The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 1, 1932, Page 4

{ Published by the Comprodafly Publishing Co., Inc., dally except Sunday, at 60 New York City. N. ¥. and mall all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. Y. Vage Four ¢ stn 1 Address Party Recruiting Drive January 11 - March 18, 1932 Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DATWOR SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1 of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one yeer, epting Beroughs $8; six months, $4.50. (Tomorrow in this column will be printed the first detailed results of the revolutionary competi- tion inthe PartyRecruiting Drive between Chicago, Pittsburgh and Minneapolis.) RECRUIT NEW MEMBERS FROM THE LANGUAGE MASS ORGANIZATIONS By F. BROWN. HE reports at hand clearly show that only a few of the language fractions are teally mob- lizing Gm line with the C.C. instructions) for re recruiting drive inside the language mass nizations. This is due to the weakness of Language Buros, C. C., of the lan District Language Departments, to ation of the great political impor- drive. As yet a great number of our the mass organizations do not grasp ance of the drive, do not understand ne recruiting of new workers into the ranks Party from the mass organizations under nce, from the left wing movement of led by the reactionaries, means not the strengthening of the fractions in- side the organizations themselves, but also the and strengthening of our connections factories, especially in the basic in- ies in which the percentage of foreign-born s is very high. e methods of some of our fractions in re- xiting new members from the ranks of the lage mass organizations, basing themselves he selection of a number of workers that characterized as better fit for joining the nd proposing them as new recruits, are The doors of the Party are open ent. insuffic to all those workers who are participating in the daily struggle, and who are willing to join our ranks and submit themselves to the Party discipline; and in the mass organizations, espe- EAST OHIO SECTION District 5 Communist Party, U. S. A. Jan. 8th, 1932. To Allegheny Valley and Library Sections of District 5, C. P. U. S. A, | WILL YOU ACCEPT THE CHALLENGE OF EAST OHIO SECTION? Recruiting Campaign initiated by 41 Committee of our Party which d on January 11 to Marche 18 is of tre- us importance in the life and growth of our Party. In this Recruiting Campaign we must intrench our Party in the most important mines and steel mills and establish definitely the role of our Party units as the real political leader of the workers in its mine or steel mill. ‘The East Ohio Section which takes in East Ohio and Panhandle, W. Va., is taking definite stevs for the mobilization of all its forces to take part in this recruiting drive which is the most important and different in the methods of recruiting of all the past recruiting cam- In the spirit of revolutionar® competition the | Ohio tion challenges your Section dur- this recruiting drive on the basis of more employed workers to be recruited, from the miners and steel mills, to fulfill our quota of mine and steel nuclei, to organize more Y.C.L. mits, to build more and strengthen the exist- ing N. M. U cals, to build more M.W. I. L. blish more Unemployed Commit- | tees and to develop a mass movement against | wage cuts for the local demands for the sup- port of the Kentucky strikers, and for the de- fense of the Soviet Union. |the Allegheny Valley Section that we will re- |cruit more Negro workers. | The Section Buro demands a prompt reply |from the Allegheney Valley and Library Sec- tions. Comradely yours, | East Ohio Section Committee, | District No. 5. eee Also we challenge | | | the campaign for the protection of the foreign | but the thousands and thousands of our sympa- | special meetings of all district language buros, Cially to all those workers who have supported | the Party for years, | The duty of the fractions is to call special | meetings of all those workers that are par- | ticipating in our campaigns and make them con- | scious of the necessity of joining our ranks; that | the revolutionary activities of class-conscious workers do not limit themselves to the mass or- | ganizations but must be extended into the fac- tories. Another wrong conception that must be liqui- dated is preventing revolutionary workers that are following the line of the Party from becom- ing members because of the fear that they would be involved in general Party work, and that they will slacken down in their activities in the mass organizations. When we analyze our forces inside the fac- tories we only look at the nuclei, at the shop committees, and overlook the fact that in prac- tically all the