The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 27, 1932, Page 4

Page Four 18th St, £ Published by the Comprodatty Publishing Co., Inc. daily except Sunday, at 60 Fast New York City. N. Y¥ Address and mail all checks to the Dally Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, Telephone Algonquin 4-7966. Cable SDA Dail orker’ Dorty US.A SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ee By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughe of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six montha, $4.50, Party Recruiting Drive | January 11 - March 18, 1932 RECRUITING By A. DAMON. (Women’s Department C. WHILE improvement in our work among women can be recorded 1 ask of shop work among women remé lected. Cc.) gener rty registration recently carried a ws glaringly our main weaknesses € d to the social composition of women in the Party otal number of women in the Party so d is 1554, which is 1912 per cent of bership. Out of this number only earners. The remainder, 740, total m wage ves. Districts where the wage earning women New York tributed is also very limited. bout 41 per cent. All t ined have the re: e Central Commuttee, 2 hand-full of industrial women. ns no change to any gr in the districts. ample two districts of outstanding FAIL TO PENETRATE FACTORIES. Detroit district has a total women membership of 77. Out of these only 12 are recorded as wage This category includes school teachers, workers, office workers and waitresses. tically none work in basic factories concen- upon by the district and the central com- When we compare this insignificant of women in the Party with the total arming women in Michigan 701, out of which 82,329 are ctl; manufacturing and chemical indus- $ according to 1930 U. S. Census report), we y see the failure of the district in e large shops where women are i we see the tremendous task trict to recruit industrial women W NEGRO WOMEN IN THE PARTY. Or. as take the Cleveland district. Here we have had more or less of a functioning Women's Department for the past year. The Department has ed a number of s ful unemployment struggles and demonstra! th a of women. At the present a thousand women or; nemployed Block Com: tees and brancl hes, and are the most active sec- tion in the struggles of the unemployed. How- ever, how does this reflect itself on the Party membership? There are only 78 women in the entire Cleveland district—out of which 30 are sage earning women. Very few of these are Negro women or women working in basic in- dustries. WHY SUCH A SITUATION? ugh to d the shortcoming of among women as some of our Ik organizers do by a general state- he whole Party isn’t doing much Is it ex no shop ps. How do you expect the wom- We think it not quite so. Our ade organizers should examine cover up the failure in our shop eg of pao ete self-criticism and 0 This holds good for the Women’s Department C. C. as well as for the District Departments. y was it that in spite of the numerous in- structions that went out from the Center, the representative of the Women’s Department C. C., rade Rogers in a 9 weeks tour covering 4 ic district did not succeed in holding one meeting with a group of shop workers, and sympathizers, and thus eal foundation for delegate mectings mong the factory workers. More than was it that not a single factory gate as held which could have been ad- dressed by Comrade Rogers during her tour. Why was it that not one single shop nuclei in any of the districts where large numbers of women work, and where no beginnings to date have been made with work among the women. ed Comrade Rogers to any of the meetings vo discuss with her how to carry on work among vomen. We must state very definitely that the Party mee WOMEN are | INTO THE PARTY. - orientation for work among women is still among the housewives and contrary to the decisions of the 13th Plenum of our Party. ORIENTATE TOWARDS THE SHOPS. We c not at the present period of sharpen- ing class struggles be satisfied with good meet- ings of Mothers’ Leagues, Women’s Councils, Women's Clubs of Housewives, etc. Such meet- ings are necessary and should be held, but they must not become the central activities. Once and for all, the districts must make @ real turn in our work among women away from the housewives and towards the factory and unem- ployed women workers. One of the main reasons for not recruiting more industrial and Negro women into the Party and into the TUUL is due to the fact that these women do not yet see in the Party and in the TUUL the form of organization which deals with concretely and fights for the special prob- lems of women, in addition to the general work- ing class problems. In other words, our Party and the TUUL have not yet formulated spe- cial slogans and demands for industrial and un- employed working women, nor have we devel- oped delegate meetings, the form of organiza- tion which could attract women from the fac- tories and which would develop them politically to join the Party. Our present slogans and demands for women in factories and among unemployed are merely agitational and abstract in form. At times they do not get beyond the appeals in our Party cir- culars, the Working Woman, and on few occa- sions the Daily