The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 22, 1932, Page 4

% Pubtisnea by the Comprodafiy Pupiisning Co. Inc, dally excep! Sunday, at 60 Fast New York City. . Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 Hast 13th Street, New York, N. ¥. 18th &t., N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-791 = January 11 - March 18, 1932 | Party Recruiting Drive of 4 NEW YORK SYMPATHIZER PROPOSES TO START SOME ACTIVITIES. “NORTH, SOU TH, WEST AND EAST OF UNION SQUARE.” the letter of the non-Party member read It has inspired me to write you about conditions right here in New York. to deal in this letter w those that use radical r 0! lly, there is a panhandler who sells litera- f Bishop ‘own and makes a few cents mself, But there is one group th at is the hobo ¢g: rs around them is ver One of struggles, 1e of Nei S don’t know hobos is and ing i what cal rating of t y actually their potentialities are for doing damage; one thing, however, I can say, and that is that OUR comrades are NOT on the Job. More corners in New York, where unemployed and workers gather in considerable numbers, should be covered by the Unemployed Councils and by Party speakers; also by speakers from the T.U.U.L. and by speak- ers from the various mass organizations. Or- ganization can be done right on the street. Have the application cards ready. People will sign up. Have pamphlets ready, they will buy. The Daily Worker and various popular sellers among the magazines should be there. It is time the Party got some of the activity away from Union Square and went north, south, east and west for a bit. Fraetrnally EDITH DEVINE, Sympathizer. me ,was Drive for new and was able ing the higt to the ranks : challenging unit tion fell short on n of new memb last ye continu- number of e Party, in from another quota. are as fol- r, and also out of the above number of s only three are working, in leather c ne ife 3, IN SECTION 10. OF DE TRICT 2, RECRUITS 14 IW MEMBERS DURING M JNTH OF DECEMBER factory and hospital, one at a drydock. At the beginning of the Section drive for new members the Party Unit in this city was con- scious of the fact of the importance of recruit- ing more Negro workers, although in this city the Negro population is only about 8 per cent. Also, the Party here failed to penetrate among the longshoremen, in a city where we have at Jeast 7,000, More than one-half of these are unemployed, and not a single worker has been recruited for the Party. The Party here is utilizing its energy in the present National Campaign to recruit the maxi- mum number of longshoremen into the ranks of our Party, Comradely yours, A. HOFFMAN, Organizer. Remarks:—The Hoboken Unit challenged the Bayonne Unit. What has Bayonne got to say? Cable Significance ot th the » Kentucky Strike By BEN GERJOY. Organization Secretary of the National Miners By BEN GERJOY. a number of very basic factors which the Kentucky strike from the of 40,000 miners in Western Penn- st Ohio and West Virginia. The re- of the 40,000 miners goes down in the the American labor movement as one real heroic battles against misery impose® by the cay t class aided by the labor fakers. That strike expressed the revolt of the miners against ng wave of wage cuts and speed-up, which threw the miners into a state of misery and starvation. It was a revolt against the con- tinuous treachery and betrayal of the U.M.W.A and its class collaboration policies. The strike marked the be; ng of the end of the old union h has become a tool in the hands of the coal operators, and the rise of the Na- tional Miners Union, based on principles of revo- lutioi unionism. The strike resulted in a miners, in the sense that it stop- iod the general wage cutting cam- g industry. New Wave of Wage Cuts hand, the Kentucky strike comes en a fresh wave of wage cuts is veloping. The coal operators have experience. Especially, did the n Pent ylvania strike teach them a les- Thus, they began their campaign by cut- On he othe a titi evolved the following y divided the coal into good and bad coal. ‘The miners were getting half the price for the bad coal. But which was bad and which was good was determined by the boss. The re- sult was that out of every five tons of coal loaded three were termed bad. The result to the miners’ pay was an almost 40 per cent cut. Another company used a much simpler scheme. It decided to reduce the size of the car in half ‘To accomplish this the boards on the side of the cars were taken off. On the basis of this the company reduced the price for each car of coal mined to 50 per cent the former price. But then the foreman compelled the miners to load ch car with a high top. The result of this was that the miners were loading prac- same amount of coal for half wages ultaneot me with these forms of wage cut- ting, direct wage cuts have become more and more numerous, especially on a local scale. Com- panies w h have a number of