The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 19, 1932, Page 4

Poge Four Bab 19> st A@@ress and m Telephone ALwonquin 4-7956. 24 by the Comprodatiy Publishing Ce, Inc, daily except Sunday, at 60 asd New York Clty. N. Y. all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 Bast 18th Street, New York, N. ¥. Cabie “DAIWORK.” of Manhatian and SURBCRIPTION RATBO: Bronx. New York City. Be mat! everywhere: One year, $6; siz montha, 33; two moaths, $1; Foreign: one year, § excepting Boreyghe siz montha, 94.50. For a Sharper Struggle Against | T HUNGRY speak Reformism By HARRY HAYWOOD mpt ailroad e inno: de trame Sarty with @ nation-wide challenge and set the best means to arouse the fightir > bring out the political activity ot masses and to start a tide of organiza- sistance to the offensive Southern landlords agai oor farmers a re-croppers correct entrance into this cam- with a degree of success which | ur worst enemies (for example, Hows f the pacifist “Fellowship of Reconcilia- o report that “it is no longer true” that nism is s “relatively unknown term the Negroes,” and that the Communist activity among rural Negroes” has “suc in arousing many hitherto despondent ethargic spirits” and that the Communists e winning adherents everywhere.’ 1ew turn of sharper attention of the Party ih through the rectly me Ip he ani The Party’s a Negro work, as @ direct re: of kk of the Party and the revolutionary mass zations in the Scottsboro campaign, a general stimulation of its agitational Negro directly drawn many thousands of ers under the influence of the Party organizations. It has laid the ian foundations of the Communi: Negroes in the Southern states. most outstanding achievements in has been the drawing in for the large masses of white workers e struggle for Negro Rights. ttsboro campaign has also succeeded mugh clearer than at any previous treachery of the Negro bourgeoisie eformist organizations in the strug- Negro masses, and their alliance with he whtve ruling class lynchers. Betrayers Temporarily Demoralized. reaction of the Party and revoiu- organizations to the Scottsboro as he rapid mobilization of a mass move- rent in defense of the Scottsboro boys, the tre- nendous enthusiasm of the moyement, pro- foundly influenced the rank and file following reformist organizations. The sud- and force of the impact of this move- inst the Negro reformist—white liber: ational Association for the Ad. Colored People—caused a temporary ation within the top leadership of this as reflected in the treach- the NAA.C.P. A sham battle ubstance of which was really how e masses in the Scottsboro s reflected in the “lett” criti- A. C. P. leadership by bourgec athetic Party among One of the paigr ne of smaking he mary ma was to serve class lynchers, derous intentions ere thwarted by wide mass movement developed by the Party trategy was the following: with the help hite slave drivers, to get hold of the d through employing the most to confuse the masses and nist forces, and in this man- y for the legal lynching ot Direct proofs of this intention were e's secret letters to the Negro press, icious upon the Communist Party, the collaboration of the N.A.A.C.P. leadership with hangmen in the torturing of the in an effort to force them to de- he LL.D, defense and accept the N. A Forced to Make “Left” Maneuver. the militant mass movement and ge, the bourgeois reformists, in out their policy of treachery, were ecute a “left” maneuver. William field secretary of the N.A.A.C.P., made ndorsement of the I.L.D. campaign, sup- the group around the Chicago De- Walter ne Sou noys ir ounce by - Infamous Socialist Editorial from “Mundo Obrera” Central Communist Party of Spain, Dec. 29, , Translated by Harrison George. Orga nce of Badajoz. A general strike. The Governor saying that it violates the of the “Defense of the Republic.” And Margarita Nelkin, socialist deputy for province in parliament, writing in “The alist,” subsidized by the Yankee telephone sany, laments hyp< rovince where the landlords leave land unplowed despite decrees punish- uch action; where they are able, without any risk to themselves, to kill fruit trees in order to put.an end to the principal industry of the region; where, meanwhile starving un- employed who steal a handful of fruits are hot down by machine guns, herds of pigs are turned into the orchards to eat olives; where the workers are denied work and are told to ‘ask the republic eat,” . ete., ete. | this and much more occurs in all Spain, and not only in the province of Badajoz. | But, are there not three socialist ministers | in the government since hte beginning of the republic? But, are there not in the parliament more | than one handred socialist deputies? But, does not the government arrive at de~ | cisions unanimously? Dut, does not the Civil Gu: rd that ‘shoots down starving unemployed’ get the support of a government in which are three socialist ninisters? But, are not those landowners protected by the government in which there are