The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 9, 1932, Page 4

Published by the Comprodatly Publishing Co. Inc. daily excep? Sund ALgonquin 4-7956 Cable Address and ihail all checks to the Daily Worker, 60 East 13th Street, New York, N. Y. Page Four 18th St.. New York City. N. Y. Telephone Party Recruiting Drive January 11 - March 18, 1932 TO THE EXPLOITED AND OPPRESSED NEGRO TOILERS, CLOSE RANKS! JOIN THE COMMUNIST PARTY! The American working class is faced with a severe economic crisis Twelve million people are wholly without employment. Forty million persons are with- out a means of livelihood and other millions are working part time, barely mak- ing enough to exist on. Wages are being slashed daily. The hours of working are lengthened. The speed-up system increases. The government and police terror against the toiling masses becomes more brutal and barbarous. As the crisis deepens the militancy of the workers is reflected in strike struggles which the bosses and their governments attempt to crush in terror and blood. In this savage offensive of the bosses to get out of the crisis, the Negro toil- ers are the worst sufferers. The political reaction of the bourgeoisie against the Negroes takes its sharpest form. They systematically violate their own laws (democratic rights, 13, 14 and 15th amendments) with the rope and fagot of lynch mobs, with the torrents of legal lynching and the horrors of Jim Crow laws to drive into the lowest depths of eeonomic and political despair the Negro masses, Every organized and unorganized attempt of the Negro masses to re- sist the tightening yoke of oppression is met with lynchings, lynch frame-ups, shooting down by uniform thugs and semi-feudal terror from the capitalists, their henchmen, and fascist organizations. The struggle of the Negro masses for liberation at every hand is met by the cold steel of the white ruling class landlords and capitalists. In the Black Belt of the South, American “democracy” enslaves close to nine million Negroes on peonage and share iropping farms. Ev' elemental democratic right guaranteed by the federal constitution is consistently denied the Negro masses. Chain gang, debt slavery, convict labor, whippings, medieval torture, the multiple horrors ac- companying tenancy and peonage, midnight rides of “pure blood Americans” (Ku Klux Klan, American Legion, Black Shirts, etc.) and increased lynchings, spell in capital letters “DEMOCRACY” endorsed and condoned by every political and reactionary body, black and white, except the Communists and the revolu- tionary organizations of struggle. The iron elutch of American imperialism which holds in subjection the Negro masses can be broken. Equal rights for the Negroes in the North and national seif-determination for the majority of the Negro population in the Black Belt can be gotten but only through revolutionary struggles under the leadership of the Communist Party. The programs of the reformists and misleaders turn the militant aieugeles of he Negro masses into channels harmless to the imperialists and their agents. avenue of escape from the barbarous yoke of oppression becomes a road, eactionary reformist leadership, to carry the ruling minority class to a fortress of safety guarded by their cossacks and thugs armed to the teeth to piunder and rob the toilers and to drown in blood the growing struggles of the Negro masses. The Communist Party is the leader of the struggles of the workers against the savage political reaction of the bourgeoisie. In the struggle against lynch- ing it is only the Communists who are actively engaged in mobilizing masses of workers, white and black, to protest and demonstrate against this barbarous pastime of the American bosses. The struggle to free the nine framed Scottsboro boys, the Orphan Jones case, etc., are major political campaigns of the Party to draw into the mass defense movement and into the ranks of the Negro liberation movement thou- sands of white workers to struggle together with the Negroes against oppres, sion. In Camp Hill, Ala., the determined struggles of the Negro share croppers against the starvation plans of the plantation bosses were supported by the Com- munist Party. In the struggle against unemployment and the mass eviction of Negro workers (Chicago and Cleveland) Communists were actively engaged in building up the mass movement which forced the capitalists of the cities to give certain amounts of relief to the Negro jobless. The National Hunger March to Washington, D. C., of 1,650 of which a fourth were Negroes, proved the vitality of the Communist program of full equality for the Negro in smashing Jim Crow barriers a'l ale:.g the Jines of march and in the capital. Recent strikes of the miners in Kentucky, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia, proved conclusively the correctness of the Communist program of unity