Worker. The special women’s demands, by far too few, and insufficiently concrete from the Central Committee, have not been utilized by the dis- tricts nor have they been concretized and made fighting demands for improving the conditions of the industrial and unemployed working women. WHAT IS TO BE DONE? In order to overcome the present criminal ne- glect of our shop work among women ,the entire Party must be mobilized for this work. The District Committees must assume full political and organizational responsibilities for develop- ing work among Negro and unemployed working women. This must be one of the major tasks in connection with International Women’s Day campafgn and the recruitment drive. Let us carry through in practice the teach- ings of Comrade Lenin: “The Communist Wom- en's movement itself must be a mass movement, part of:the general mass movement, not only of the proletariat, but of all the exploited and op- pressed, of the victims of capitalism. We must win over on our side the millions of tolling women in towns and villages—win them for our struggle and in particular for the Communist transformation of society. There can be no mass movement without women.” The Party must become conscious of the rap- idly increasing radicalization and militancy of the Negro and white working class women. The Party must learn how to win these categories of workers for the Party and the TUUL. The entire Party, especially the shop nuclei and trade unions must be mobilized for this task. The Districts plan of work for I. W. D. should have as the central task work among industrial women in the shops and among the unem- ployed. Our work should not be merely meet- ings from the outside of the factories but pro- vide for informal meetings in private homes with our present shop contacts. Let us discuss with them their daily problems in the factories. Advise them and lead them in their struggles against increased misery and ex- ploitation. It is only through direct knowledge and participation in their struggles that we can gain the confidence of the working women. Let us prove to them, through deeds that the Com- munist Party is their class political Party. This cannot be accomplished only through distribu- tion of leaflets, mass meetings and demonstra- tions. We must begin patient, systematic, well planned legal and semi-legal work in and around the factories. Let the district department for women make a beginning in the recruitment drive to orien- tate the work among women toward the fac- tory workers. Let us carry through in our daily work the fine paper plans of work. Double the number of industrial women in the Party! Trile the number of Negro women by March 8th! ET US BROADEN THE BASE OF THE PARTY RECRUITING The recruiting drive of the Party is on. The quotas are set. The concentration is designated. major orientation of the drive to the shops g more and more hammered out in near- ly all the districts, at least the directives prove this. The recruiting is being carrid ethrough by the units, new members are coming in. All this, of course, is progress in the drive. While it is correct that in this recruiting drive we especially stress the quality of the recruiting, the connection between recruiting and the mass campaign of the Party, we can already notice, however, a definite tendency to narrow the re- cruiting campaign to the closer groups of work- ers around the Party. While the method of ap- proaching the most active workers in the shops, in the unions, in the mass organizations, is a correct one, we shall not and cannot limit our recruiting campaign to the selective method only. Recruiting into the Party is a part of our mass activities, a part of our doily campaigns and struggles. In every day work we must bring the Party to the forefront, show the role of the Party, and urge the militant workers to join our Party. ‘This can be done if simultaneously with bringing in the closest sympathizers into the Party, we carry on a real mass agitational campaign to bring forward our Party as the leader of the working class. The directives of the Central Committee give the clear line. "So far we have limited ourselves to the qualitttive method of recruiting. We shall not put one against hte other—quality and quan- tity must go hand in hand, It is therefore necessary for every District, section and unit to consider as well the question of how to broaden our recruiting drive in con- nection with our every-day activties. The method of open meetings and inviting a few sympathizers is b DRIVE such as the arrangement by every unit of mass meetings in front of the shops, in the neighbor- hoods, open forums in the territories on “What is our Party” linking up these meetings with special tasks of the Party—as the role of the Party in Scottsboro, the role of the Party in or- ganizing workers in the struggle against wage cuts, and unemployment. Such meetings must be carefully prepared and shall be utilized to get new contacts with the workers. This recruiting drive must also develop new forms of agitation and propaganda. In New York the Communist Party sent out @ special letter to all mass organizations explaining the role of the Party. This is a good beginning. Leaflets shall be issued and