The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 2, 1932, Page 4

Pobtished by the 18th Bt. vage Four New York City. N. ¥. Address ané maf! all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York. \ Y¥ Comproéafty Publishing Ce., Inc, daily Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable First Results of the Recruiting Drive ep? Sunday, Party Recruiting Drive | January 11 - March 18, 1932 of the Communist Party THE THREE CORNER REVOLUTIONARY COMPETITION BETWEEN CHICAGO — PITTSBURGH — MINNEAPOLIS CHICAGO LEADS IN PITTSBURGH LEADS IN TOTAL PERCENTAGE COMPOSITION This Recruiting Drive, which officially started Jan. 11 and will continue until arch 18, actually started earlier, around December 1. Nearly all the Districts in >» course of the preparations for the drive began intensified recruiting. Here is the summary of the Recruiting for the three competing districts: Recruitedin Recruited preparation from Jan. 11- Total for drive Jan. 27 Recruited Quota 495 162 657 1000 124 124 600 166 42 208 400 From these figures Chicago is in the lead as far as percentge is concerned. 'NNEAPOLIS AND PITTSBURGH: INTENSIFY THE DRIVE! uts from Jan, 11-27. omen Recruited ... Recruited :..'. Quota st. ice , Recruited ... ployed Fay Quota Re suited Quota Recruited , Quota Recruited Recruited suildin ‘ood, Recruited } A it seems Pittsburgh is on the top. HICAGO: Speed up to recruit miners, Recruiating Drive the major emphasis is towards the shops, factories ne composition of the membership plays the most important role, the ng of shop nuclei is the major task. is the detailed table of the composition. The composition analyzes only the Chicago Pittsburgh Minneapolis 18 9 . 34 62 ~ LS 5 22 75 350 100 12 61 21 ai, SOU 40 S 2 5 175 150 3 20 40 8 4 1 3 6 ho leads as far as composition is concerned? steel workers and packing house workers. INNEAPOLIS: Improve the composition, recruit miners, railroad workers, pack- ing house workers. Shop nuclei organized. Here it is: District Quota Organized Members Organized licago apelin ccsicee Ree 1 3 9 ittsburg RAS 2 9 13 neapolis 5 1 6 4 ON TO THE SHOPS! BETTER RESULTS MUST SHOW IN NEXT REPORT! ALL ENERGY TO WIN THE REVOLUTIONARY COMPETITION! nicago Leads in Percentage of Negroes Recruited. Pittsburgh ..... 28 30 But this is not sufficient! hicago di Minneapolis .. 1 ‘otal Members Recruited in Chicago, Pittsburgh and Minneapolis—989. (Pittsburgh not report how many new members were recruited from Dee. 1 to Jan. 11) Watch the results of New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Detroit TO- ORROW. A Survey of Our Shop Papers in 193 By EVA SHAFRAN, ws the January issue of the Shop Paper Editor, we have completed a year’s shop aper work. National Shop Paper Editor is a monthly bulletin issued by the Agit-Prop Dept., entral Committee for the purpose of leading nd guiding the shop pares throughout the dition to the National Shop Paper Edi- *. there is the Shop Paper Manual, a hand- book for Shop Paper work.. The Agit-Prop Dept., \ Committee also follows a system of reviewing each paper appearing in any part of he country acording to letters received from various parts of the country. These monthly individual reviews are of the greatest help to the various comrades in the field. The Shop Paper Editor, however, is our best means, as a central organ, for directing this work as it gath- ers the experiences of the various districts and units; compiles these experiences; draws the necessary conclusions on th basis of generalizing on individual experiences. This generalization of experiences is also essential for detailed guid- ance in the work. Shop Paper as Organizer. Many times have we formulated the role hop pares as “the organ of the Party in a pa.- ticular shop or factory.” Just as the Daily Worker speaks to the workers of the entire working class, so is the shop paper in a given factory. Within the last year, shop papers have al- ready proven to be good weapsons in the hands of the Party to fight for the needs of the work- ers in given shops and factories. In many cases, we can already see that through the shop papers, and work within the shops, some struggles hav been developed, and in isolated cases, some gains for the workers can also be reported. Chief Shortcomings. What have been the chief shortcomings field of activity? Sad hatte Teo 1. Shop papers, in the great mi ' sti too general, too abstract, not sufficiently in this te , applying our general program of struggle to the | concrete issues and problems arising in the shop. | This accounts for the fact that our shop papers have not yet begun to be the organizers of the organizers of the workers in the shops where they appear. 2. The appearance of shop papers is not papers is not regular. They come out one month, miss two or three months, come out again and again disappear for months in suc- cession. 3. The political articles in the shop papers (on war, etc.), are divorced from the actual con- ditions of the workers in the given shop where they appear. In papers where shop conditions are dealth with, (in letters from workers, etc.) these are not linked up and connected with the general problems and campaigns of our Party. No effort is being made to utilize shop condi- tions and problems (even when brought forth) for organization and struggle. 