three so- clalist. ministers? But, finally, has not that law for “the De- fense of the Republic,” against the worke: been approve dand ratified by all the s clalists? | Your protest, Margarita Nelkin, is a re- ) pul:ive pretense. | You socialists play a double game: in the government you tarn machine guns upon the people, you protect and defend the hour- geoisie. In the streets you pretend to protest. | 16 is an infamous hypocrisy! [ 2 | All this is true. 1} | tions, | opportunity to strike shattering blows at the j fender. elf at ‘The role of Pickens was to place him- the head of the opposition of the masses official bourgeois reformist leadership so head the movement in order to behead it, d the rebellious masses back under the ip of the reactionary reformists. The about-face of Pickens and the sharp Chicago Defender, which took , Were signals for the deser- ctions of the unstable petty-bourgeois back to the fold of the official N, A. leadership. Distortions of Party Line. But although the policy of the Party as a whole was correct in the Scottsboro campaign, certain instances distortions of this policy along the line of failure to expose sufficiently the reformists and their petty-bour- to the as tc tion of s elements A. C. P, geois agents among the masses, preparing them | against the inevitable betrayal. In a number of articles in.the Daily Worker and Liberator det- nite concessions ere made to the underestima- tion of Negro reformism, eg., the printing by the Daily—without criticism—of Pickens’ fake endorsement of the campaign; the tendency to blur over class differentiation among the Ne- , as witnessed in the “Letter to Negro Ed- rs” in the Liberator, the caption in the Datiy Worker, “Negro papers join united front,” the reference to the Chicago Defender as “an in- } fluential Negro paper with a circulation of 100,000,” in policy reflected them- the following ways: > of the Party calling for a broad united front of the working class, black and white, and of the masses of the Negro peo- | ple, on the basis of struggle for the immediate and unconditional release of the Scottsboro vic- tims, and accompanied by the sherpest exposure of the Negro reformist and white liberal bloc of agents actively engaged in this case on behalf of the bourgeois hangmen—this correct line laid down at the beginning of the campaign was not consistently carried out. United Front Incorrectly Carried Out. In nearly all districts of the Party, the cor- rect line was sacrificed in an attempt to estab- sh a “united front from the top,” as exem- plified in the tendency to approach the Negro masses, not through direct contact at the bottom, but through the mediation of the petty-bour- geois reformist leaders of the Negro organiza- Masonic lodges and especially through obtaining the intercession of “friendly” Negro preachers, and the giving of an inexcusable sub- | stantial position in Scottsboro conferences to the Negro churches. of the Party line resulted in such a condition hat the movement was placed to a consider- able extent at the mercy of the petty-bourgeois reformist and religious leaders to utilize their united front movement at the most critical mo- ments, mpting to lead the masses back into the camp of the supporters of the hangmen of the Scottsboro victims. As a result there took place in many instances a rapid deflation of the organizational results of the campaign in the districts—as witnessed by the liquidation of the apparatus that had been set up by the local Scottsboro conferences, the most glaring example being the liquidation of the All-Southern Scotts- boro Defense Committee, which had been set up at the Chattanooga Conference. Other Glaring Errors In Campaign. Glaring errors in the campaign were the fall- | ure to organize the masses on the basis of the movement from the bottom and form rank and file organizations in the form of block commit- tees and groups of the League of Struggle for Negro Rights and groups around the Liberator; the failure to organize opposition of the rank and file in the Negro mass organizations under reformist influence, the insufficient building of branches of the International Labor Defense. The Scottsboro campaign was inadequately linked up with the struggles for the immediate demands of the Negro and white workers, poor farmers and share-croppers, especially on the economic field. The revolutionary trade unions and unemployed councils did not take sufficient part in the campaign. There was also a failure to link up the Scots- boro struggle with the basic révolutionary de- | mands of the Negro masses, especially in the Hypocrisy | -_ | South, and especially the demand for the right of self-determination. The mass indignation aroused by our campaign was insufficiently utilized to stimulate struggles of the share-crop- pers and poor farmers, and to crystallize or- ganization in the agrarian districts. Underestimation of Role of Negro Reformism, The ideological basis of these mistakes and shortcomings in the Scottsboro