of black and white in strike struggles to force concessions from the coal barons. The Party is the leader in the fight against unemployment, mass wage cuts, the worsening conditions of the toilers and against the immediate. war danger. It mobilized the workers, black and white, to stubborn!y resist the attempts of the bosses to drive them into another war to slaughter their brother workers in order to prolong the rule of the reigning parasites over the laboring masses. It is the leader of all oppressed national minority groups in the colonial ccuntries, the West Indies and America, against the iron rule of the imperialist bosses. The only solution to the wretched conditions of the Negro masses is the Com- munist program of struggle—full equality for the Negroes in the North can be obtained only after a relentless struggle of the black and white proletariat against the bourgeoisie. The right of national self-determination for the Ne- groes in the Black Belt can be realized by revolutionary struggles, with the white workers in the forefront, by the confiscation of the landed properties of the southern big landlords, by taking the power away from the imperialists (who use it to suppress the Negro majority in the Black Belt) and placing it in the hands of the black workers and peasants. The recruiting campaign of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, U.S. A,, is a drive to bring into the fighting ranks of the workers larger num- bers of Negroes and whites, native and foreign born, to give mass resistance to the increased political reaction of the imperialists against the toiling masses. Negro toilers, this is your Party! Join its ranks! Build a fighting solidarity of Negro and white workers! Build the Negro liberation movement! For un- conditional equal rights of the Negro masses! For the right of national self de- termination of the Negro population which is the majority in the Black Belt of the South! Close ranks with the advanced sections of the white workers! Join the Communist Party—the Party of your class! CENTRAL COMMITTEE, C. P., U.S. A, at 50 East DAIWORK.” SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mafl everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two mon¢! of Manhatian and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, xcepting Boroughs siz months, $4.50, News Item:—The Chinese Red Army of workers and peasants has advanced to within five miles of Hankow. By BURCK By JORGE Defending the “Foreign Quarter” | A headline in the capitalist press the other day, saying that “All Troops in Foreign Quare ter Mobilized,” was, of course, referring to Shanghai. But Shanghai's “foreign quarter,” taken by violent! seizure of the imperialists from the Chinese, reminds us that there is a “foreign quarter” in every American city also. True, it has not been taken by such an obe viously bloody game as war and conquest, but the bloodshed and violence and war are there, all right, under the surface. We refer to the “ritzy” parts of town where live the rich in practically every sizeable city of America, @ place apart from the working class districts. Walk along the little park on the north end of the Shanghai “bund” and you will see the sign on the park gate: “Chinese and dogs prohibited.” And the whole “foreign quarter” - is established and administered so as to keep out the Chinese except for those who may play District 19, CPUSA. DULUTH SECTION OF MINNEA.- POLIS DISTRICT CHALLENGES ST. PAUL SECTION Dear Comrades: In the spirit of revolutionary competition we accept your challenge in the Party recruiting drive. We pledge ourselves to secure our quota of 2Q0 new Party members before March 18th. | We also pledge that through c: on work | among the exploited Negro masses to draw into | the Communist Party 30 Negro workers during this period, and to recruit 25 women workers from among the worknig women and housewives. We further pldge to set up 4 shop nuclei and to establish two shop papers. In the Drive we set ourselves a special quota of 150 new subs to the Daily Worker, a 50 per cent increase in dues payments and a 100 per cent in total stamps purchased. We invite you to an exchange of experiences in the drive and assure you that | | |with the same. revolutionary spirit in which | sc ge is accepted will help you in every | | id you in realizing your quota | With revolutionary greetings, District Committee, Dist, No. 10 At last we are able to start some kind of revolutionary competition with two of our im- | 2ortant sections, the Duluth Section of our Party | has challenged the St. Paul section and follow- ing is a copy of the challenge:— 1.—"That we will double our membership in the City of Duluth during this drive and chal- lenge you to do the same in St, Paul. 2.—“That we will organize @ functioning shop unit into the Gary steel plant and challenge you to do the same in So, St, Paul Packing Planta, 3.