The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 11, 1932, Page 4

§ Wabiehed by the Comprodafiy Publishing Co. Inc. dally except Sunday, at 60 East i Dail orker: By mall everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $2; two mo: SUPECRIPTION RATES: $1; excepting Boroug! igh S.. New York City. N. Y. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORK. nee One Tene SUE one: oe OMiaET eae Bibel gracing Adérems: and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 60 East 18th Street, New York, N. ¥. at B USA of Manhattan ai a aa ae =— = ———— = ———— <== ano Party Recruiting Drive January 11 - March 18, 1932 DETROIT RELATES ITS EXPERIENCES ON BI-MONTHLY UNIT MEETINGS Realizing that the bi-monthly meetings of the units cannot be carried out mechanically by a ision without serious discussion with the unit ecton functionaries, and without hamperng ine functioning of the units, a calendar Schedule of meetings was worked out and a g of all unit buros in the metropolitan of Detroit was called (through captains), plan presented and thoroly discussed with nrades present. At the same time, with the start of the bi- monthly meetings, the detailed weekly letters stopped, and weekly unit organizers meet- called instead. The first meeting of unit organizers was attended by twenty-six organizers. In the report on unemployment and prepara- for February 4th, the main line was on questions by the reporter in the following y is it that our unemployed work ing ahead, but is at a standstill? Why that we have no struggles on a local scale? as the fight against evictions not carried spite of the fact that evictions are in- Why is it possible that Negro politicians ners call protest meetngs against dis- nina of Negro workers at Rosedale Wel- are station, and our neighborhood, branch and block committees of the Unemployed Council (meeting only a few blocks away) do not take action? Why is it that at our November 7th celebration with 250 admission, we had about 5,000 people present, while at the Lenin Memorial Meeting, January 21st, with a 10c admission, we d only between 3,500-4,000 workers present, ite of the cut of relief in the Welfare De- °? Why is it that we did not react fast © the 10 per cent to 17 per cent wage he city employees (including fire and emen)? Why is it that our January 9th conference (in preparation for February 4th was very poor, and most of the mass organizations re absent? Why was the Scottsboro parade (Detroit) a failure? After the report, a good discussion took place, in which most of the organizers participated. Some of the comrades pointed out that we took the wage cuts of city employees and relief for granted, fractions in the unemployed councils are not functioning, outlines on how to build block committees were promised at the District Plenum, were not given out, stickers for January 2ist meeting came out too late, and were not distributed properly, the district did not issue a leaflet; consequently, units also forgot in- structions to issue neighborhood leaflets (with exception of one shop and two street nuclei. d prea No check-up was made by Section Committee as to whether delegates from mass organizations | were elected to the conference or not, language department was not on the job, neighborhood struggles were not carried on, because of Section Committees not giving out directives and in- structions how to organize same. The district is also to blame, for not giving out detailed instructions on how to do certain phases of work, being late on issuing stickers, posters too large, no amplifiers on November 7, too many spetakers on Noy. 7th, public hearing, also, for not having a division of tasks, this all being responsible for smaller meeting Jan. 21st. It was also pointed out that with the election of Murphy, we stopped our attack and exposure of his starvation policy. Two or three comrades could not see how the Communist Party can come out and fight against a wage-cut of the police, when they are clubbing our heads at demonstrations. This was, however, corrected by other comrades in bringing out the division and differentiation between high paid officals and the rank and file of the department; also, all possible forces against his progrom of wage | cuts, starvation, support of bankers and dema- gogy, with which all comrades later on agreed. It was also reported that in the next few days 1 public hearings, 3 empty “pot and pan” demonstrations and 5 mass meetings will be held in 3 sections. On the whole, all the organizers expressed satisfaction with the meeting, as it will help greatly in a uniform carrying out of Party campaigns and work and correct many mis- takes that have been made in the past. An Organizers class has been started at which we are taking the following topics for the next 5 weeks, 2 hours a session: Unit Organizer, his function; Unit Buro, its functions; Unit Buro, its function; Division of Tasks in unit; Work of individual comrades in shop. Later on we want to take up new members, where to recruit, how to keep them, also the political life of the unit and other problems. We are having the CC proposal on bi-monthly meetings carried out in 31 units (metropolitan area) now, while the other 15 units (more dis- tant) we will take up in a few weeks, as soon as one of us will