campaign arose from an underestimation of the class role of Negro reformism, the failure to distinguish clearly between the national reformist tendency | as based upon the Negro bourgeoisie, and its alliance with imperialist finance capital on the one hand, and on the other hand the national- evolutionary tendency cf the Negro masses «gat the oppression of the white ruling classes. his led to a tendency to lag at the tail of the io reformists and their petty-hourgeois Ss amopg the masses, and consequently to blur over ayr basic revolutionary demands, to avoid the linking up of the campaign to save the Scottsboro boys with the general and specific economic and political demands of the masses. In practice, this resulted in maneuvers of the united front from the top, with the Negro re- formists. This underestimation of the necessity of struggling against Reformism is clearly linked up with the still existing lack of faith in the Negro masses upon the part of certain sections of the Party. Subsequent developments in the Scottsboro campaign have exposed with startling clarity the reactionary role of Negro reformism, as repre~ sented by the N. A. A. ©. P., etc, as the chief bulwark of the slave-driving ruling class against the Negro masses. Consequently, the struggle for the freedom of the Scottsboro boys, against lynching and for Negro rights, has as one of its preconditions an intensified and sustained fight against Negro reformism. MUSTRICT, SECTION AND UNIT LITERATURE AGENTS Sce that you are supplied with the following erature: For All Anti-War Activities Pacifism, by Alex. Bittelmen...... War in the Far East, by Henry Hall Chemical Warfare, by Donald A. Cameron.. ‘The War of Intervention Against the Soviet Union and the Second International, by P. R. Dietrich......... - War Preparations Against the Soviet Union, by Marcel Cachines 6 lo 10 Such opportunist distortions | Secretary Doak “Protects” the ; Foreign Born By_S. HORWATT. (Secretary N. ¥. District, Committee for Pro- tection of Foreign Born.) Fr @ statement issued by Edward Corsi, Com- missioner of Immigration at Ellis Island on January 8, he states that some immigration in- spectors weéfe cdllétting thousands of dollars from unsuspecting aliens, who thought they were paying for protection. They collected in install- menté that run as low as ten dollars a week. He further states: “Wherever it has been pos- sible to lay hands on these exploiters, we have dealt with them wkhout mercy.” Mr. Corsi con- tinued: “Th order that our foreign born population be protected, we would appreciate such public in- formation as will assist us in checking this latest: racket” . . . and further, “Every effort is. being made by the inimigration authorities here to curb various forms of graft and intimidation, practiced by racketeers, upon credulous aliens in accordance with the instructions of Secre- tary of Labor Wm. Doak.” The Committee for the Protection of the For- eign Born cannot take seriously the “protection” of Mr. Corsi which is being instructed, as he says, by Doak. If there is anyone responsible for this racketeer business it is none other than Mr. Doak himself. Had these racketeers not been inspired by the message of Pres. Hoover to the 72nd Congress and by the report of the Sec. of Labor Doak, such persecution against the foreign born and such racketeering would never have taken place. Is not Mr. Doak himself responsible for the | eriminal behavior of the immigration commis- stoners and police officers in their drive against the foreign born? Is it not a fact that on July 22nd a raid took place upon the road workers of White Plains, New York, where s number of workers were arrested without any warrants? (This was done in order to break a strike of the road workers against starvation—S. H.) After charges were brought to Sec. of Labor Doak, that the entire procedure which took place against the road workers in White Plains was unlawful, Mr. Doak’s reply was that the police and immigration officers have a right to make raids and arrests if charges were “evident.” But we know that even if charges are not evi- dent the police and immigration officers are taking the authority to persecute the foreign born. In @ statement issued by a joint investi- LENIN CORNER WHAT IS SOCIAL-CHAUVINISM? 'OCIAL-CHAUVINYSM is adherence to the idea of “defending the fatherland” in the present war. From this idea follows repudiation of the class struggle in war time, voting for military ap- propriations, etc. In practice the social-chauvin- ists conduct an anti-proletarian bourgeois policy, because in practice they insist on the “defense of the fatherland” not in the sense of fighting against the oppression of a foreign nation,~but upon the “right” of one or the other of the “great” nations to rob the colonies and oppress other peoples. The social-chauvinists follow the bourgeoisie in deceiving the people by saying that the war s conducted for the defense of the free- dom and the existence of th enations, thus ‘they put themselves on the side of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat. To the social-chauvinists belong those who justify and idealize the gov- ernments and the bourgeoisie of one of the bel- lgerent groups of nations, as well as those who, lke Kautsky, recognize the equal right of the Socialists of all belligerent nations to “defend the fatherland”. Social-chauvinism, being in practice a defense of the privileges, prerogatives, rob- beries, and vidlence of “one's own” (or any other) imperialist bourgeoisie, is a total betrayal of all Socialist convictions and a violation of the deci- sions of the International Socialist Congress in Basle.