—“That we will recuit more railroad, steel, and dock workers into the Party in Duluth than you will form your basic industries during this drive. hat we will recuit more A. F. of L, mem- the Party in Duluth, and that we will build fractions in the unemployed branches and in the unemployed council and challenge you to do the same.” The Role ot Church in Strikes (From the Pamphlet, Workers,” Published by the International Publishers, Price 10 cents.) ‘HURCHES can always be expected to take the side of the employers against the workers during strikes. For money speaks. The employ- ers give the property, build the churches, hire the ministers, pay their salaries and take care of other church expenses. They dominate the churches and the clergymen completely and use thet as they do the schools and school teachers to develop loyalty to the capitalist class. The “The Church and the | zeal of clergymen in defeating strikes is, how- | ever, usually more than that of persons who rec- ognize that they must act in a certain way to retain their jobs. They thoroughly identify themselves with the capitalist class against the workers. During the textile strike in Lawrence, Mass., led by the I.W.W. in 1912, church members paraded against the strikers with placards read- ing, “For God and for Country—The Stars and the Stripes Forever—the Red Flag Never.” In the great steel strike, led by William Z. Foster in’ 1919, not one prominent minister in. the steel region spoke out in favor of the strikers, while many used as sermons the prepared publicity material of the companies and brought pressure to bear upon the workers to desert the strike. The churches’ betrayal of the masses was so ob- vious that after the strike the Interchurch World Movement led by church “liberals,” to retain the church's hold upon the masses, published a re- port revealing the conditions that led to the strike. This was promptly repudiated by the large church bodies who withdrew from the or- ganization causing it to collapse and showing more clearly than ever the control of the capi- talists over the churches. Another large report, openly supporting the employers, was then is- sued, endorsed by churchmen, denouncing the first report as being financed by Soviet gold.. On the day the Seattle general strike was called, in 1919, one hundred church delegates in convention in Seattle, in their attempt to stir up sentiment against the strikers, issued a state- ment resolving that the church “deplores the spirit of strike and confusion; that it commends to all men the solution of all social problems by the simple application of the principles enunci- ated by, and of the spirit of the life and teach- ings of Jesus Christ.” Before and during the strike the churches did everything in their power to break the militant spirit of the workers by urging their members not to participate. They violently denounced the leaders of the strike as being in the pay of Moscow. During the many miners’ strikes in Pennsylvania and Illinois, lead- ers of the strikers also had to meet the strenu- ous opposition of the priests and Protestant min- isters, who acted as strike-breaking agents, im- Ploring the workers to return. am the pits at re- duced wages. The Passaic strike in 1926 again illustrates the insidious role of the churches. Organizers found the local churchmen almost unanimously lined up against them, using their influence especially over the foreign-born to break the strike. The church “liberals” who came in to give‘some sup- Port to the strike actually directed their efforts toward arriving at a compromise through arbi- tration. Their plea was for the classes to come together “in conférence,” a procedure typical of “liberal” church agencies. In order to counter- act the influence of the radical strike leaders in Passaic, the Department of Christian Social Ser- vice of the Episcopal Church supported, by a large money contribution, a special propaganda campaign after the strike conducted by an ex- minister who later was put on the payroll of the American Federation of Labor. In the textile strikes of the South, the hostil- ity of the churches toward the workers has been most intense. Everywhere in the cotton mill towns, such as Gastonia, Marion and Bessemer City, N.C., local churches were active in under- mining the fighting spirit of the strikers. In Gastonia, the churchmen incited hostility against the strikers among the more backwerd elements of the workers to break their ranks in their fight against the mill owners. They helped the em- ployers to stir up mob hatred against the strikers which culminated in the killing of Ella May Dogg en oediearape bre anger In Marion, N.C. and Danville, Va., where bey strikes were under conservative leadership, local churches were nevertheless rabid against the strikers. In Marion they attempted to force the desertion of 