be able to go out of town to ex- plain the whole plan and discuss same with Sec- tion Committees and Unit Buros. At preesnt, 4 sections are involved in carrying out the plan, while 2 sections and 5 unattached units are functioning on the old basis yet. THE Y. C. L. RECRUITING DRIVE IN THE SOUTH By DAVE DORAN. HE present recruiting campaign of the League is about the first real drive in the South. We have had drives before but this is the first in which we have a strong reliable base to work from. It is a new thing for the Party and the League to have a Southern District of the League set itself a quota of 200 new members and it is even newer to have this number realizable. Wherein is our main strength at present? At this moment the largest bulk of our member- ship in District 16 are yoyng Negro workers. This drive will mark a turning point in our work and bring us face to face with the factories and the young white workers, particularly of the textile industry, The main stress of our drive in the South is concentration on factories and a portion of the agricultural Black Belt ac- companied by an intensification of our work among the young Negro workers of the cities. Hence, of the 200 new members set as a goal in the drive, 80 will be textile workers and 25 will be share croppers. The drive in the South must have as a definite designated goal, the heightening of the ideological level of all our membership and the creation of a force of leading cadres. The political backwardness of the Southern young workers and the large number of illit- erate youth demands as a living necessity, an elementary class for new members and active comrades as well. With the first day of the drive a weekly discussion circle was started which is speedily growing in numbers and in- terest. The class takes up fundamental ques- tions and particularly does it link up the re- cruiting drive with these questions. Hence the drive itself has become a school to develop new leaders. An integral part of our class is a small- er class of reading and writing composed of a smaller group of comrades especially selected for future leadership , Rooting ourselves in the textile mills of the district which employ mostly white, a large part of whom are youth, is one of our most diffi- cult tasks. The mills are usually situated just outside of.a city with the workers living on the “hill,” surrounding the mill No organizers or, literature are allowed on or near the “hill.” Any worker suspected of reading our literature is immediately fired. Yet faced with these dif- ficulties and more, we have succeeded in build- ing a Unit of the YCL that meets conspiratorial- ly on the “hill” of the mill we have chosen as January 22, 1932. “My heart and soul is with you in the great revolutionary struggle to liberate the working class. I was formerly a member of the Socialist party, and I have watched the struggle of the Russian working class for many years. The re- volution of 1917 came under the leadership of Comrade Lenin, I saw in this achievment the foundation of the great co-operative common- wealth of the future. I am calling on the work- ing class of the world and especially the workers of the U. S. to join hands with their working brothers of every race, white and black, pre- senting a united front in the great battle for their own liberation, LONG LIVE THE SOVIET UNION! LONG LIVE THE CHINESE SOVIET RE- PUBLIC! Lot every c conscious worker unite in sup- | port of the Daily Worker—the only paper in the English language devoted to the liberation of the working class. Join the Communist Party— the Party of the workers, Sincerely yours, i LEON I. JOSELY¥ save the Daily Worker. # vere. | our chief concentration point, Under prevailing conditions, only one method of penetration in this mill could have been carried out in practice. This was personal con- tact with individual young workers of the mill. As part of the recruiting drive comrades are sent out to make such contact from various units in the vicinity. After weeks of consistent work around the mill, we finally made contact with one young worker who was used as a wedge to penetrate the “hill.” Now this Unit recently formed there brings one or two new members down at every meeting, reacts keenly to the re- cruiting drive, has set itself a quota of 30 in the drive, and beginning the first week of February will issue a YCL Shop Paper, the first in the South, as its part in the drive. Indicentally, the comrade who was our first contact, shows great promise of leadership and now functions on the District Committee. Among the share croppers we are faced with even more favorable opportunities for work, but accompanied by a greater amount of terror and repression. After succeeding in setting up a Unit of nine young share croppers at the be- ginning of the drive, raids of mobs headed by the law took place in the vicinity, terror was rampant, a few croppers were beaten and the League District. Organizer threatened and escort- ed to the state line. All this had the effect of bringing home some valuable lessons to the dis- trict leadership and to the croppers involved and temporarily postponed the meetings, although a little activity is still being carried on by a couple of comrades. As part of the recruiting drive we wil develop