—(Excerpt from the chapter, “Socialism and War” from The Imperialist War by Lenin, published by the Mnternational Publishers, New York.» po | | | gation committee of the Committee for Protec- tion of the Foreign Born and the International Labor Defense, in connection with a raid that took place in Ossining, New York, in Dec., 1931, where about eighty men were arrested, the in- vestigation committee tells us the following: The Ossining-chief of police, Frank Minnerly, was asked how many warrants were issued, he replied, two. When fie was asked if warrints were shown to arrested men he said he did not know. When he was asked how does it happen | that from sixty-five to eighty men were arrested on two warrants, he said only eight were ar- rested and that the rest were friends and rela- tives. When Minnerly was asked how does it happen that eight men were arrested on two warrants he said he did not know how many warranis were issued. He also stated that the police were only used as assistants to the immigration men. If the Chief of Police’s words be taken as gospel, then it means that the immigration com~- missioners who have the blessing of Mr. Doak are unlawfully making raids and arrests upon foreign born residents. Now, doesn’t it sound ridiculous when Mr. Corsi promises “protettion” in accordance with instructions of Sec. of Labor Doak. Mr. Corsi, speaking about getting rid of the aliens, further makes an innocent gesture, “We are even more concerned with those who are bent on illegal gain and conspire to encourage the violation of our laws.” If that would be seriously meant, how could it happen that on state construction jobs, alien labor was being employed at wages under the prevailing local scale, and “lived like peons and were treated like coolies” (report on the Attica Prison job— ( B.-L) One Buffalo newspaper charged that alien “workers live in unsanitary shops, pay exorbi- tant rents for room and board, and are tempted further to expend their wages on liquor and gambling.” Similar reports were given to the Acting Governor Lehman about the conditions of the highway workers near Glens Falls and Plattsburg. ‘We would like to ask Mr. Corsi—was there really anything done to punish these unlawful practices? No! More than that, we do not ex- pect any clerk of Mr. Doak to give justice and protection to the foreign born. We know that only by s mass movement of native and foreign born will we be able to put 2 stop to the daily terror inspired by the law-guard, Mr. Doak. Talking about law. Could any governiaent of ficer give any legal excuse for having foreign born workers excluded from work? ‘This 1s what | Mr. Harold Fields, the Director of Citizenship Teague, states: “Big industry virtually bars aliens. The result of this is, a vicious cycle which makes it impossible for them to eara enough money to become citizens.” And Dr. J. G, Wm. Greeff, Commissioner of City Hospitals instructed on Dec. 24th, that the 96 alien nurses employed by the City Hospitals be discharged. The Civil Service Commissioner of Trenton, N. J., instructed on January 6th that the 162 alien workers employed should be dis- charged. Is this in accordance with the law? And is not this being inspired by Mr, Doak himself? ‘ The excuse offered to discharge aliens in order- to make place for native born has no ground. What would 162 discharges in New Jersey and 96 discharges in New York do in solving the Grave unemploymert situation? Where “is lawful justification for discharging 258 workers in the states of New York and New Jersey where | the foreign born population arnounts to 4,112,658. In another article we will expose the lie that foreign born workers are deported for “criminal activities” and the bills pending in Congress aimed at increasing their persecution. Four Days on a Soviet Ship By MYRA PAGE. Foreign Correspondent of the American DAILY WORKER FPTER some four thousand miles of travel our international workers’ delegation has arrived at Batum, a small port on the Black Sea. Here we are to leave our “international wagon,” catching it again at Odessa. In the meantime we will have our first experience of sailing, for four days and nights, under the red flag. ‘We hasten along the wide cobble-stone streets of the little town to the harbor. Although frost is in the air, a warm sun and sub-tropical fol- jage greet us, while