eight, other prisoners, also fell wounded, some critically, bringing the tote} casualties.in San Quentin Prison for the two- week period to one dead and 13 wounded. This condition surely creates a danger for It might have been he, rather than | young Adams who was murdered. A provocay tion at any time might include Mooney. Thus did the German ruling class accomplish the mur- der of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. The assassins of Adams were rewarded with a week's vacation with pay. The murderers of Licbknecht and Luxemburg were “honored” by the social-democratic republic. Rich reward awaits the slayer of Mooney, although the Cal- ifornia ruling class knows for iiself this is @ dangerous solution for itself of the Mooney issue. But these are not the main dangers for Tom Mooney in the sixteenth year of his imprison< ment. February 24, 1932, marks the fifteenth anniversary of the death sentence imposed on Mooney following the more than five weeks’ trial, January 3 to February 9, 1917, that ter- minated with a verdict of guilty of murder in the first degree, * History Repeats Mself! During those 15 years history has often re- peated itself. President Wilson heard the thun- der of the Russian workers under the leadership of Lenin at the gates of the Wall Street govern- ment’s embassy in Leningrad (then Petrograd) and demanded the commutation of Mooney’s death sentence to life imprisonment. An echo of this action came recently in the well-staged “mission of mercy” headed by Mayor “Jimmy” Walker, of New York City—the “voice of fear” of the ruling elass before the jobless menace today. President Wilson, in the midst of the world war was desperate for his class. Governor Rolph today is desperate for his class and his probable action constitutes the grave danger to Tom Mooney. Governor Rolph will not pardon Tom Mooney, admitting that Mooney has all the time been in nocent of the crimes charged against him; con- fessing to the frame up, the perjured evidence, the bought and intimidated witnesses, admitting the class character of this savage persecution. * The great danger to Tom Mooney, and to the whole working class, rests in the fact that Rolph’s decision may commute the life impris- onment of Mooney to effect his release at once— a release that will carry with it the stigma of guilt, still claiming that Mooney is guilty of the crime for which nearly 16 years’ imprison- ment is now considered sufficient penalty. Gov- ernor Rolph can put such conditions that will deny Mooney the right to continue his working class activities. This would be a release forcing Mooney to catty the heavy chains of imprison ment through the highways and byways outside the prison wall, yet a prisoner still. Against this danger the working class must mass its demand for the immediate and uncon- ditional release of Tom Mooney, ‘the Scottsboro boys, the Kentucky miners and all the class war prisoners, at huge demonstrations February twenty-fourth! The ruling class seeks to separate the Mooney issue from the general working class siruggle and thus remove an obstacle to the more intensive persecutions of labor everywhere. This must not be permitted. The Mooney issue must be drawn sharply into the forefront of all phases of the struggle agdinst the growing terror—Scottsboro, Kentucky, Pennsylvania, Imperial Valley, depor- tations, criminal syndicalist laws. Thus will be assured the mass pressure that will force labor's enemies to free Mooney immediately and uncon- ditionally, February twenty-fourth must be’ a high point in preparing for the sixty-firct an- niversary of the Paris Communist, March 13th, which must become a Scottsboro-Mooney-Ken- tucky Day of struggle against lynching, against deportation, against the boss class reaction! PE IEE a TEA SRM RRA ERI Tah that some mills have paid 6 per cent on stocks and some 4 per cent, and some more. And these payments, as we have frequently pointed out, have been made on blocks of stocks enormously inflated by the stock dividends of a few years ago. ‘The Textile World has no better story to tell of the situation in textiles during the last year: “The year 1931 was a thoroughly unsatisfactory one in texfiles.... Marked increase in volume of textiles sales is not ‘in the cards’ for the next 12 months. In fact it is not at all improbable that the totel may be lower rather than higher.... ‘The genera! business situation has got to improve radically, before any sustained demand for tex- tiles can be expected,” pa iy Vert Fite way