some Negro comrades to enter the Black Belt and assume work once more. It is impossible for a white comrade to continue there as this will certainly precipitate terror. The District being young and the District Committee still younger, we had difficulties in arriving at @ decision in regards to challenging Boston. We were confident that 200 new mem- bers could be easily gained in the course of the drive. But when it came to challenging Boston —that was different. In the course of the dis- cussion at the District Committee, the weakness- es of Boston District were pointed out by com- rades and we found that Boston’s weaknesses were precisely ours as well; lack of mill nuclei, weak mass organizations, etc. It was decided that the discussion of challenging Boston Dis- trict should be carried into the units where it should be fully decided on. This resulted in a broad healthy discussion on the drive in general and the chances of beating Boston in the spirit of revolutionary competition in particular, by the entire membership. The direct results of this was an increased activity of the units in relation to the drive; a setting of unit quotas by the unit membership; weekly quotas set by indi- vidual members; stimulation of campaigns in the immediate neighborhood around small local issues and arranging of recruiting parties and affairs. Unanimous decision was reached in the units to begin at once revolutionary competition with Boston and use the drive to stamp out the roots of the weaknesses of both our Districts. Daily Worker Fund Growing too slowly. Suspension danger advances by leaps and bounds. Rush every possible penny to | separably connected with the capitalist system RUSH TO THE RESCUE! WORKERS’ INSUR (The following is a resolution written by Lenin and adopted by the conference ef the Russian Social Democratic Party held in Prague, in 1912. The Prague conference, which Trotsky and Plechanow refused ®o at- tend, was held under the direct leadership of Lenin, and led to the consolidation of the Bolshevik elements, by purging itself of the opportunists of the right and “left.” ‘The above mentioned resolution is regarding the bill introduced in the Duma on Workers’ Insurance. The resolution written by Lenin is of -~-1t importance in connection with our present day struggle for social insurance.) . 8 6 By V. I. LENIN. 1. That part of the riches, created by a hired laborer which he receives in the form of wages, is so insignificant that it hardly suffices for the satisfaction of his most vital living requirements, A proletarian is thus deprived of every possibility of setting aside part of his wages as savings against the possible loss of his capacity to work, as @ result of an accident, sickness, old age and also as a result of unemployment, which is in- of production. Therefore, workers’ insurance against the contingencies listed above is a re- form, dictated by the whole course of the cart- talist development. 2, The best form of workers’ insurance is ~ yernmental insurance, built on the following found: “ions: (a) it must ins-re orkers against all forms of loss of their ability to work (ac- cidents, sickness, old age), it must insure work- ing women against loss of wages at time of pregnancy and childbirth; compensate widows and orphans after death of their wage earner); (b) insurance must cover all persons working for wages and their families; (c) all insured persons must be compensated on the principle of the return of full wages, while all costs of in- surance must be borne by the employers and by the state; (d) the management of all forms of workers’ insurance must be in the hands of single insurance organizations, built on the ter- ritorial type and on the basis of complete self- administration of the insured. 3. The bill of the administration on workers’ insurance, recently accepted by the State Duma is contrary to all the basic demands of a ration- ally built insurance system; (a) it considers only insurance against accidents and against sick- ness; (b) it embraces only a small part of the Russian proletariat (one-sixth according to the most optimistic calculations) leaving without in- surance facilities whole regions (Siberia, Cau- casus) and whole categories of workers, who are particularly in need of insurance (agricul- tural workers, construction, railroad, postal telegraph, clerical workers, etc.); (c) it sets pauperous amounts of compensation (the maxi- mum compensation for accidents resulting in full disability are two-thirds of the earnings of the insured, calculated on a basis below the actual earnings) but a@ the same time it puts on the shoulders of the workers the majority of costs of insurance; it is planned to insure at the expense of the workers not only against sickness, but also against “minor” accidents, the most frequent kind in industry. This new order is a decided worsening, even in comparison with the present law, which puts the duty of com- pensation exclusively upon employers; (d) it de- prives insurance organizations of every sem- blance of self-government, leaving them to the mercy of civil service employees, gendarmes, police (which, aside from a general supervision, had the right to basically direct their activities, exert influence on the personnel, etc.); employ- ers (personnel recruited from the ranks of em- ployers only, to comprise the staff of organiza- tions insuring against accidents, factory type of sick benefit societies, influence of employers on insurance organizations permitted by status, ete.). 