mines have tried to put through new wage cuts in individual mines, This happened in the Pittsburgh Termi- nal mines. The N.M.U, stopped the Pittsburgh Terminal Co. from putting through a wage cut in its Coverdale mine, though the U.M.W.A. tried its best to help the company, as the presi- dent himself stated. All thse local wage cuts, though further worsen- ing the conditions of the miners, did not, how- ever, pull the coal industry out of its present cri- sis. During the period since the big strike, the N.M.U. has grown considerably in strength, es- pecially in regards to mass influence among all miners. The miners, encouraged by and feeling in the National Miners Union a staunch fighter for their interests, are putting up an ever greater resistance against the coal operators’ numerous schemes to save the coal industry, meaning of course, “saving the profits of the coal industry for the coal operators.” Despite the resistance to the operators on the part ot the miners, led by the N.M.U., the oper- ators are determined to increase their profits by further reducing the miners’ pay, through a wide Sweeping wage cut. We thus see a whole series of , Wage cuts, either put through, or in the process of being put through. The following examples: In West Viriginia the UMWA signed an agree- ment with the operators reducing the wages 25 per cent. It was an agreement based on the prop- osition, as Van Bittner, UMWA District president boldly stated it, “of out-seabbinb the scabs.” The Pittsburgh Terminal Co. has just announced a 10 per cent wage cut in all of its mines. The Pittsburgh Coal Co, is feeling its way slowly and announces a cut in only part of its mines. A general wage cut is being prepared for the min- ers of the Anthracite and Tllinols, upon the ex= piration of the present amperes wit, the v. “aan Sia Se he miners’ were 3 in an indirect form. For | "Kentucky Strike Must Check Wage Cuts. From this point of view the Kentucky strike has even a greater task to accomplish than the recent strike of 40,000. Besides its main task, namely the defeating of the starvation conditions and the terror in Kentucky, the Kentucky strike has the general task of checking the new wage- cut wave. The effect of the Kentucky strike 18 already being felt in other fields. So far it ex- presses itself mostly in a greater readiness on thé part of the miners to resist wage-cutting at- tempts. The miners ‘are ready to strike in answer to every attempt of the operators to further deepen. their starvation. Thé miners listen more readily and respond more quickly to the militant pro- gram of the N.M.U. In the Terminal mine, for instance, no sooner was the wage cut announced in the first mine than the miners struck 100 per cent. This happened at the mine No. 4, in Horn- ing, Pa. é The Kentucky strike is also showing its effect upon the internal consolidation of the N.M.U. There is a decided increase in activity through- out the mine fields, many more local struggles are taking place under the independent leader- ship of the N.M.U. The leadership of the union is being broadened out, through drawing into re- sponsible work fresh, rank and file elements. There is more life displayed by our field organ- izers. With such a situation the Kentucky strike can and must fulfill its double task, Must Not Underestimate Willingness to Fight. At this time it is particularly dangerous to un- | derestimate the readiness of the miners to strug- | gle. Nevertheless, such underestimation exists in some of our district organizations. What, then, explains the fact that we are sometimes slow to give the miners leadership, even when they come themslves to our offices to ask for it? What then explains the fact that all sorts of arguments against local strikes are raised? Why quibble at a time like this? The question is clear. The miners are ready to struggle, and they must struggle or die a slow death; a militant organization, the N.M.U., to lead them is also here, That the struggle must take place around immediate demands, which are | to be broadened in the process of the struggle, is | also clear. Why, then, do some comrades raise all of doubts? There is only one answer—an estimation of the workers’ willingness to fight. Kentucky Strike—Beginning of Miners’ Offensive There are a few factors in the Kentucky strike which lead us to believe that: 1. the strike will be successful; 2, that it will mark the beginning of the miners’ counter-offensive, These factors are the following: a) The strike has begun with the N.M.U. pos- sessing the undispuged leadership of the strike. b) The U.M.W.A. is hated by all the Kentucky miners for its long list of betrayals. c) The Kentucky miners are the most militant section of all miners in this country. d) At the outset of the strike the N.M.U. has had a large membership in the Kentucky field. e) The Negro miners and white miners are fighting solidly side by side. f) Prior to the strike