4. Shop paper work is still underestimated by many districts, sections and units. This work is too much divorced from the general activities of the Party. Let's examine these points a Uttle more closely. No Organization Work; Not Concrete. There are papers that exist a year or more. Still in these factories not @ single struggle took place; not a trace of organization is to be found —a grievance committee, or any other form of shop organization. What are the reasons for all this? We will give a tew extracts from reviews sent to the various papers that will best give the answer: “Your story on unemployment has absolutely nothing to do with the lives of the workers in your shop.” “Your story on war fs too ‘high falutin, hard to understand, and entirely divorced from shop conditions. What do you propose for the work- ers to do?” “You call upon the workers to organize, to } fight; Dail 4VH Central Ory. fn rker SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ly mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one y excepting Boroughs siz months, $4.50. By BURCK Wrong Tendencies in the Ranks of the American Intellectuals By BILL DUNNE Part IT fee question of Communism versus socialism— the social fascism of the socialist party—is not an abstract one. It was therefore necessary in a debate with a representative of the socialist party in America, one of its Congressional can- didates, and one who has as a forum for airing his anti-working-class and pacifist views, the columns of the World-Telegram in New York City and its connections throughout the United States who takes its syndicated service, not only | to expose him as an opponent of the future proletarian revolution, but as an enemy of the American working class in its daily struggles. This is not @ difficult task. Comrade Gold is capable of doing it. The fact that he did not do so shows that he separated the question of loyalty to the working class in its every-day struggles, here and now in the United States, when the working class faces the fiercest offen- sive by the capitalists and their government in all its history, from the question of the social revolution, and the program and tactics of the proletarian struggle for power. Such an approach and such an estimate of the question only plays into the hands of the class enemies of the workers and their Party. Broun, in the course of the debate, showed that he understood and agreed with the tactical line of the Second International and social fas- cists the world over by bringing forward the old Slander, originated, we believe, by Kautsky in connection with the proletarian revolution in Russia, that the Communist program and tac- tics are responsible for the rise of fascism, According to this thesis, fascist dictatorships arise only because of the provocation by the Communists, which force the bourgeoisie and its allies, even reluctant pacifists like Broun, to take up arms and defend themselves against “the threat to civilization.” But Broun has “forgotten,” as Lenin said Kautsky had, and apparently Comrade Gold also forgot, in the debate with Broun . . . “one little thing.” Said Lenin: “The protection of the minorities is extended by the ruling party in a bourgeois democracy only to the other bourgeois parties, while on the serious fundamental issues, the working class gets, instead of the ‘protection of the minorities’ martial law and pogroms. The more developed democracy is, the nefrer at hand is the danger of a pogrom or civil war in connection with any profound divergence which threatens the existence of the bourgeoisie. This ‘law’ of bourgeois democracy the learned Mr. Kautsky could have studied in connection with the Dreyfuss affair in the Republic of France, with the lynching of Negroes and international- ists in the democratic republic of America, with the conflicts between Ireland and Ulster in dem- ocratic England, with the hunting down of the Bolsheviks and the organization of pogroms against them in July, 1917, in the democratic republic of Russia. I have purposely chosen these examples from among the incidents not only of war, but also of pre-war times.” To this we may add the present wave of lynch and murder terror directed against the Negro masses in the United States, the shooting, gas- sing, clubbing and jailing of strikers and unem- ployed demonstrators, the armed terror against are to do? Issuing a general slogan for organi- zation is not sufficient. You must tell the workers HOW to organize, HOW to fight, and WHAT to fight for.” “The letter of the worker is excellent! Good information on conditions in your shop, and particularly in his own department. This is stuff upon which shop struggle and shop organ- ization can be developed. But are you making use of this information for this purpose? Are you formulating any demands on the basis of this excellent material that the worker gives in his letter? How do you expect the workers