4, Such a law, which is nothing more than the grossest mockery of the most vital interests of the working class, could be produced now at -& moment of the most furious reaction, in the period of the reign of counter revolution, as a result of years of negotiations between the gov- ernment and the representatives of capital, The condition necessary for the realization of an insurance reform, which would actually answer the requirements of the proletariat, is the final overthrow of Tsarism and the conquest of con- ditions necessary for a free class struggle of the SOCIAL ANGE) proletariat. On the basis of the above stated, the confer- ence decides, that: (1) The most important task before the underground Party organizations, as well as before the comrades working in legalized organizations such as trade unions, clubs, co- operatives, etc., is the development of the widest propaganda against the insurance bill of the Duma, which touches upon the interests of the Russian Proletariat, but which acts against these interests in the grossest manner. (2) The conference emphasizes that the whole social democratic agitation on account of the insurance bill must be linked up with the situation of the proletariat in a modern capi- talist society, with the critique of bourgeois il- lusions, spread by the social reformists, and generally with our basic socialistic tasks; on the other hand, the character of the Duma’s “re- form” must be linked up in our propaganda with the political moment through which we are pass- ing and with our revolutionary-democratic tasks and slogans. (3) Fully approving the votes of the social democratic fraction of the Duma against the bill, the conference calls the attention of the comrades to the large and valuable material, which the debates in the Duma on this question have given to clear up the attitude of various classes on the matter of labor reforms; the con- ference particularly calls attention to the un- qualified enmity of the Octobrist representatives of the backward capital to the’ workers, and to the hypocritical speeches of the representatives of the Constitutional Democratic party (KD) covered up with social reformist phrases about “social peace.” Actually the KD were against any independence of action on the part of the working class and fought bitterly against the basic corrections to the bill, which were intro- duced by the social democratic fraction of the Duma. (4) The conference warns the workers most emphatically against all endeavors to limit or to altogether misunderstand the social democratic propaganda, fitting it to the frame of only the legally permitted during the reign of counter revolution; on the contrary, the conference em- phasizes that the basic moment of this agita- tion niust be to bring to the broad masses of the proletariat the premise, that without a new revolutionary upsurge, any betterment of their conditions of life is impossible. That he who strives for an actual working class reform, must first of all work and fight for a new victorious revolution. (5) Should the bill of the Duma become a law despite the protests of the class conscious proletariat, the conference invites the comrades to utilize those new organizational forms, whieh it will bring to life (workcrs’ sick benefit fund societies) for the purpose of carrying on fn these organizational nuclei of the most energetic pro- paganda of social democratic ideas, an@ thus to turn also this law, which was conceived for the purpose of further enslavement and suppression of the proletariat, into a weapon for the de- velopment of his class consciousness, for the strengthening of his organizational forces and of his fight for full political freedom and for Socialism. The 50th Birthday of Comrade ' Piatnitzky Moscow, January 30, 1932. Comrade Piatnitzky today celebrates his 50th birthday. The life of our 50 year old Comrade Piatnitzky represents a proletarian, revolutionary act, a Bolshevist life. At the end of the last century, when the revolutionary proletarian mass movement in Tsarist Russia was still in its first stage of development in the chief centers of the country, a young artisan joined a small per- secuted provincial illegal Social Democratic Work- ers’ Circle, The first number of the Leninist “Iskra” came into his hands. Shortly afterwards he became the organizer of its distribution. He attended the first years of instruction in the Leninist school already as a. young worker becoming a professional revolutionary.His school- ing consisted in not only reading periodicals and studying. It consisted of persecutions and ar- rests; it consisted of prison life, ir heroic at- tempts at escape, emigration and banishment. The school of the professional revolutionary con- sisted in a devoted, unwearied persistent daily work, in introducing Bolshevist ideas in revolu- tionary organizations, in establishing and strengthening the illegal connections between the political center of the Bolsheviki abroad where the Leninist ideas were forged, and Rus- sia, where the scattered illegal Party Commit- tees