largest factories, mines and mills, we have hundreds of readers of our Party press, hundreds of members of mass organizations that follow our Party. These are potential forces that must be or- ganized—not only for the building of the revolu- tionary unions but also for the buildiyg of new Party nuclei, for the establishing of more con- nections with the workers inside the factories. For this reason the recruitment of thousands of members from the language organizations is of the utmost importance. The language press must play a leading role in this drive—must develop an ideological cam- paign through which not only the Communist fractions in the language mass organizations, thizers that are reached in the factories, must be made conscious of the importance of the drive. The District Language Departments must call for the mobilization of the fractions; and also call meetings of our close sympathizers in the language mass organizations. The example of the New York District, where the fractions are calling special meetings at which Party speakers are invited to speak on | the role of the Party, is a very good method and has to be followed. The role of the Party in the building and leading of the mass organiza- tions must be made clear to the language or- | ganizations, especially in the organizations led by the reactionaries, and where the left wing movement is conducting a sharp struggle. ‘The possibilities of drawing thousands of work- ers (from the mass organizations) who are ac- tively participating in the campaigns conducted | by the Party into our ranks is tremendous. How- ever, in spite of the fact that thousands and thousands of members of these organizations are participating in the daily struggles, the recruit- ing drive is considered apart from other cam- paigns. UNEMPLOYED, DEMONSTRATE FEB. 4T H! By BURCK | engineering occupations, Forward in this drive with redoubled ener- gies and enthusiasm. Forward to the building of our Party into a real mass Party, which will root itself deeper and deeper in the factories. The comrades active in the mass organizations | must make clear that through the strengthening | of the Party stand in the mass organizations | close to us, and through the mobilization of these forces, we will be able to reach greater masses of thousands of language mass organizations with millions of members, who today are in re- bellion against the reactionary leadership, are more and more involved in the daily struggle and are susceptible of being mobilized in all cam- paigns conducted by the Party, and especially in born. Bloated Capital and the Starving Workers) By P. P. Cee ALISM is getting fidgety It is whist- ling to keep up courage. It is casting appre- hensive glances in the direction of the Soviet Union which, like a locomotive under full steam. is roaring nearer and nearer—shrieking the on- coming doom of capitalism What shall the bosses tell the American work- to hold them in bondage? Damn the com- uulsory education laws! If only the wage-slave could not read! Now they learn even in the capitalistic newspapers that only 15 per cent are working full time in this country and that the national income has dropped from 20 to 25 per cent in 1931; whereas the Soviet Union is the only country in the world with no unemploy- ment and with an increase of 15 per cent in the national income for 1931. Big Business is beginning to think that it has overdone a good thing. You see, one of its favorite devices for unloading on the suckers during inflated periods was an appeal to fear. Buy our ‘c~th-paste or you'll get pyorhea. Buy our brand of table-salt or you'll get a goitre. What is needed, argue the experts, is a news- paper and radio campaign. The Fear Brigade of Mass Advertising must eradicate fear from the minds of the wage-slaves! Enter the Hon. Alfred E. Smith, silk-hatted lackey of the bosses, He calls his secretary and the next day or so, millions of respectful though starving wage-slaves reap the wisdom of his sub- stantial (half @ million a year) advice, plastered all over the front pages of the Scripps-Howard newspapers. What is wrong with the country today? (You guessed it!) Lack of confidence. “False” rumors and “false” statements about banks and busi- ness institutions. Fear! The wage-slave is simply suffering from an —— | Otto Kahn was forced to admit to the Senate attack of nerves. It is true that the “American Banker,” leading journal in the banking field, recently announced a hundred per cent incre: in bank failures over the week before. ‘What we need is confidence in the stability blah blah.” It is true that 10 banks fail every day, on the average. “Confidence, my friends!” It is true that the total number of banks failing through- out 1931 was more than 2,044, with