the N.M.U. carried on a Jong period of preparation during which organ- ization was established in most of the mines. Most of these factors were lacking in the West- ern Pennsylvania-East Ohio strike. The winning chances are therefore excellent. And the winning of the strike will mean that the miners in every other field will follow suit. So will th workers in the other basic industries. A Strike of All Workers, The Kentucky strike is not a strike of the Ken- tucky miners only. The Kentucky miners are simply the shock-troops in the checking of the new wave of wage cuts, and are blazing the trail for a general working class counter offensive. The miners in the other fields, and all workers, must understand their duty In this strike. Their duty is to form a solid wall behind these brave shock- troopers. Such a wall must be built on the basis of moral support, in the form of mass meetings to protest the terror, telegrams of greetings, ete. Of equal importance and arising from this basis, is the material support which the strikers must have, Relief Is a powerful weapon in the hands ef the strikers. Help win tha strike! “DAIWORK” Dail Yorker’ Porty U.S.A SUDeCKIFTION RATES: Foreign: one year, By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. $8; six months, $: for WALTER WHITE cNaconel Secretary of the National Association _«WOQDMEN, SP ARE THAT TREE!” the Advancement of Colored People) By RALPH SIMONS (This is the first of three articles on the im- portance of the marine transport industry, the weaknesses of the Marine Workers Industrial Union and how to overcome them, the lack of our Party’s attention that must be corrected. These articles should be read by all workers, and not alone by those in the marine industry. Editor.) ee eae question of strengthening and developing the revolutionary trade union work on the waterftont was never so sharp and pressing as at the present time. The struggle against the inten- sive military préparations, in the first place against the only fathetland of the working class of the world, the Soviet Un:on, the intensive or- ganization of an imperialist united front itt order to choke the land which is building socialism, in the organization of which imperialist front the government of the United States plays a leading role, will be successful only if this struggle be- comes an organic part of the everyday struggle of the Party and the revlutionary unions of the U.S.A. and not a campaign carried on from time to time. There is no doubt that with the first cannon shot, all the material resources, all the industry and transport will be mobilized and put on a war basis. All factories having any military sig- nificance, or being of any help for military pur- poses, will be used for war and militarized. The division between the front and the rear will be done away with and the whole working class will be directly or indirectly drawn into the war hysteria. No doubt such basic industries as metal, chemical, coal, automobile and also railroad and marine transport will play an important and de- cisive role. Therefore, it is imperative that in these indus- tries we must work harder in order to stop this coming war adventure and even when this war will become a fact to struggle to turn the impe- rialist war into a class war—civil war—, a war of millions of toiling masses against those who make wars, The winning of the workers employed in the war industry, railroad and marine transport to the side of the class struggle—this ‘is the task which must be placed before the revolutionary trade union movement in the U.S.A. and which, notwithstanding the difficulties connected with this, must be decided in the affirmative. War Preparations, From this point of view, special attention must be given to the work on the waterfront, The ma- rine industry will play a very important part in the coming war. Already now the merchant navy of the U. S. is preparing for war purposes. They are under the control and guidance of the U. S. Shipping Board. The U. S. Shipping Board is assisting the ship owners in the building of ships and giving them financial assistance. The rapid rationalization in the marine industry is con- nected with these war preparations. The plan for putting the industry on a war basis can be said to have really got under way in 1928 when the Jones-White Act and the Naval Reserve Bill were passed, Under the Jones-White Act $250,- 000,000, were appropriated for building of 64 new merchant vessels that could be converted into auxiliary cruisers when necessary. Under the Act the ship owners receive long term credit loans up to three-quarters of the value of the ship under construction. The only stipulation is that ships be built according to naval specifications and under naval supervi- sion. Approximately 400,000 marine workers are em- ployed in the industry in the following capacity: Seamen, 180,000; longshoremen, 100,000; fisher- men, 