supplied the life material out of the experi- ence of the mass work for the Leninist Center and in the fight against sectarianism prepared for the revolutionary workers’ party the victori- ous advance of Bolshevism, His life consisted in organizing Party nuclei in the works and factor- jes, making the most of legal, semi-legal possi- bilities, in organizing strikes and mass demon- strations, in exemplary preparation of the masses for armed revolt. And all this in the fight against opportunism of the Right and the “Left.” There is no im- portant variety of revolutionary work in which Comrade Piatnitzky, as a close and true follower of Lenin, would not have participated. Through hard self-sacrificing years of organizing a cen- tralized Party, with an almost empty Party treas- ury, during the most difficult years of the fight of the “Iskra” against the economists and after the Party Congress in the year of 1903, in the first years of the fight between the Bolsheviki and the Mensheviki, Piatnitzky was one of the most efficient organizers of the transport of il- legal Party literature and of illegal Party workers across the strictly guarded frontiers of Tsarist Russia. At the time of the revolution of 1905 the rehearsal of the great October Revolution, Com- rade Piatnitzky was among the Party leading comrades who organized and conducted the re- volutionary mass fights in Odessa, In the years of the ebb of the mass movement, in the years of profound reaction, Camrade Piatnizky again became organizer of the illegal apparatus of the Bolshevist Centre abroad. In the fight against the liquidators he was one of the organizers of the Conference at Prague in the year 1912, when the Bolsheviki finally con- stituted themselves an independent Party. Soon afterwards he again came to Russia as an agent cf the Leninist Central Committee and was or- ganizer of the illegal work on the Volga, im- mediately up to his arrest and banishment to Siberia. After the February Revolution, which freed him from the banishment, he became or- ganizer of the railway workers and one of the leaders of the armed revolt in Moscow, and then secretary of the Moscow Party organization. In recent years he has been a member of the high- est Party body of the C. ?. S. U., the Central Control Commission and later also of the Central Committee. He is the head of the organization work and member of the E. C. C, I. and one of the secretaries of the Executive Committee of the Comintern. These are only the most import- ant events in the career of Comrade Piatnitzky. It is not easy to describe Comrade Piatnitzky’s activity In the Comintern. Not a hundredth part of the leading work which he has performed and is still performing in the Communist World Party ever reaches the knowledge of the outside public. The training of the professional revolutionary under Lenin's leadership is shown in every detail of Comrade Piatnitzky’s work-—the work of a pro- fessional revolutionary who always with the greatest modesty serves the comrades and organ- izations, which he, with the greatest circumspec- tion and taking into account all the circum- stances, leads and welds together with a firm ‘and secure hand. Within the frame of the gen- eral leadership of the Comintern Comrade Piat- nitzky worked passionately as a Bolshevist Party architect and mass organizer in securing the application of the historical experience of the Bolshevist Party as well as in organizing the work of the leading bodies of the Comintern itself. In the arduous and long years of struggle against the remnants of social democratic tradi- tions both in the political and the organizational field, against the theory of spontaneity and the underestimation of the role of the Party as the leader and organizer of the masses arising there- from, Comrade Piatnitzky has fought with Notes on the United Textile Workers By LABOR RESEARCH ASSN, 1 ise close relationship of the United Workers to the mill owners’ government tha@ has been used repeatedly to crush strikes i Massachusetts is shown in the recent appoint. ment of John Campos as associate commissioner of labor and industries in that state. Campos has been for years the chief spokesman of the United Textile Workers in Fall River, a secretary of the U.T.W. branch. The appointment of A. F, of L, officials to government jobs has long been the practice of state governors, but this is one of the most conspicuous examples in the tex- tile field. Commenting on the 40 to 5§ per eent wage- cut negotiated by the Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers’ Federation, the leading section of hie union, President McMahon says that they met the situation “bravely” and with courage. He contends also that wage-cuts in textiles are wholly due to the wicked bankers who force nice employers to do things against their better judgement. But he is not too hard on the bank- ers, for he observes cautiously: “I do not know whether or not the bankers of our country have made mistakes. I only consider the frailty of humanity and say that all of us make mistakes.” John H. Powers, member of the executive council of the U.T.W. since 1908, observes with alarm: “One must realize the minds of the av- erage workers must be prepared to receive the Suggestions of the wild-eyed ignorant and mis- chievous