100 strikers by dropping them from church membership. In both instances, outside “liberal” church agencies entered end furniched su f to alley discontent. Trey raised funds for reuef from among canital- ists on the grounds that they were preventing violence and keeping the workers orderly. In the most recent strike of the textile workers im Lawrence, in February, 1931, when 10,000 Workers, under the leadershtp of the National the employers are their friends, that there is no class struggle, and that “mutual interests” should lead to compromise. Just as the churches participate in strike ac- tivity against the workers directly and indirectly, so too have they functioned in other phases of the class struggle. When the I.W.W. protected their hall in Centralia, Wash. and defended themselves against the assault of the American Legion mob instigated by the lumber barons, and were put on trial for the death of four of their attackers, the clergymen of Washington helped to whip up hysteria against them. The First Christian Church of Centralia and its min- ister contributed toward the funds for the prose- cution of the men. Eleven years after the event a joint investigation to determine whether “jus- tice” had been done in the case was undertaken ‘oy leading church groups which failed to make positive recommendations for the release of the workers. Only after 15 years had passed did a hundred ministers issue a typically weak statement ask- ing for the release of Mooney and Billings. The churches have been absolutely silent in the case of Frank Spector and other organizers who are imprisoned by the powerful fruit growers’ in-* terests of California, because they attempted to organize the miserably exploited Mexican agri- cultural workers of the Imeperial Valley. The vast majority of church men asked for the death of Sacco and Vanzetti and when on August 24, 1930, Communist speakers were arrested on Boston Common for attempting to hold a Sacco- Vanzetti memorial meeting,:a Catholic Truth Guild speaker, permitted by the police to ad- dress the crowd, declared, “Whenever these Reds Start action in this country they will find the Catholics in the front ranks opppsing them.” Textile Workers’ Union, tied up the plants of the American Woolen Co. in a struggle against an “efficiency” system which meant greater speed-up for the workers, a Catholic priest called upon the strikers, the large majority of whom were Catholics, to meet in conference with him and come to terms with the employers. Resolu- tions against the strike were also sed by a body of Protestant. ministers. In co-operation with a “citizens’ committee” and the American Woolen Co., the priest carried on an energetic campaign with the slegans: “Labor and capital must gei together,” “Go back to work,” “The American Woolen Co. is honest.” When the strikers voted to refuse the invitation to a con- ference, the churches acquiesced in the cam- | paign of terror unleashed ‘against the strikers | by the police, city and federal government, which | resulted in the arrest and deportation proceed- ings against the e leaders, the raiding of | the union offices and intimidation and brutality against the strikers. Chureh bells were rung when the workers went back to work. Weeks after the strike, outside “libéral” church agen- cies protested against the police terror in an éf- fort to save the reputation of the church among the workers, When “liberal” churchmen enter a strike situ- ation they aim to curb the militancy of the strikers by encouraging a spirit of compromise and arousing false hopes of a favorable settle- ment. At a time when the workers are on strike because of the intolerable conditions under which they must work, these ¢lergymeén-declare that | Strom”, the “theoretical organ” of the Brandler The Banbruptcy of the Brandler Group in Germany By PAUL LANGNER (Berlin) 4 eu Brandler group, which calls itself the Com- munist Party Opposition but in reality, is only a branch of the social democracy, this moderate wing of fascism, is rapidly breaking up. ‘“‘Arbei- | terpolitik”, the daily paper of the group appear- ‘| ing in Berlin ceased to appear as a daily at the end of January and now continues only as a weekly paper. On January 12, the prominent Brandlerists, Jacob Walcher, Paul Froelich, | Koehler, Enderle, Rosi Wolfstein, Dr. Kar] Frank and some other members were expelled from the group. The decay of ‘ the Brandler group is the im- mediate result of the intensification of the class antagonisms and class struggles in Germany, as well as of the correct policy of the C. P. of Ger- many under the leadership of its Bolshevist Central Committee. The decay of the Brandler group is the direct reflection of the crisis within the social democratic party of Germany, of which the Brandler group is only a branch. ‘The quarrel between Thalheimer and Brandler on the one side and