to fight when you don’t formulate any demands whatsoever upon the basis of which shop strug- gles could be deveoped?” Hundreds more of such quotations could be taken from the reviews, sent to the various papers. All these would bear | out our statement made above; most of our pap- ers talk generally of fight, of organization, etc., but very little concretely of what to do with the view of developing shop struggle and shop or- ganization. Some other problems will be discussed to- do you tell the workers just WHAT they | morrow the Kentucky miners and their organizers, the recent armed assault by police and gangsters upon an unemployed demonstration and the of- fices of the Unemployed Council in Chicago, etc., etc. Broun, “forgot” another “little thing:” “At every step, even in the most democratic bourgeois states, the oppressed masses come across crying contradictions betgveen formal equality proclaimed by the democracy of the | capitalists, and the thousand and one defacto limitations and restrictions which make the pro- letariat wage slaves. It is this contradiction which opens the eyes of the masses to the rot- tenness, hypocrisy and mendacity of capitalism. It is this contradiction which the agitators and propagandists of socialism are constantly show- ing up to the masses in order to prepare them for the revolution.” It is not necessary to remain only in the realm of theory now on the question of the role of the social democratic parties—the social fascists. It is glossing over the murderous acts of these be- trayers of the working class and of the pro- letarian revolution to confine oneself to arguing as to whether this or that section of the social fascist international, or this or that individual leader of socialist and social-democratic parties, will or will not turn against the working class in the period of the decisive struggle for power. There are almost innumerable concrete ex- amples of these acts by the social fascists which all workers and honest intellectuals can under- stand. The history of the revolutionary struggle of the world’s working class since the World War furnishes us an almost endless series of bloody examples. ‘The Polish social-democrats aided and are now aiding fascism to suppress in the most cruel manner the daily struggles and the revolution- ary upsurge of the Polish workers and the op- pressed national minorities under the heel of Polish fascism. The social-democrats of Bulgaria smoothed the road for fascism there and supported it after it was in power helping to torture and muder thousands of Communist workers and peasants and militant non-Party workers and intellectuals, MacDonald in England, the outstanding leader of what was supposedly the most facifist section of the social-democratic international, now heads the imperialist government that is making war on the toiling masses of India and sup- pressing the rising revolutionary struggle of the Irish workers and peasants, and is likewise car- tying through for British imperialism, a new wave of attacks against the revolutionary stan- dards and the political liberties of the British working class. In Russia, the Mensheviks, the adherents of the social-democratic international, were the last bulwark of Czarism and short-lived Russian capitalist government; since the revolution they have waged war inside and outside the Soviet Union against the proletarian dictatorship. The trial of the Industrial Party in Moscow last year fully exposed them as willing tools of the im- perialist bandits inside Russia and the organ- izers of imperialist intervention against the So- viet Union from outside, In Germany is to be seen every day the coali- tion of the social-democracy either formally or in practice, strengthening every fascist maneuver of the Bruening government, holding back the struggle of the masses against the starvation and terror in Germany wherever possible sng opening the door for the entry of Hitlerism ‘fhe German social-democracy has not struck 9 single blow against the drive on the living stendards of the German working class and peasantry which benefits only the House of Morgan and the German bourgeoisie. They have not even the honesty of some of the old Russian nobility who used to take part in the subjugation of their country by Western imperialism. In the United States the socialist party aids the drive of the ruling class against the workers, first of all by joining in the attacks on the Com- munist Party which alone puts forward the pro- gram of revolutionary struggle and organizes the working class for it. Second, it puts forward the revision of Marxism and confuses the work- ing class. Third, it supports the fascist leaders of the American Federation of Labor and helps to cover the black treacheries of onen traitors like Woll by giving him the opportunity to lec- ture at the opening of the Rand School, etc. Hillquit, the theoretical leader of the socialist party of America, took money from the blackest. set of imperialist bandits—the oil barons—to carry on a struggle against the Soviet Union. (To be concluded.) By HELEN KAY, Editor “New Pioneer”. 