mass meetings shall be arranged by the fractions in all the trade unions and language organizations, This can be done very effectively if these meetings will be closely linked up with the tasks of the Party in the building of these mass. organizations and leading the workers in general. At these meet- ings the role of the Party shall be explained and the best workers shall be urged to join the Party. This does not replace the method which is being used—the Party fractions invite the close sympathizers in that particular organiza- tion and on the basis of a heart-to-heart talk, urge them to jion the Party. Both methods must go hand in hand. Especially now when the bosses are doing verything possible to spread lies about our Party in order to detract attention of the more and more radicalized workers from our Party, it is our task systematically and continuously to de- velop a broad agitational campaign to bring our Party forward as the leader of the working class. ‘This phase of the drive must be kept in mind by the districts, sections and units and steps shall not replace the mass forms of recruiting ) should be taken to carry it through. By BARD. Geneva and the Coming Imperialist War By M. L. “. «. There is relatively little use in discussing the ‘prevention’ of war by discovering and elim- inating its ‘cause,’ for its causes are as infinite as ourselves. What we can do—perhaps all we can do—is to study the war process, its workings and effects; but in the meantime we are forced to recognize in common with every other great power, that the threat of war is a danger against which we are compelled to be prepared.” (Her- ald Tribune, editorial “Is War Inevitable?” Aug. 15, 1931.) | This is how the organ of the Hoover-Wall Street government expresses its position on prep- aration and war. This is its position on dis- armament. But war is not a “natural” develop- ment so thtat we will always have wars, that “it causes are as infinite as ourselves.” War in capi- talist society is a natural development, for it grows within capitalism. Imperialist war is a war of conquest, of redivision of the world and mark- ets by finance-capitalism for the extension of power of finance-capital over more and more territories. ‘The long-awaited and prepared for disarma- ment conferérice is to be held next month. The conference meets amidst a whirlpool of economic chaos and ruin in capitalist countries, contrasted with the sharp rise of the Soviet Union to higher economic levels. It meets at a time when “the international situation in Europe is com- ing to a point and we make bold to say that in the next few months, if not weeks, the question will be decided, whether we are to see the men- ace of war again overhanging our continent.” (Augur, London correspondent of N. Y. Times, from London, Dec. 8.) It meets in a period when “there is little prospect that the disarmament | conference . .. will succeed so long as the burn- ing economic and political issues of the world remain unsolved.” (Buell, Foreign Policy Asso- ciation Bulletin, Aug. 28.) It meets at a time when these “burning economic and political is- sues,” that is, the mass of imperialist rivalries | and contradictions, the danger of a German capitalist collapse, threatening to bring world financial ruin, the reparations crisis, the Man- churian war, the immediate danger of an attack on the Soviet Union in view of Japanese machi- nations, are rapidly coming to a head. Armaments are not the cause of war. The rapid piling up of armaments indicates that economic conflicts and contradictions have reached an unusual degree of intensity. Capi- talist society without armaments is just as un- thinkable as it is unthinkable without crisis and wars. “Wars,” said Van Clausewitz, “are created only by political relations between governments and peoples; but ordinarily one pictures the situ- ation as if, with the beginning of the war, these relations cease and a new situation is created subject to its own laws. We assert, on the con- trary, that war is nothing but a continuation of political relations by other means.” While it is dangerous for the capitalist coun- tries to hold their disarmament conferences be~ cause “an arms conference..would have little chance of success, and should it meet and fail a new armaments race would almost certainly result” (Simms, World-Telegram Dec. 3); on the other hand, it is equally dangerous not to hold it because this would expose these fakers openly in the eyes of the workers. Not that the cap- italists want to disarm, but that they can play the part of peace angels better behind the tables in Geneva. Beforehand, what is the outlook for the con- ference? While the capitalist diplomats talk about disarmaments, their countries are engaged in an orgy of armaments, spending annually about four and one-half billion dollars on arms. A survey made by the Foreign Policy Associa- tion shows that the United States has increased its expenditures on armaments 193 per cent over 1912; Javan, 142 per cent; Great Britain, 42 per cent; France, 30 per cent, ete. When Laval came to see Hoover he had with him “facts which many doubt have ever been made known to President Hoover. They concern largely, the Russian armed