Walcher, Froelich and En- derle on the other, regarding the methods best calculated to keep the workers from entering the Communist Party, became an open conflict at the moment of the founding of the Socialist | Labor Party (Seydewitz group). The group headed by Walcher openly propa- gated the Hquidation of the Communist Party Opposition and its incorporation in the Socialist Labor Party in order, allegedly, to convert this counter-revolutionary branch of the social de- mocracy into a Communist Party. Thalheimer and Brandler rightly feared that. the liquida- tion of their group and its merging with the socialist labor party would be bound to result in the greater part of their proletarian followers going over to the Communist Party; for such a step would cause the workers to recognize the correctness of the Communist Party's assertion that the Brdndler group plays a counter revolu- tionary role. On the other hand, the intensifica- tion of class antagonisms forces the Walcher group to act. The development within the Brandler group is jority, as for instance in Offenbach, where the newspaper “Volksrecht”, edited by the reformist | trade union bureaucrat Galm, has already gone over to the Walcher group. In Hamburg a de- cision was adopted according to which Brandler is not allowed to speak at a public meeting un- less a representative of the minority is allowed to deliver a speech at the same time. The Walcher group is openly working for af- filiation to the Socialist labor party and for the liquidation of the Communist Party Opposition. It is already holding joint fraction meetings with S. L. P. people. A leading functionary of this group has already joined the socialist labor party. | The differences of opinion which have now led to the open bankruptcy and decay of the Brand- ler group, in no way relate to any principle. } Brandler is conducting an equally furious fight against the Communist Party as is the Waleher | group. Now, at the moment when the workers are opposing the emergency orders with the wea- pon of the strike, both fractions are showing themselves to be brenches of the social demo- cratic party and of the reformist trade union bureaucracy, They conceal their shameful role of strike breakers behind the radical phrase that the only answer of the workers to the emergency orders must be the “general strike.” This gen- eral strike, they declare, must be led by the re- formist trade unions. The “Left” socialist labor party leaders, Sey- dewitz and Rosenfeld, are singing the same tune. A huge number of reformist trade union bureau- crats in Germany are at present peddling round with the slogan of a “general strike” in order, at the present moment when it is necessary to mo- bilize’ the working class against wage cuts, to divert attention from their shameful strike- breaking policy. The “Arbeiterpolitik” writes that the essence o* the united front consists in compelling the re- formist trade union leaders to lead the fight of the working class, whilst the socialist labor party calls for the setting up of the united front by the joint action of the Communist Party, the socialist labor party, the Brandler group, the accelerated by. the constantly declining influ- | social democratic party and the reformist trade ence of this group in the working class. Accord- | unions. That is to say, the united front with ing to a report of the “Arbeiterpolitik”, the gen- | Wels, Severing, Grzezinski, Zoergiebel, ete. The eral meeting of the Communist Party Opposition in Berlin was attended by only 197 members, al- though both fractions had mobilized all their members in order to have the majority at this meeting. According to a report of “‘Gegen den | to the “united front” is quite reconcilable with that of the socialist labor party. | Also in regotd to the question of the Red Trade Union Opposition, the formation of a revolution- ary trade union movement and the setting up of strike committees for launching and leading means confined to the national leaders. The |. strikes of the workers there exists @ united front fraction, fight is reging in all parts of Germany. | from Wels to Brandler, This front wishes oP ee oa ae: ante Be hee Ne Same, Mavidate the R.T.U.O,, because it does not group, in Fomburg, the seesnd lovgest tovm in Germany, there were only 43 people pre-ent at the members meeting of the C. P. Opposition, The fight within the C. P. Opposition is by no servant to the resident imperialists, to exclude. the toiling masses, doomed to hunger, misery and disease because they are exploited by these imperialists, How like to the “exclusive districts” of Am- erican cities! Here live the rich, and they permit | the nursemaids, the servants, the butcher, baker | and candle-stick maker who are necessary to} the existence in idleness of these rich, to enter | and remain in the sacred precincts.There isn’t any sign visible, but