deposit lia- bilities of over $1,670,970,000. “We must discour- age the circulation of rumors.” It is true that. committee that all the big banks are involved in the perilous drop of foreign bonds so that the miserable savings of workers all over the coun- try are in jeopardy. No matter; the patriotic wage-slave will not be deterred by pessimistic, Soviet-inspired reports. He knows (Cleveland Standard Trust Bank, $14,000,000) that the stab- ility (Charleston Trust Company) $3,436,000) of our financial institutions (Ocean Grove National Bank, $1,975,649) is like the Rock of Gibraltar, due to the integrity (Bank of the United States!) of their directors, The Hon. Alfred E. Smith is of course an- other patriot and like a true American he ends his article with a quotation from the Bible: “Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor.” This from the camp of the pluto- crats who deliberately framed Mooney, Sacco, Vanzett! and now the Scottsboro boys! When Hoover put over his hypocritical Na- | tional Relief Campaign, which amounted to a fascist assault of forced wage-cutting, the well- fed Al was instructed by his masters to visit in person the struggling shop-keepers in his neighborhood and bully them into contributions, in accordance with the well-known code of fas- cist ethicn YY Ww y 4 Wrong Tendencies in the Ranks of the American Intellectuals By BILL DUNNE Part I. INQUESTIONABLY there is going on in the ranks of the intellectuals of America— writers, scientists, professional workers in the university professors and specialists in this, that or the other branch of sociology and economics—a great groping and | peering in an effort ao discover a new theoretical foundation to replace the one that is being driven from under them by the crisis. There | ate clear tendencies seen to support the strug- gles of the workers—the Dreiser Committee's exposure of starvation and terror in the Ken- tucky coal fields, the protest signed by more than a hundred well-known writers against the mass murder of Chinese reyolutionists by Wall | Street's Chiang Kai-shek government, etc. Workers’ Enemies Exposed ARTHUR McKENZIE (BARY), of New York City, has been expelled from the Communist Party as an irresponsible and unreliable indi- vidual. He has tried to sell information about the ARTHUR McKENZIE (Bary) Party (what little he knew about it) to a capi- talist newspaper, and has used his membership in the Party for extracting money for himself, He claims to have been a physician and to have served as a commissioned officer in the Medical Corps of the U. 8, Army in 1924; His photograph appears herewith, and all work- organizations are warned against this sob-story faker, Ok fe Oh SEIDELL (or SIDEL), of Chicago, has been ex- pelled from the Young Communist League as a spy and provocator. He is a young fellow of about 20 years of age; Jewish type, medium height, chunky build, of about 170 Ibs. in weight; and has a round face. His connections with the police have been defi- nitely established. ieee FRANCIS OWENS, of Houston, Texas, has been expelled from the Communist Party as one who has repeatedly stolen organization funds (Oklahoma City and in Houston), He is a drunkard and a generally unreliable character, who wanders around from one city to another, connects himself up with unemployed and other workers organizations, makes a big splash of frenzied activities and ballyhoo, in or- der to gain opportunities to exploit the movement ] A ‘The power and progress of the Soviet Union, where socialist construction challenges capital- ism at every point and where the working class, Jed by the Communist Party, has proved not only the ability to overthrow Czarist autocracy and capitalism, bat to build socialist society, force thousands of intellectuals to ponder over polit- ical problems which in the period of “permanent prosperity” in the United States were considered settled, at least for the period of their life time. Two main currents are to be seen among the intellectuals: one the trend toward the working class, the Soviet Union and the ommunist Party of the United States, the other, toward the socialist party and still more servile support of American capitalism, here and there, show- ing definite fascist tendencies. There are, of course, many brooks and rivulets of thought be- tween these two main streams flowing into them. ‘There is much hesitation and confusion, But one thing is certain, the American in- tellectuals have had their minds shaken like butter in a churn by the rapid and steady de- cline of production, the disruption of credit, the creation of permanent mass unemployment and an army of twelve million unemployed, the in- creasing war danger and the obvious inability of the American ruling class, and