force” (N. Y. Sun, Oct. 17). Hoover and Laval hoped that the disarmament conference “will be capable of meeting what is in reality its true mission—that is, the organiza- tion of firm foundation of permanent peace” (N. Y. Times, Oct. 26). The Washington corre- spondent of Morgan’s N. Y. Evening Post on Oct. 26 explained what this meant. He said: “There is an implication that the armament conference in Geneva next year will not be per- mitted to wreck iieelf on the firm rock of re- duction, but will be used to help ‘the organiza tion on a firm foundation of permanent psace’ with part of that firm foundation to be inter- preted as a good-sized French army.” “As Geneva comes nearer” what are the capi- talists thinking about? The Herald-Tribune, Dec. 18. hopes “that the necessity for economy abroad will produce a general lowering of prose ent armament levels without affecting any na- tion’s present security or relative position, but we are not at present in such a position that we can lead in a movement of that character. In the meanwhile, as Geneva comes nearer, it is more and more difficult to see what course the conference will follow. So far no concrete pro- posals have been advanced by anyone.” The U. S. Navy Department in urging a 10 and 15- year plan for a bigger navy does not recognize “the possibility of an agreement for further re- duction in naval armaments by the Naval Po ers.” “The navy does not expect any sucii agreement to be reached at Geneva and this opinion is shared by most other government officials” (N. Y. Times, Jan, 2, 1932). The Wash- ington correspondent of the Journal of Com~ merce (Sept. 17) wrote the following: “.. . it is pointed out that the U. S. government is not so optimistic as to believe that the forthcoming naval conference will succeed in wiping out the armaments of the world or any extremely large + part thereof.” Capitalist diplomats come to a conference not to talk peace and to disarm. They come to form war alliances and to bargain for a balance of power. This is the real business. The Herald- Tribune (Dec. 4) blurts this truth out quite openly. “The whole history of the conference method since the war would appear to teach the simple truth that you do not get something for nothing. The idea that nations, simply by sitting down in conference, would suddenly per- ceive a common interest which had escaped their individual diplomats has proved illusory. Why «+. are not the armament burdens reduced? Simply because each nation finds either in its own arms or in the policies of others, some reason for maintaining its armaments, more compelling than its desire for reducing them. It would seem to be evident that the only way in which a conference can affect this solution is by a series of bargains which will remove or diminish the reason for which present arma- ments are maintained.” These conferences re- sult in establishing alliances and agreements be- tween the imperialist countries. The Journal of Commerce (April 12, 1930), in pronouncing “last rites’ at the London Naval Conference, con- cludes thus: “As a result the conference has been throughout a struggle for strategic advantage, The Historical Experiences of Bolshevism animated by the same spirit that has in the past Jed to international rivalries and wars.” Lenin (Imperialism, p. 100) expressed it clearly when he said that these “peaceful alliances prepare the ground for wars and in their turn grow out of wars, the one conditioning the other, gener- ating the alternating forms of peaceful and war- like struggle out of the same basis of imperialist connections and the relations between world economics and world politics.” At the coming Geneva Conference the im- perialists are going to make it appear that not they and their system are the causes of exces- sive armaments and wars, but that the Soviet Union is the reason why they have to maintain large armies and navies. In other words, Russia is the sole menace to peace and reduction of armaments, This idea is definitely expressed in the follow- ing editorial in the Press-Herald, Portland, Maine (Nov. 20): “The stumbling block which the disaymament conference at Geneva is going to run against when it is assembled is Russia. “Europe fears Russia as it fears no other/na~- tion. It is afraid to accept Russia in the family of nations and it is afraid not to take her in. If the Soviet government promises to disarm there will not be a government in the world which will accept her word that she will do so. How, under these conditions, can it be expected that a general disarmament agreement can be entered into? The system under which Russia operates is antagonistic to the economic system under which all the other nations are operating. One system or the other will prevail, The Soviet dictators expect that it will be their system which will eventually dominate the whole world. To help bring this about the Red dictators are prepared to use force. In the face of this will the nations of Europe beat their swords into plow shares?” The capitalists are attefnpting to hide their feverish war preparations for war against the Soviet Union by singling out the U.S.S.R. as the sole menace to peace. The disarmament con- ference will strengthen these forces which