the rule is enforced, alk right;—“Workers and ‘stray dogs, prohibited,” Indeed, not many blocks from the Daily Worker there is Grammercy Park, where the gates are Jocked and only the rich people of the neigh~ borhood have keys! It is not surprising, therefore, that when workers get out of bounds and invade the “for- eign quarter,” American capitalist mobilizes its defense forces to compel the exploited masses to “get back to their kennels” in the slums. For this reason, Walter Carpenter, a 20-year= old boy was sentenced by Judge Weil here in New York City, to six months in jail for the “crime” of hanging around the “ritzy” theatre district, trying to make a dime or two in tips by by opening taxi-doors for the grand dames of society, he being a young worker out of a job. It is not surprising, therefore, to learn that another young worker, who got into the “for- eign quarter” on Park Avenue, New York, and —being jobless and starving, entered a rich woman's flat and took just one apple, got a jolt of fifteen years in the penitentiary. Some- body protested. So the capitalist judge, to show he was “big-hearted,” cut the sentence to five years. At this rate, the apples core alone was worth about 18 months at hard labor. Workers should learn to see such things, They should learn to see, right under their noses, the imperialist invaders and looters; the capitalist “foreigners” who certainly look down upon the workers as a different race and nation than themselves, as servants when they are needed, and as trespassers, vagrants and “dis- orderly elemenis* when they are not included. When you savvy that, yoi'll do nothing but cheer when the Chinese workers “invade the foreign quarter” at Shanghai or Hankow; and you'll be getting. ready for the day when Am- erican workers will “seize the foreign quarter” and make playgrounds for their kids out of the mansions of the rich. , LABOR SPIES EXPOSED IN A NEW PAMPHLET j By GRACE HUTCHINS. 'VER since the Pinkertons in the 1870's first planted a spy at the request of coal operators in Pennsylvania in their class war against the “Molly Maguires* spying on workers’ organiza- tions has been part of employers’ tactics against the working class. Spying on labor has become a well-organized system, and this system is now carefully dé scribed ina new pamphlet “Spying on Workers, by Robert W. Dunn, prepared by the Labor Re- search Association and published by Interna- tional Pamphlets, It reads like a detective story, but it is a true account of the rats, stool-pigeons and provocative agents, paid by the employers, either directly or through spy agensies, to give information on the workers’ organizations. How the system works; types of spies and agencies; hiring and training the “operative” with exact quotations from typical instructions given to the spy; the names of a hundred cor- porations among the many that employ spies; government spying on labor; American Federa- tion of Labor officials spying on the Left Wing; these are some of the sections in this important and valuable booklet. A photo-stat copy of a letter on U.S. Depart- ment of Justice stationery, signed by William J. Burns, is included. Burns, as head of the Wm. J. Burns International Detective Agency, was promoting his private business on government. stationery and was busily eugaged in suppressing “some of the activities of the radicals.” ‘The let- ter shows clearly the close connection between private sqy agencies and the federal govern- ment, especially the Department of Justice, fof which Congressman Fish is now demanding addi- tional appropriations for undercover men. “Spying on Workers” ends with an analysis of methods to be used by workers in fighting the capitalist spy system, with a practical account of steps to be taken when the presence of a stool-pigeon is suspected. “Rats must be fer- reted out and gotten rid of, in any way pose sible. But more important is to make the for- tresses of the workers—the mass organizations— so strong that the nibblings of the rats cannot undermine them.” Organization will beat the spy. . *“Spying on Workers,” by Robert W. Dunn, International Pamphlet. Price 10 cents, ————— the workers to defend themselves immediately with the strike weapon against the increased exe group is that the Walcher group wishes to com- bat the R.T.U.O. with the same methods that the reformist trade union bureaucracy and the 8. P. leaders employ, whilst the Brandler group wishes to form a united front with the R.T.U.O, “for the purpose of liquidating the R.T.U.O.” These mancuyers will not arrest the decay and the complete bankruptcy of all countar-revolu- tionary branches of the social democratic party. History sweeps over them. Under the leadership of the Communist Party of Germany, the pro- Jetarian united front of the fight the fascist hagaimend decreas of set up. against big capital will perirnirs F Wn