20,000; officers, 40,000; harbor, rivermen, lighthousemen etc., 60,000. Among these are 9.1 per cent Negroes, 6.5 por cent Chinese, Japanese and Philippine workers, British 11.9 per cent, German 7.5 per cent, Spanish 5.1 per cent, Norwegian 2.6 per cent, Dutch 1.6 per cent, Swedish 1.5 per cent, Danish 1.1 per cent, Central American 1 per cent. The government is trying to change the rela- Act 50 per cent of the seamen must be citizens and at the end of four years (1932) 2-3 of the crews on these ships built under the Act must be American. This process of terrorism and deporta- tion of the militant foreign born and their re- placement by Americans, is part of the war preparations, Serious Assistance Required. From the point of view of the feverish war preparations, the situation in the Marine Work- ers Industrial Union, the weaknesses and short- comings in this field of most militant class strug- gle fronts, cannot be overlooked. Notwithstand ing decision of the Proiintern and the two last Plenum of the T.U.U.L. which underlined the importance of strengthening of the Marine Workers Industrial Union, and the necessity of paying the utmost attention and giving help in this work, this field of struggle of the revolu- tionary unions in the United States remains un- satisfactory, The Marine Workers Industrial Union is not getting help from any other of the industrial unions and this makes it harder to overcome the weaknesses and shortcomings and | to make progress in the work. We must recognize and sharply emphasize that the necessary and serious attention is not given to the work on the waterfront by the Party and by the entire revolutionary trade union move- ment. This is a reflection and concrete manifes- tation of the underestimation of the war danger which must be immediately overcome. The pres- ent situation in the work on the waterfront can- not remain any longer. What are the main weaknesses and shortcom- ings? First of all, the Marine Workers Industrial Union did not yet get out of the stage of agita- tion and propaganda; it is still a propaganda center instead of a center of action. Instead of developing broad mass struggies, the union is still carrying on work within its own shell. The revolutionary program of the Marine Workers Industrial Union puts the union in a bright light in the marine transport field against the class collaboration unions which are actu- ally strike-breaking instruments in the hands of the organized owners of the marine industry. It is one thing to have a good revolutionary program and another thing to carry it out in life. We must state that the question of defend- ing the everyday needs of the marine ard dock workers, the question of preparing struggles for concrete economic demands, do not occupy the center place in the work of the union. Going through the militant school of economic and class solidarity in this present period of cri- sis, mass unemployment, growing discontent of the masses, stubborn fights, the work of the union takes on more and more a political char- acter, because it puts the workers face to face not only with the bosses’ organizations, with the strike-breaking reformist bureaucracy, but also with the bourgeois government, Only in this | manner will the marine workers be able to arm themselves with class consciousness and in an organized way come out against the imperialist war and intervention and carry out their class duty. The union will be able to win the confidence of the marine workers only when it will come out as,a capable organizer of militant resistance and struggles against the wage cuts which are being carried through by the ship owners. When the marine workers will see with their own eyes that the Union has not only a good program, that its agitation has revolutionary contents, but that the union is able to transform its | agitational fighting slogans into life, and that the union is able to prepare, lead and win strug- gles. Only then the marine workers will under- stand why they need the union, they will have sympathy for the union and they will be drawn into the union and fight under its leadership. | The fact is that the Marine Workers Industrial Union, with a very few minor exceptions, did not carry on any important strikes and, more than that, did not prepare any struggles for economic demands on the American boats and in the docks. In a few cases the union participated in strikes which were led by the reactionary unions (Gal- veston, 5,000 longshoremen led by the I.L.A.; New Orleans, 6,000 longshoremen led by the LLA., etc.). In some cases the union Jed strikes di- rectly (Stockton, 200 rivermen; Galveston fish headers, New Orleans, September 30, 600 river- men; Duluth, April 30, 600 dockers). It is shown in all these strikes that the prepa- rations for these strikes were very weak, that new methods were not brought into the leading of the strikes, the striking masses were not directly