are striving to lead the workers into another world holocaust, this time against the only workers’ republic, the Soviet Union. and the International Proletariat (For the Lenin-Liebknecht-Luxemburg Campaign) Part ‘The lessons of the vear 1905 enabled Lenin to draw up that stratesic general plan which led the proletariat to victory first in February and afterwards in October, 1917. This Leninist strategic plan is the basis of the entire policy of the C. P. S. U. in the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the building up of So- cialism. The Leninist strategy and Leninist tactics are the basis of the strategy and tactics of the Communist movement of the whole world. The experienees of the Bolsheviki in the Feb- ruary revolution in 1917, their tactics in the period between February and October in the fight for the revolutionary way ‘out of the crisis against all the remnants of Czarism, against the bourgeois Provisional Government, against the Mensheviki and social revolutionaries, for the complete isolation of these petty-bourgeois parties, the fight for the majority of the work- ing class, for winnnig the main masses of the peasantry as the firm allies of the proletariat in the fight for power, the winning of the work- ing masses of the nationalities formerly op- pressed by Czarism for the proletarian revolu- tion, the fight for the Bolshevist Soviets, for the power of the Soviet, for the October revolution as the first stage of the proletarian world revo- lution, the experiences in the organizing of the revolt and the seizure of power, the role of the masses in these historical fights as well as the role of the Party of Lenin in them are of the greatest importance to the working class and the Communist Parties of all countries. Already on the eve of the revolution of 1905 when the Russo Japanese war took place, Lenin by his declaration on the question of the policy of the proletariat in regard to war laid down the mos’ stent revolutionary end interna- tional standpoint of Bolsuevism. thesis be- came the Pr of doparture of Bolshevist pol- icy with regard to the wars of the imperialist epoch. Lenin's slogans regarding the “trans- formation of imperialist war” regarding support of the revolutionary and national wars of eman- cipation by the proletariat, which were developed abd applied on the largest scale by the Bolshe- viki during the imperialist war of 1914, played the greatest positive role in bringing about the victory of the October Revolution and became the basis of the policy of the Comintern in the epoch of imperialism. For all countries without exception the pres- ent moment demands the broadest populariza- tion of the teachings of Lenin on the hegemony of the proletariat in the revolutionary fight, on the role of the proletariat as the leader of all toilers in town and country in their fight against misery and hunger, against exploitation and political oppression, against social and national oppression, against the whole capitalist system. The teachings of Lenin on the allies of the proletariat and in particular on the alllance of the working class with the peasantry, on the leading role of the working class in this alliance, is of greatest present importance for all coun- tries. The task of organizing the united front of all exploited and oppressed under the leadership of the proletariat was raised by Lenin to the level of the world problem of the revolutionary al- Nance of the proletariat of the advanced capi- talist countries with the enslaved peoples of the colonial and sem{-colonial countries. ‘The popu- larization of this task is of extraordinarily urgent importance both to the imperialist coun- tries and also to the dependent and semi- dependent countries in both hemispheres. For all countries and especially for Great Britain, Spain, India and the South American countries in which the Parties have not yet be- come mass parties, the popularization of Lenin- ist teachings of the Party as the advance guard of the working class, as the leader of the broad masses, as the highest form of the class union of the proletariat, as a firm uniform organiza- tion of the revolutionary will of the working class, represents a highly important every-day task, As a result of the growth of the Communist Parties in the Central European countries and of the rapid training of new cadres which are not yet sufficiently bolshevistically steeled, the problem of their theoretical schooling acquires — |STORY OF 2 GROUPS AND AN “AMER- 'CAN PLAN FOR UNEMPLOYMENT” By HARRY GANNES Me: CHADBOURNE, fabulously rich lawyer, die rector of the Manatanzas Sugar Corporation, and one of the attorneys for the Morgan & Ca, National City Bank, not long ago said that if hie plan to curb sugar production failed, it would mean capitalism was a failure. The plan failed. Mr, Chadbourne now offers the unemployed an- other “plan” for “relief” called “An American Plan for Unemployment Reserve Funds.” It is not Mr. Chadbourne alone who is behin@ this scheme, one of the many that are offered to confuse, to mislead and to fool the unemployed, to keep them from a real struggle for unemploy< ment insurance, but a very rich organization called the American Association for Labor Legis~ lation is