the world ruling class for that matter, to find any way out of the crisis other than that of further attacks on the living standards of the masses and imper- jalist war. The growing terrorism in the United States, especially against the Negro masses, but directed now with added ferocity also against white work- ers in strikes and unemployed demonstrations, the increasing suppression through “legal” means, and the greatly extended anti-working class ac- tivity of the various patriotic and fascist organ- izations, including Protestant and Catholic churches, likewise increases the foment among the intellectuals. But the basic fact is that their economic status is no longer what it was, either from the stand- point of income or of security of employment. ‘Thousands of young college graduates can find | no employment, the salaries of :nost intellectual workers have been reduced, or they are unable to collect them, as is the case with 16,000 teachers in the city of Chicago, because of the bankruptcy of the municipalities, various educational insti- tutions, etc. Practically every state and corpora- tion is reducing both its budget and staff for educational, research and scientific worl. New mergers of the already giant corporations in the basic industries are being followed by mer- gers of magazines and book publishing com- panies. The House of Morgan has financed, and is financing, other mergers in this field. The very meager freedom of expression which American intellectuals had before the crisis, is being rapidly re@uced. A typical instance is the case of John Dos Passos. Harper's has published everything that Dos Passos has written until his latest. book, containing a satirical pen picture of J. Pierpont Morgan. This has been refused pub- lication. Numerous other instances of this kind can be cited. While this foment is going on among the in- tellectuals who had little, if any, contact with Communism and the Communist Party, and many of them are coming closer to the Party, there are at the same time certain developments among those intellectuals who for a number of years have been supporteis of the Party, either for his personal crooked gains, He is about 48 years of age, dark complected, pock-marked, about 5 ft. 11 in. tall, about 165 Ibs, in weight, and has false upper teeth. He is nervous and jerky in his actions, and talks very rapidly. “Raa P JACK MUNSON, of Duluth, Minn., has been expelled from the Communist Party as a thief, who absconded around December 20, 1931, with about $160 of organization funds. He is about 40 years of age, about 5 ft. 7 in. in height, ebovt itd lbs, in weight, and he. has blond hair and blue eyes, Pee All workers and workers’ organizations are warned against these enemies and despoilers of the working class. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE U.S.A. ee. of its program as a whole, or of various cam- paigns of the Party. Two recent instances show that this latter de- velopment is not entirely a healthy one. First, | there was the invitation extended to Diego | Rivera, the renegade and counter-revolutionist, @ propagandist in the field of art and culture for the present Wall Street owned Mexican gov- ernment, by the John Reed Club, with the ex- | cuse that the members “wished to hear what he | has to say” and “to interest other” intellectuals. ; Communist Party members of the Club took part | in this decision, Second, there was the “debate” between Hey- | wood Broun, members of the socialist party, and Michael Gold of the New Masses, on the question of “Socialism versus Communism,” arranged by the directing staff of the New Masses, some. of vhon are Party members. ‘Communism versus Socialism” under these circumstances meens, of | course, the Communist Party and its program | against the socialist party and its program. The | debate, if it can be called a debate, was nothing short of a political scandal. The formality and the lack of necessary political clarity and sharp- ness in the exposition made by Mike Gold, can be best exemplified by the fact that at the end of the proceedings, a worker arose and asked: “What IS the difference between Communism and socialism?” According to reliable reports, Gold and Broun went into a huddle to work out the answer to this question and then replied that it would have to be deferred to a later meeting. They might as well have stood arm and arm on the stage singing, “Where do we go from here?” It may be that the comrades who furnished these reports exaggerated somewhat for the sake of emphasis, but informatioh from all sources forces us to conclude that this describes fairly well the tolerant atmosphere in which this dis- cussion on one of the two main political ques- tions in the world today was conducted. The