ac- tivized. But what must be especially emphasized is that these strikes demonstrated the willing- ness and readiness of the masses to fight against wage cuts. In Philadelphia our preparations for the strike and the demands were made without the knowledge of the marine workers, which na- turally brought negative results. We lost 900 long- shoremen members, If these strikes would have been prepared bet- ter and if in these strikes a series of mistakes would not have been made, these strikes could have been won. With the exception of the strike of the German marine workers, in which the In- dustrial Union now shows activity, in the recent period the union has not led any more or less serious economic struggles. And this in the face of the very good objective conditions. (TO BE CONTINUED). Manifesto of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights on the Scottsboro Case. HE League of Struggle for Negro Rights, at the first news of the frame-up of the nine Scottsboro boys, joined with the International Labor Defense, and called for a united front struggle to save the victims of Southern lynch , Many eccepted the cail. But the National Asceciation for the Advancement of Celored People, serving the interests of the white ruling class, its petty white liberal officials and Negro intellectuals, refused. It attempted to conduct a “non-violent resistance” campaign (to Negro persecution). Its main energies were spent, not in trying to build the best defense, but in vicious and outrageous attacks upon those who were building up a broad mass defense movement of the Negro masses and white and colored Or ers. Repeated calls from the L.S.N.R. and the LL.D. to the N.A.A.C.P. and to co-operate were to no avail, Agcia its hery in connection with Aern lynch bosses is laid bare. The open refusal of the “great humanitarian,” Clarence Darrow, and Arthur Garfield Hays, at- torneys of the N.A.A.C.P., to co-operate with the attorneys of the LL.D. in the case, strengthens the opinion and position of the L.S.N.R. This tions of the nationalities, Under the Jones-White pinion was 1. That the N.A.A.C.P. was not and is not concerned about saving the lives and Uberty of the innocent boys. If so, it would gome into the united front movement along with the LS.N.R. and LL.D, 2. That the N.A.A.C.P. has consistently attempted to sabotage the united front mass defense movement by its disruptive, lying and deceitful tactics, and by employing de- fense counsel hostile to the cries of freedom of the Negro masses 3. That its interests were to deceive the masses, attempting to cause them to believe that justice can be obtained in the courts of the lynchers. 4. That, with consis- tent regularity it lied, slandered and insulted the, boys and their parents and nearest kin. 5. It falsely appeared before the public as rep- representatives of the boys and collected funds, contrary to statements issued by the boys and parents. In the face of such a degenerate and reac- tionary policy the L.S.N.R. sharply denounces the Jeaders of the N.A.A.C.P. as conscious betrayers and enemies to the united defense movement. We call upon the rank and file membership to view the facts in the case and recent develop- ments: 1, Forced recognition of the LL.D. attorneys by the state supreme court as the only counsel ...“Industry is unwilling,” What They Mean by Unemployment Insurance By HARRY GANNES. 4 Father Cox is not the only leech who has si tached himself to the emaciated unemployed, He is a new entry into a well-filled field, gluttea with organizations offering the unemployed aff sorts of “plans,” some revolutionary sounding, others apparently shouting for “unemploymens insurance,” but all designed to keep the workers from struggle as a class for real unemployment insurance. In this series of articles the various schemes will be analyzed. The class forces behind then exposed, and their programs ripped open so that the reactionary content becomes clear. One of the newest entries is the Joint Come mittee on Unemployment recently formed. . Thg guiding spirit is the Reverend Muste, another Father Cox who has learned left phrases more, glibly and who wears a “Socialist” button instead. of a priest's frock. 