orators, or they would not be so quickly imbued with a spirit of revolution that seems to Possess so many of them.” The American Wool and Cotton Reporter sug- gests that McMahon, representing the U. T. W. or James Tansey of Fall River, president of the American Federation of Textile Operatives, should be the “Ramsay MacDonald for Massa- chusetts Textiles.” MacDonald deserted) his “socialism” and joined with the British Tories to cut the workers’ unemployment insurance rates in Britain. This employers’ journal wants the textile labor leagers to act as “patriotically” as MacDonald and help the Massachusetts em- ployers bring back the 54-hour week in’ that State. This would not be the first time these two labor leaders have co-operated with employers. They both went to Congress a few yeass ago and argued for a high protective tariff on tex- tiles. Now, with wages being cut right and left, they contend that the employers have played a dirty trick on them. They threaten to go to Washington again and work for lower rates on the ground that “wage standards have not been upheld” under their high tariff agreement with teh capitalists. MeMahon is a born class-collaborationist. He is on the executive committee of the National Civie Federation along with the heads of some of the biggest anti-labor corporations in the country, including the U. S. Steel Corporation, Otis Elevator, Metropolitan Life Insurance Co, and the New York Edison Co. ' the Comintern and above all for the transform- ation of the Communist Parties on the basis of the factory nuclei This requires not only im- mediaté experience derived from long years of Party wor® fm the ranks fo the Party of Lenin, but also an exact knowledge of the peculiarity of every Communist Party and its cadres, its membership, its conditions of work and strug-, gle. It also requires a thorough knowledge of, the policy, the methods of organization and wor! of the enemies of the proletarian revolution, above all of the social democracy and of. the! reformist trade unions. Revolutionary trade union work as an im- portant constituent part of the mass work of the Communist Parties has in the last few years come directly and permanently within Comrade Piatnitzky’s fleld of activity. Comrade Piat- nitzky’s sharp criticism of all those who do not fight hard and persistently enough for the trans- formation of the Communist Parties upon the basis of factory nuclei—who point to the exist- ing difficulties and hindrances in order to justify their weaknesses—has always been based on an all-round knowledge of an exact control of the facts on a Bolshevist estimation of the connec- tion between politics and organization and at the same time takes into account the peculiarity of the sector of the front. To enable the Sections of the Comintern really to carry outa Bolshevist policy, to make them capable of crushing the social democracy, eap= turing the majority of the working class, or- ganizing and leading the decisive fights for pow- er, to render them capable of achieving victory in the revolution—this has always been the lead- ing idea in the whole activity of Comrade Piat- nitzky. In order to be able to carry out the complicated task of Bolshevizing the Commu- nist world Party, it was necessary further to develop the leading bodies and the apparatus of the Comintern from a body which mainly made propaganda and agitation work, into or- gans of politically and organizationally differ- entiated leadership. Comrade Piatnitzky’s revo- lutionary sense of reality is rooted both in the long years of Leninist schooling in the correct estimation of facts, the political linking up of the same and the extremely concrete approach to the questions, as well a sin the extraordinary knowledge of the whole international labor movement. This sense of reality remained the most important prerequisite for the correct lead- ership of such a complicated sphere of work and struggle as the international revolutionary move- ment. to the questions, as well as in the extraordinary This Bolshevist sense of reality, coupled with a make all sections of the Comintern capable of mastering their historical task is clearly expres- sed with Comrade Piatnitzky in hit hatred against every Right opportunist adaptation in words to all decisions, against all passivity masked by “Left” phrase mongering. Therefore our Comrade Piatnitzky is a passionate opponent of any incongruity between word deeds, a fighter for revolutionary realization of adopted decisions. Hence his speeches and literary works are al~ ways marked not only by the concrete putting of questions, but also by the effective manner in which he always laid bare and grasped the essence of things. Our Comrade Piatnitzky is a granit-Mke Bol- shevik, an examplary leader of the International Communist movement. Wilhelm Pieck (Germany), Manuilsky (C.P.- 8.U.), Wan Ming (China) Kuunsinen (E.C.C.1.), Thomez (France), Svabova (C.P. of Czecho- slovakia), Kunorin, Losovsky, Browder (C.P.- U.S.A.), Bela Kun, Gopner, Saslavski (CP. Poland), Sen Katayama, Gussev, Hathaway (C.P.U.S.A.); Kolarov, Okano (Japan); Mitzke- vitch, Manner (C.P. Finland); Chemadanoy (E.C.Y.C.L); Varga, Angaretic (C.P. Lithuania) ; pots? big! aati Spain); Isskrov » Bulgaria), Maggi (C.P, Italy)s Hanon (OX, Norway). ¥ & 5