the sea lies so calm and blue, we wonder why it was ever christened black, ‘When we reach the shoreline, shout goes up. For the neat harbor, which has been greatly extended in the past two years, is full of pas- sengers and freight boats, as well as three naval ships—all flying the red‘flag! ‘There are also @ few foreign freighters docked here and being loaded with tangerines and grain, or with Baku oil. Seeing by our clothes and speech that we are foreign, the Soviet sailors and dockers crowd around, welcoming us and putting many ques- tions about the workers’ movement in the lands from which we come. ‘We spend a busy day in Batum, inspecting the port and a new clothing factory to which vil- lage girls and women who recently cast off the eastern veil have come. to work and study. After an excellent impromptu meal in their factory kitehcen which costs the workers only eighteen cents and includes three courses of soup, meat vegetables, and dessert, we go to union head- quarters, where the president of the local un- ions, the vice-president of Batum’s Soviet (City Council), the Commissar of Labor and others are assembled to greet us. After several hours of questions and discussion follows a jolly even- ing in the International Seamen’s Club. Here seamen from England, Germany, Belgium, Italy and the Soviet Union are enjoying themselves reading, dancing, eating and gettihg acquainted. The general opinion of the foreign seamen is summed up by one English fellow in these words: “It ain't hard to see the Russians ‘ye got their heads on the right way.” SAILING UNDER THE RED FLAG. It is midnight when we board the ship, so our tour ef the steamer has to wait until morn~ | | | | | ing. The sailors and ship's staff, learning there is a delegation aboard, invite us to a get-together in their Red Corner, the first evening out. The Red Corner is a fair-sized club room with a good: location on the second deck. ‘There are maga- | zines on the tables, a small library, and many good wall-papers which the sailors have made. Evidently there’s more than one clever cartoon- ist among them, for the drawings have real punch, The crew, engineer, captain, and officers not on duty are on hand, mingling freely. This is typical of the relation between men and off- cers on all Soviet ships, In the old days there was much bureaucracy and mutual distrust, such as exists on capitalist-run ships in Ameri- can waters. Today, however, good comradely discipline and order prevail on Soviet boats. A ship's committee, composed of representatives elected from every department, handles all grievances of men or complaint that the offi- cers may have. . Before 2 member of the crew can be discharged, the charge against him is first investigated by the union, and if found unwarranted, the man of course remains on his job. We, have a few speeches, then while drinking our glasses of tea and munching cakes we ex- change questions and opinions, ending with a tour of the ship from engine rooms to the cap- tain’s quarters on the bridge. A FIRST-CLASS, SOVIET-BUILT STEAMER. The ship, named “Ukrainia” after the Soviet Republic that presented it as a gift to the Red Fleet, is a model in latest construction and cleanliness. Built in the Leningrad shipyards, it compares favorably with similar boats of American or German make. With water dis-_ placement of 5,650 tons and speed of 15 knots an hour, it carries 563 passengers a trip, most of whom are workers on their way to rest homes built along the shores of the Black Sea, ‘The quarters of the crew are far better than those in American or European ships. In U. S. and English boats, the crew is usually bunked low-down in the forward end. In one general room they must sleep and ea% Of course there is no clubroom, The Russian sailors formerly had even worse conditions, being jammed to- gether, and often sleeping in hammocks, Now, however the crew is housed, two in a room, on the second deck, which corresponds to second- Class passenger quarters.. They also feed men the | By BURCK. “Comradely Yours” If the ¥. C. L. comrades in New York miss the | face of a young revolutionary worker from their midst, the reason is that, when he wrote a leé- ter to a leading League functionary of the see~ tion, telling him, among other things, of the op- portunity to organize some young workers in Yonkers factory where he had just got a and making some inquiries, he received the lowing “comradely” letter: “July 19, 1931:—Comrade, you certainly me to sit down and especially for your tell what is going on. In the first place, not the person to which your ails are written. “In the second place, you have lots of to insert that cover of your league book. two cents I'd soak you one. { Pee Not because {t's | you, but because you destroyed s Communist proceedure. “As far as your continual bickering of the Young Liberators, I wili let you know tinaliy and perhaps this will stop your stupid writing, ‘The Young Liberators are in the process of dis~ integration by the Y. C. L. “This