2 In order to go Father Cox one better in the religious line Rabbi Wise’s assistant, Darwin J. Meserole, is placed on the Executive Committee: of this outfit. Strikebreakers such as Sidney Hillman, president of the Amalgarhated Clothing: Workers, and Emil Rieve, president of the Am- erican Federation of Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers, play a prominent part in this group who seek to mislead the unemployed into a swimp of futile petitioning. “Scientific Charity” This latest organization was devised chiefly, however, not to lead the unemployed so mucn as to band together various civic and church groups, leaders of the Socialist Party, the League for Industrial Democracy—in other words, the petty bourgeoisie, the amall business men, the fascist leaders of the various unions who seek ‘a system of “scientific charity.” The central plank of the Joint Committee on Unemployment, in their own words, is as follows: “We are convinced that there is no further need of study or experiment in the matter of unemployment insurance in the United States, It is clear to ail that inductry is unable or unwilling to establish unemployment insurance on a scale sufficiently large to cover the work- ers of the Untied States. It, therefore, be- comes the duty of both the State and the Federal Government to enact unemployment insurance at once. Unemployment insurance is as necessary a part of the economic program and the program of national security as are workmen’s compensation, old age allowance, or mother’s pensions.” * It all sounds so simple! The government should do its “duty.” Classes are wiped out by phrases. ‘The unemployed should rest comtoriably in the flop houses, or on the streets, content them- SelveS with breadlines or starvation, until in the name of “national security,” the stalwart liberals are ablé by “education” to convince the rulers that “unemployment insurance,” be it ever so skimpy, “is a necessary part of the economic program” of capitalist exploitation. Industry and Government say this strange col- lection of sky pilots and socialist misleaders, therefore the state and federal governments Should do something. But this is trying to make the workers believe that there is a separation between the industries, say, for example like the United States Steel Corporation (ruled by Mor- gan & Co.), the Pennsylvania Railroad (Mellon), on the one hand, and the state and federal gov- ernments on the other. “Industry” and the banks are owned by the leading representative of the capitalist class, the same class that con- trols the state and federal governments. If one is “unwilling,” the other acts accordingly, The object of this scheme is, first of all, to mislead the workers as to the class nature of the capitalist government; to spread the illusion of hope that the capitalists will awaken to their “duty.” They aim thereby, to avoid the “nasty” conflict of a rapidly growing mass struggle which will’ force the capitalists to grant, willing or unwillingly, duty or no duty, unemployment in- surance at full wage rates. After all, the liberals, the petty-bourgeols be hind the Joint Committee on Unemployment have a big stake in eapitalism. They are stock and bondholders. They do not want the profits of capitalism interfered with to the extent that dividend and bond payments will be injured. Every one who repeats the slogan “unemploy- ment insurance” should be asked some blunt questions. How will it be obtained? How much will it be? Who will administer it? Wheze will the money come from? What about the war budget of capitalism? How can immediate relief be forced from the capitalist class right now while millions face death by starvation? ‘These questions the Joint Committee on Un- employment lets well enough alone, 2. The withdrawal of Darrow and Hays and the N.A.A.C.P. from the case. 3. The bitter telegram from the boys to the N.A.A.C.P, telling them to keep their hands off, and confirming the right of the LL.D. to rep- resent them. 4. The increasing anger of the Negro masses. . ‘The demand from the toiling masses that the N.A.A.C.P, turn over to the United Front Scottsboro Committee the funds which it has fraudulently collected. 6. And swinging into motion the united front mass defense movement under the leadership of the L.S.N.R. and the LL.D. ‘These are undeniable facts. The L.S.N.R. sup- ports these demands and actions of the masses. ‘The L.S.N.R., as a leader in the Negro libera- tion struggles, again calls to the attention of the toiling masses its former pledge to do all within its power to rally together its membership \nd sympathizers, as well as to enlist new supporters and organizations to continue to build up a powe erful mass defense movement. We appeal to the masses of Negro people and white and colored workers to denounce the N.A.A.C.P. Uncle Tom leaders and to build up a powerful mass pro- test movement. We recognize that only a genu- ine united front of the Negro masses and white and colored workers unshackled from the mis- leaders is the determining factor to force the Southern plantation capitalists and their court to give unconditional freedom to the nine inno- cent boys. Only the angry and aroused indigna- tion of the American masses, protesting and demonstrating, together with the international working class, will be the decisive factor to break the chains that keep these innocent boys behind the prison bars. Demand the immediate and unconditional re- lease of the nine Scottsboro boys! Smash the bosses’ lynch terror! Death to lynchers! Executive Committee, ‘ for the defendanta «. or ~~ wow ~menaptg tty) Longue of Straggle For Negro 4