'HERE is an old bourgeois saying: “Children should be seen and not heard.” It is en- dorsed in action by the social-democrats—and exposed by the true revolutionary movement. Our children are certainly heard. Sometimes as one sits and reads over the letters that pour into the “New Pioneer” one begins to think that the sound is something of a din. The children of the revolutionary working class have a means of expression, a voice, in the “New Pioneer”. And that voice is the only maga- zine for workers’ and farmers’ children, the only fightgr against the horrors of capitalist exploita- tion and resulting child misery. 'Tis true, that their voice is only that of an infant, only nine months old and that its lungs are as yet not lusty enough, but its tenth month of existence, the February issue, will increase by two thousand the children that can be heard with a leap in circulation of from 17,000 to 19,000. This leap is not just a seven-leazue boot af- fair. It 1s an increase in paid circulation—~an increase of yearly subs. Such gait: in itself shows the treme: popularity and demand of the only workers’ and farmers’ children’s magazine in the United States, t he “New Pioneer”, “New Pioneer” Throbs With Life. Here are some remarks from th e“Morning - Freiheit”: ‘it is no small wonder that the cir- culation of the ‘New Pioneer’ is growing. It is the liveliest magazine in the revolutionary movement. And not only that, but it keeps get- ting livelier and more interesting with each is- sue. It Is not only of interest and popular to the workers’ child, but also for the adult work- er, Many werkers, netive and foreign born, read and lea-n from tlre ‘New Pioneer’.” Hundreds of letters, stories, poems, drawings, and puzzles pile into our offices every month, all from workers’ children, all dealing with the class struggle, all portraying the life of the work- ing class, This in itself is an achievement. The magazine is not only drawing the children away from bourgeois influences, but. goes a step fur- ther and draws these childten closerd to the revolutionary movement, and develops these children into proletarian fighters and writers of the future. The magazine is the children’s or- ganizer. It can be called an investment....an investment of working class parents to further the growth of the revolutionary movement. Now let us “Listen In” on the remarks of the children themselves. From a ten-year-old child in Denver, Colorado: “I like the Pioneer Maga- gine because it tells about the workers’ chil- dren. It tells all about the life of the workers. I like the jokes, because it has something the workers’ and farmers’ children can learn. I like the stories and the science and the nature it is all interesting and educational.” The “New Pioneer” Stands for Me. From a child laborer, Karl Wolgenstein: “I like the ‘New Pioneer’ 'cause it’s for me. I'll tell you about my child labor. I was selling papers since my father and mother was out of work, and making two dollars. How can a family live on two dollars? So this is a free country? I say NO.” From a Pioneer: “I have read the ‘New Pioneer since it came out, and I get lot’s of new mem- bers that way. I give them the Pioneer, and they like it, and then they want to join the Pioneers.” One could go on indefinitely giving excerpts of letters from the children. Letters lauding the “New Pioneer”, letters telling of the local condi- tions, of children’s activity, of the ‘New Pioneer” as an organizer, Letters from California to Maine, from miners’ child to machinists, from North Dakota and Washington, from farmers’ child and lumberjacks, to New Mexico and Flo- rida, realm of the cigar industry. Everywhere Pioneer Troops and children’s clubs are springing up around the “New Pioneer” magazine. Names are picked from the “Red Devils” to the “Wild Catc”, all staunch support- ie | How Not To Help Strikers We have nothing but good to say for the gen- eral policies of the International Workers Order. It is doing a very necessary work, and in the main it does it well. All the more reason why the occasion kicks the Crocodile gets about tt, stick out like a sore thumb. Nor do we charge this one up to the I. W. O. as a whole, because it is definitely due to the comrades at Trenton, N. J. But it might serve all the branches as an example of how to help the class struggle. “I am a miner from Coverdale, Western Pennsylvania. I was sent by the W. I. R. of Philadelphia to Trenton to assist in collecting relief for the Kentucky miners. I had with me all the necessary credentials that are recog- nized even by the A. F. of L. On arrival at Trenton, the comrades told me that there was to be an I. W. O. meeting at 7 Union Street. Over 16 members were present and listened very attentively-to my appeal, but they didn't do anything about it. After the meeting, the entire membership, including Leeman, who was supposed to ‘take care of’ me, went home to bed and they left me to shift for myself. Finally I slept on the floor of the Party headquarters at 205 Union Street. Nobody asked me whether I had any money to eat on, or anything else I remember that, as poverty-stricken as we are in the coal fields, we always took care of com- tades that came on duty.