behind it. Before we analyze the scheme itself a gtimped of its backers offers an interesting insight. They’ fall into two groups: 1) Rich exploiters and seaB employers; 2) Reactionary union officials amd other lackeys of the bosses. Here is the line-up of group No. 1: Mr. War burg, partner of Kuhn, Loeb é& Co., an interna- tional banker and an imperialist whose millions have the blood of Chinese, Filipino, Latin Amer- ican as well as American workers on them; Ger- ard Swope, president of the General Electric Co., wage-cutter and speed-up expert for Morgan Co.; Mrs, Thomas W. Lamont, wife of the lead- ing Morgan & Co. partner; Percy S. Straus of R. H. Macy & Co., known for its low wages and long hours. There are many others with varying records of wage-cutting. Acting as a “labor” front for these pationate defenders of the rights of the workers we have the following, Group No. 2: Joseph P. Ryan, president of the New York Central Trades and Labor Council who voted for William Green’s program of “no unemployment: insurance” at the Vancouver convehtion of the A. F. of L, As one of his proofs as an eminent labor leader, fit to travel in such fine company as we list in Group No. 1, Mr. Ryan can point to his successful strike-breaking activity in the Boston longshoremen’s strike. Then there is Sid- ney Hillman of the Amalgamated Clothing Work- ers, a professional strikebreaker, and a perpetual front for any scheme to fight against real un- employment insurance that any group of mis- leaders may want to present. Hillman is for Muste’s scheme; for the Socialist scheme, for Mrs. Lamont’s scheme for Mr. Chadbourne’s scheme—for any scheme that means no struggle by the workers. ‘Then there is Professor Paul H. Douglas of the : Bs University of Chicago. Prof. Douglas has a rush- ing business these days writing long and windy books about unemployment that do everything possible to exonerate the capitalist system from blame. As 2 Professor in John D. Rockefeller’s university, whose specialty is “refuting” Marx’s “Capital”, Douglas is kept busy arguing away Marx’s predictions of such capitalist crises as we see at present, And so the list mounts up. As to the “American Plan for Unemployment Reserve Funds” itself. “This bill,” says the representatives of Group No, 1 and Group No. 2, speaking in mnison, “re~ quires employers to contribute a small fixed percentage of their payrolls to a fund which will be administered so as to furnish to em- ployes (that is to the wage slaves) such bene- fits as the condition of the fund will permit.” This is the central idea. What is the signifi- cance of it? Each exploiter becomes his own charity institution. He contributes a small fixed percentage of his payroll to a fund. Where does he get the money to contribute? Of course, from the most convenient place, from the payroll it- self! In short, he contributes by cutting wages, to a fund which is the property of the factory owne!. After allowing the bosses to strip wages, the “American Plan” very kindly tells the workers they “are not required to contribute to the fund.” So that they won't feel hurt in the event they took the Gifford Committee’s “I-Have-Shared” propaganda to heart, the “American Plan” soothes the workers by telling them “they do, of course, bear a considerable portion of the cost of unemployment owing to the limits placed upon benefits.” This magnificent scheme, controlled by the bosses, created from the wages of the workers offers the workers a maximum of $10 a week for a period not longer than 13 weeks. The great ma- jority of the present unemployed, if they were forced to accept the “American Plan” as their only solution of unemployment, would be dead by now because over 7,000,000 have been Mee al for over 100 weeks. To give the plan a flavor of patriotism he Secretary of the American Association for Labor Legislation, John B. Andrews, declares that the plan “does not copy any foreign model but is a natural outgrowth of successful American experi- ence”, such for example as the breadline, the frame-up system, the massive growth of the un- employed army, but at the same time it increases the danger of social-democratic deviations in the Commun- ist Parties. The danger of anarchist and putch- ist tendencies spreading is no less great, in view of the increase of fascism. Hence the very great importance ‘of the Bol- shevistic experiences in the fight on two fronts, of the experiences of indefatigable struggle for the purity of Marxist-Leninist teachings. In ad- dition to broad Bolshevist agitation among the masses, the January campaign has the task of bringing about a turn for the better on the front of theoretical work of the parties. In connection with this turn, Comrade Stalin's letter “On some questions of the history of Bolshevism” is of enormous historical and polite ical importance both to the C.P.S.U. and the other sections of the Comintern. Comrade Stalin’s letter is a call for the greatest vigilance on the ideological front. The Communist Par- fight, for strengthening the Communist eonesp- tions of the Party in theoretical work, against any conciliation and rotten liberalism towards the C.P.S.U., the history of every Communist Party in closest connection with the most im- »