other question is Communism versus capitalism and the first is directly related to it. The discussion and debate on revolutionary political questions is a serious matter. No Com- munist or supporter of the Communist Patty, should enter into such discussions or debctes, especially with acknowledged enemies of Commu- nism, lightly, or unprepared. It is the more necessary, when one is not a Party member, as is the case with Comrade Gold, but who is believed by thousands of workers and intel- | lectuels to be speaking for our Party and ex- pressing its line and program, to take all pos- sible care not to play into the hands of enemies of the working class and our Party by creating | confusion through incorrect statements and espe- | cially by a frivolous approach to such serious questions as the difference between Communism end fascism, the cause of fascism, the relation of social fascism to fascism, the reason for the rise of fascist dictatorships, etc. Something like this happened at the Gold- Broun debate. Many sympathizers of our Party, especially intellectuals, Icok upen Heywood Broun as a clever but harmless jester to king capitalism. He is nothing of the sort. He is a creator of confusion and like all social fascists, he dees not support revolutionary struggle for the overthrow of capitalism and the establish- ment of the proletarian dictatorship, and will if he lives long enough, and as he announces from time to time, join with the capitalist class in murderously suppressing revolutionary strug- gles of the American working class led by the Communist Party. As he said on January 12 in his column in reference to civil war for the overthrow of capitalism: “Of course, my young friend may be right about the civil war which is to bring peace and hanpiness to the human race. Perhaps the in- evitable is just around the corner. It may be de- layed by chatting with prosperity. But bless your romantic heart, my friend, even if it comes I won't be for it.” “Is man a creature to be terrifled by tales about a giant ten miles tall who lurks in the mist behind the hill? It may be quite impos- sible for me or any million like to to stave him off, but in my petty bourgeois way I can take a sock at his ankle.” The pacifist middle class intellectual, the genial lover of all mankind, here becomes warlike when the question of which class shall have power fs to be settled by armed” force—warlike against the workers. But Broun is not only against civil war for the liberation of the working class and colonial peoples. He is also against the militant strug- gles of the American masses for such funda- mental demands as the release of Tom Mooney and Warren Billings. It was Broun who “dis- covered” that the New York Evening Post and | te we | ~ seribers, as The Role of the ‘Liberat in Unifying Negro and White Workers By BILL GEBERT District Organizer, Chicage The Liberator campaign for 10,000 new readers, which is being prolonged, is not seriously undere| taken by the revolutionary workers, because of underestimation understimating the role of The, Liberator is playing in unifying the Negro and, white workers in a struggle against their common. enemies. There is an underestimating of the Liberator is laying in unifying the Negro and 4 Liberator as a fighting organ of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights. | A feeling exists that The Liberator is an “organ of the Negro workers.” ‘This is incorrect. The! Liberator is an organ of struggle for Negre, Rights, to solidfy the battles and white workers | in which the latter must play the leading rele, | mobilizing masses of white workers for the de- fense of Negro Rights, If these ideas wou penetrate the masses of workers, The Liberator would become powerful. Unfortunately, that! understanding has not yet been reached. 4 That the Liberator can be built into’'a mass| paper was shown in our District. The Liberator | has been badly neglected. In the city of Chicago, | dcspite the mact that we did develop quite a movement among Negro and white workers, we did not give to this movement the proper ex- pression and organ, The Liberator. Because of this, the movement did not rise to a higher level. Realizing this, we began to change, and increased the circulation of The Liberator in! the city of Chicago from 400 about four weeks ago to 1,100. When it is possible to increase the circulation 700 without extraordinary effort | in the period of three to four weeks, it shows! that The Liberator can be built into a mass|/ organ in our city, we can get not hundreds, but) thousands of readers, including individual sub- (However, circulatino increase without) payment of bills, as in the Chicago district, is not basic.