—Nick N.” “P. S.: There was plenty room, because later, when our Dist. Sec’y. came, they found place for both. But why not at first?” That is a good slogan to go by: Take care of our own. Nobody else will. Our comrades are not travelling salesmen with an expense account on a corporation, inet ae Pure Fake Under the headlines “Green Asks Aid fo Eight Million”—and “Labor Chief Says Government Must Provide Food and Clothing” the capitalist Press “plays up” the speech of Bill Green, presi- -dent of the A. F. of L., made at the convention of the United Mine Workers of America. The United Press version of this event, dated January 26, winds up by saying: “International officers of the union agreed with Green by adopting a resolution urging fed- eral control of the bituminous industry and im- mediate adoption of the six hour day and the five day week.” Just how the U.M.W. officials “agreed with Green”, who, remember, said that “government must provide food and clothing”, by a resolution “urging federal control” of coal mining and a shorter work day and week, is not clear because one has nothing to do with the other. We, being suspicious cusses, opine that it was intended not to be clear. We have in mind the fact that Bill Green is rather frequently invited to the White House “for breakfast”, and if he has demands regarding relief to the unemployed, he has ample influence and an inside track to the councils of the capitalists and could easily get something. done. Instead, however, of doing this, Green gali- vants out to Indianapolis and makes a speech’ that clearly is aimed at making the workers be- Ueve he is “fighting the government” for “food and clothinz” for the unemployed—whereas the fact is that he is doing nothing of the sort’ But the fake doesn’t end there. The officials of the U.M.W. of A. also find it necessary, be~ cause of the militant mood of the workers, to pretend that they, too, are “demanding” some- thing. So they “agree with Green”, as the United Press puts it, by “urging” something; to be ex- act, two things. First, “federal control” of coal mining; second, the six-hour, five-day week. The first “urge”, is, if made with serious intent as a fighting issue (which we doubt) aimed at in order to get gov- ernment control of the miners, rather than gov- ernment control of the mines. By “government control” the U. M. W. of A. hopes to become the officially established “union”, its officials acting as servants of the government as well as of the operators; in short, as a fascist “union” to pre- vent the growth of the National Miners Union and thus be able to betray the miners without opposition. The second “urge”, the six-hour, five-day week, is precisely the same character as Green’s “de- mand” for “food and clothing” for the unem- ployed. Green makes no fight, and bitterly op- Poses the fight that is being made by the work- ers in their unemployed councils, for this “food and clothing”. Likewise, the U. M. W. of A. makes no fight for the six-hour day and five-day week, but on the contrary the U. M. W. of A. officials oppose the only miners’ union, the National Miners Union, th-t does raise this demand as an issue seriously to struggle for. Workers should learn to recognize the dema- gogy of these fakers for what it is. And workers should keep such instances in mind to silence objectors who, having been the victims of anti- working class propaganda disguised as “liberal opinion”, advance the curious protest that we Communists are “too violent” when we call these A. F. of L. leaders “fakers” and ‘fascist scoun- drels”. A Sileet ae You might be interested in konwing that, that peaceful lady, Miss Wooley, who has just gone across the water to put over the peace smoke screen was a member during the last slaughter, on the Committee of Patriotic Edu- cation. It subscribed to the following: to the remotest regions of this country sage of the necessity for this war and of a premature peace.” “To carry the mese the peril — ee ers of the Pioneer magazine. The children’s volee is growing. It will become a mighty thunder. Even the bourgeoisie recognizes its effectiveness. Radio talks go over the air condemning it, and warning agsinst its distribution. Second class mailing rights are denied us. Funds are scarce, And it is under all these handicaps that the “New Pioneer”, must carry on its fight, Are You Ready? A campaign for new subscribers is on. A cam- paign for funds. The rule of the Pioneers is “Ak ways Ready” for the cause of the working class, Let us, adults, stand “Always Ready” to support the “New Ploneer”. Get a subscription for your child, for your neighbors’ child, for your fellow workers’ child. It’s only 50 cents a year. Thirty cents a half. Mail it in today, “New Pioneer”, Post Office Box 28, Station D, New York City. Forward the work of organizing the children. Get your language group to order a bundle. Get your union to do the same. Let the voice of the workers’ children misery, want, and be heard against eapiteliss starvation! te) i f i ‘ t