has political reasons, which I think you will not understand and besides it takes too much to write in 2 few words. Damn it! Read the ‘Young Worker’ for information. And don’t bother me any more. I have nothing to do with the Y! Liberators or.any of your friends — Comredely, S. MARKSON.” “Well,” remarked the crocodile, “That is cer- tainly a most ‘comradely’ epistle. ‘Truly exhibit ing the rotten bureaucracy and cliqueism in the Manhattan tribe.” “But whet is done about it? Nothing. Well, no. Not nothing. But rather something rather Significant, We were obliged come ti ago to call attention to the bi ‘atic conduct of a League unit organizer. ss debated, Proven and decided by membership, that he was bureaucrat: “And what happened? Blessed if he was nee PROMOTED {o @ position of NATIONAL re+ sponsibility. “And a veliant stiff-necked understudy of his worst practices, who was also named us as Sharing, in the humble capacity of unit execu- " tive member, the detestable bureaucratic attitude | > toward the membership of this promoted bure ry eeucrat, was Wkewise kicked upstairs and took ! Se his place as unit orgenizer. “So what's the ‘The sces that those who are public! bureaucrats are immedi gue membership pointed out as ‘ely promcted by the | district or the nations office, and every ambi- tious functionary strives to be as bureaucratic as posstble, thus to deserve promotion trom this, the strangsct of all Young Communist Leagues on this unhappy planet. | ‘Surely, this ought to draw a paragraph in | the next letter of the Young Communist Intere | national, remarking upon the way in which 2: flip from thé Croccdile’s tail ts a certificate for | advancement, But we bet that the boy who wrote this ‘comradely’ leiter is rewarded by pro- motion or being sent to the Lenin School,” “Oh, Promise Me We promised to scatter crocodile favof ground impartial like, on that matter of speak- ers who don’t speak. And we promised Chicago a trip, too, In fact this is a story of promises, M. K. ‘writes from the windy, Oh, so very windy, city: “According to style and necessity, our Unem- ployed Branch No. 2 on the South Side, decided to hold an open hearing, in order to acquaint wider circles o2 workers with the rotien work of the so-called ‘United Charities.’ Everything pocsible was done by the branch to make this hearing = success. Everybody was invited: preachers, priests, heads of the Charities, Mr. Alderman, hungry workers, and even working ” eee | class speakers from the Party, f-om the central Unemployed Council, from the T. U. U. L. and from the I. L. D. “The meeting took place on Dec. 13, 1931, at 2 p.m, in Cornell Sq. Hall, 50th and So. Wood. Streets. And do you know what happened? I'll tell you. Everybody showed up their as per invitation, in all about 350 to 400 poor workers. But no priest, no Charity supers, no preachers, and above all—no working class speakers. No Kidding! Not a single one showed up! “I don’t give a damn about priests, pastors, aldermen and supers. I thought they would not. come and face the workers, no election being near. And further they had nothing to say to workers. Neither did they promise to come, But with the working class speakers it is dif- ferent. They were visited by the committee in person, and they made promises, several of them ——the speakers—even crossed their ‘hearts and | said, ‘Honest to god I will come and give the opposition the works.’ And then—didn’t come! “Please, Jorge, help me solve this mystery, Is it possible they joined the opposition along with the preachers, aldermen and Charity supers? What's the reason, then? Why were they so scarce on that particular Sunday?” ‘The comrade is naive. According to the New York formula, any and every inefficiency is ac~ counted for by the fact that the comrade re- sponsible is “busy.” Yet the list of omissions at times becomes so long that one must marvel at just what the comrade is every “busy”—ex- cept ,of course, in writing resolutions against bi r »” Perhaps it is so, also, in Chicago, and officers’ together with the same food as | second class passengers. Every room has two iron beds, desk, table-lamp, radio, book-case with books, electric fan, two wardrobes, and steam heat. ‘There are also hot and cold show= ers. The men are making good wages, they get free working clothes, a paid vacation each year, and a chance to study and advance in their work. Under these conditions it is natural that they should have more than fulfilled the year’s plan for passenger and freight service, During the four days’ trip our delegation makes and posts another wall-paper, which passengers and crew read with great interest, Also, the ship docked several times, to land passengers and load freight. We always took this opportunity to go ashore. In every town we visited, even the smallest of 25,000—in Feo~ dosia, Tuance, Suqum, Novorossisk—we found the same socialist construction taking place as in Moscow and Leningrad, and that enthusiasm of the working masses which characterises % 4