—Ed.). During the same time, while we were building! the circulation of The Liberator, we were also’ able in the city of Chicago to build threes new gvoups-of the LSNR, one of which consists only | of white workers since they live far away from the Negro neighborhood. | ‘The other two groups consist of Negroes with a large percentage of white workers, This was cone in connection with The Liberator drive. Unfortunately, this little progress which was made in Chicago cannot be reached even to that extent throughout the district. We still have sections in our distrigt who can say with “pride” that “as far as we are concerned, we don't receive a single copy of The Liberator.” Nevertheless, they did say that reaching the Negro and white workers and uniting them around the issue of struggle for Negro rights is of importance. This is phrase-mongering, and. must be eliminated. No more shall we accept wor"s for deeds. The Liberator must be sub- seribed to by masses of workers, Negro and white as well. The Liberator can be very successfully sold in and around the factories. The Liberator can be sold by the unemployed workers. The Liber- ator can be brought into the meetings of the local unions, not only of the Trade Union Unity League, but of the American Federation of La- bor and other reformist trade unions controlled by the fascists and social fascists, The Liberator recently has been !mproved. It is more of a fighting organ of the Negro and white workers than ever. The Chicago District will continue its campaign not only during, but after the drive. We are making The Liberator @ part of our daily work and struggle. Finally, I want to bring to the forefront an outstanding shortcoming, that very few com- rades write to The Liberator. It is not con- sidered imporiant to write to The Liberator. We must break this resistance or neglect on the part of the comrades and encourage them everywhere to report to The Liberator (Room 201, 50 E. 13th St.. New York) on the events around the issues of Negro rights, making The Liberator a living, fighting organ in struggle against the white ruling class and servants of the white ruling class, the Negro bourgeoisie, the organ of struggle against white chauvin- ism, which is a feeling of “white supremacy” in the ranks of the white workers misled by the propaganda of imperialists, For the unity of Negro and white workers! Build The Liberator! Editorial Note:—Comrade Gebert’s article, because of its concreteness in pointing out the weaknesses of The Liberator in the Chie cago district will help to rectify the sitnziéon there. We urge other district organizers to send in articles dealing with Negro work and The Liberator in their districts, In this way a clear understanding will be reached on HOW to strengthen activity among the Negro work- ers, at the same time the organ of the LSNR. the Daily Worker were in agreement on the’ question of. the mountebank Mayor Walker's trip to California in the Mooney case, This must be considered, not as some of our supporters look upon it, as mere confusion on the part of Broun, who is not at all confused about class mnestions, but as the deliberate attempt to create confusion in the minds of workers, ‘The Daily Worker was against Walker's be- smirching of the revolutionary record of Mooney because the Daily Worker does not want Mooney separated from the working class which is his sole support. We want Mooney to be freed un- conditionally and a necessary part of the fight for this is the exposure of capitalist party poli- ticlans like Walker, whose role was to create false hopes, cover up capitalism’s responsibility, and thereby check the mass struggle for his release. Seq Toning Post wes ageinst Walker’s adven- ture in the Mooney case because it speaks for a mv.e powerful section of the capitalist class then Wolker, because it did not want Walker to cash in on his demagogy, because it wants no publicity about the Mooney case and wants Mooney to die in prison—the same as Walker, whose “plea” in San Francisco was an insult to Mooney and the whole working class, ‘This difference is not hard to understand and Broun is a clever fellow. He was not confused but thought he saw a chance to strike a blow at the revolutionary political party of the work- ing class and curry some favor with its enemies ++.-@ popular pursuit, not only for intellectuals ike Broun, but for thoroughly discredited trai- tors to the working class like Matthew Woll, William Green, John L. Lewis, who have helped to keep Mooney jailed, and the whole rag tag and bob tail of the leaders and members of the racketeering patriotic societies like the American Alliance of the United States, the Better Amer- ican Federation, the open instruments of Amer- ican capitalism like the National Civic Feder~ ston. my: {10 BE CONTINUED) : Catal