The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 18, 1932, Page 4

SURSCRIPTION RATES. y Publishing Co, Ine, dally except Sunday, at 86 Baad r "Sethe By the Cemp¥od ’ Page Four T sth St, New York City. N. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORK.” One year, $8: s'x months, $3; twe months, $1; excepiing Boroughs Re Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 Bast 13th Street, New York, N. t. trons. New York Clty. Foreign’ one year, $8: siz months, $4.50, e — = Se = ee Se end é By BURCK. FATHER COX AND HIS FAKE |" 8D TIDE Rises AMER . HUNGER MARCH j saw the Congressmen and Mr. Hoover. Like oe | ” - | DEMAGOGUE | BOOS SD er Le Emel: aol | We Miss Being Converted "Father Co n the United States | Legion, ask in behalf of the unemployed? He | | sertion that “no one could be more revolutionary Army during He helped i; | did not ask for unemployment insurance. That than she, and ending with an urge that we and send to hundreds of Ameri- would be a dole. This he holds in common with | “adopt the Christian religion.” he deceived to fight for the he House of Morgan. It can staunch supporter of he World War will of @ capitalism which result of the can workers, ¥ has been i as a world e m t struggles of the workers. Father Cox lined himself up with the forces the Retail Mercha: Association in ® cam~- paign against the chai s. He is for the small retail merchant as a “pillar of the com~ unit; her Cox and his claies never nquir 0 origin of monopolies—of the nevitable growth of such trusts from the very soil of early day capitalism. They simply rant ~ monopolies and conduct @ mock war against them with ideological weapons that are as effec- tive as the weapons of ® Don Quixote. Behind their “savage” thrusts with their wooden swords at the Morgans, Mellons, etc., they are prepa: ing the road for a regime of fascist reaction to crush the very flower of the working class. Father Cox dispenses charity in the form of oup line and miserable shanties for the unem- nloyed. Father Cox’s Shantyton is well known n Pittsburgh, It is composed of a number of hacks constructed on the property of the nsylvania Railroad just across from his rch, Over a hundred unemployed live in e miserable shacks, half hidden under the Father Cox boasts, in his numerous talks over ne radio, of his Shantytown, but fails entirely the forced labor the men have to > mention »erform for him to obtain the “great” privi- ege of sleeping in such pig pens. He has visit- ors, mostly politicians, business men, etc. in- pecting the shanties each week-end. Like caged nimals in a zoo, the unemployed, whose labors 1 former years built the mansions of the rich, re forced by the faker, Father Cox, to be ob- curiosity, to be stared at and commented on by Father Cox’s rich patrons and friends. Father Cox is no “gentle” follower of Jesus. He does not believe that if you are hit on one eek you should turn the other. He believes the use of the utmost force against militant unemployed workers who see through his fakery. Recently, while over s& thousand unemployed orkers were waiting outside Father Cox's hurch to attend a mass meeting he had ar- ranged, members of the Unemployed Councils Pittsburgh began to distribute leaflets ex- sosing Father Cox as a misleader and cunning deceiver of the workers. Father Cox dispatched one of his 225-pound friends, known as “Happy,” to beat up one of the leaflet distributors, This scoundrel, Happy, after punching the unemployed worker several times, turned him over to the police nearby. ‘Together with the police and numerous detec- ives he rounded up three or four other dis- tributors and had them arrested. Later at the mass meeting Fatner Cox ap- proved of these methods against militant unem- ployed workers. He urged the unemployed to “knock on the head any radical that tries to disturb the meeting.” He called the Com- munists “spies of the trusts.” What did Father Cox do with the unem- ployed when they reached Washington? Father Cox alone spoke “for” the unemployed. He alone Mr. Mellon, Mr. Hoover, Matthew Woll, William | Green and other representatives of the ruling | class. } However, Father Cox asked for work. Not for himself, of course. He is not very particular as to the nature of the work. Any work at any pay is satisfactory to him. If Mr. Hoover and Congress open their hearts and “generously” of- fer the unemployed jobs as scabs, let us say, on the Kentucky coal miners who are now out on strike, this would meet with the complete ap- proval of Father Cox. Or, if they are made to perform forced labor in special road camps at $1 or $2 a day (Gov. Pinchot’s plan), this, too, would be satisfactory to Father Cox, Anything at all, ao that the un- employed will look upon the Catholic Church and Father Cox as instrumental in securing | “jobs” for the jobless. Nothing was accomplished in the nature of real help to the unemployed by this patriotic fake hunger march. ‘What a contrast was this fake march to that | ‘The | of the National Hunger March of Dec. 71 Dec. 7 march was militant! Father Cox's fake march was humble. The Dec, 7 marchers were not permitted to see President Hoover or present their demands on the floor of Congress. Father Cox’s march was met with the approval of both Hoover and Congress, Father Cox was wel- comed by the government with open arms. ‘The Dec. 7 marchers were greeted by over 150,000 workers in Washington, The Father Cox march was greeted by posts of the Ameri- can Legion, by priests, ministers, business men, politicians and similar members of the ruling class and their organizations. ‘The Dec, 7 marchers were surrounded by num- bers of police, marines, detectives, secret ser- vice men, and had machine guns pointed at them from the Capital and other government buildings. ‘The Dec. 7 marchers defiantly hurled their de- mands for unemployment insurance at the ex- pense of the rich and their government, for free food, clothing and shelter for the unemployed, no evictions of unemployed, no discrimination against Negro unemployed in the distribution of relief, etc—real demands that met the burning needs of the unemployed. Father Cox, heaven's representative on earth, | asked for jobs at less wages than those of em- ployed workers, jobs at $1 @ day, at even fifty cents a day—as long as it is a job. ‘The request will result in an offer of jobs from some employers who will be willing to dis- charge workers employed for $3 or $4 a day, and replace them with Cox's men at $1.50 a day. ‘The Dec. 7 march was @ powerful demonstra~ tion against capitalism—with its unemployment, starvation, wars and exploitation of workers and poor farmers. It shook capitalism and instilled fear in the heart of the ruling class. Father Cox's “jobless march” was a march to bolster up capitalism, bolster up the fascist or- ganizations of capitalism, such as the American Legion, bolster up the greatest dispenser of mental oplum—the Catholic Church—and finally, bolster up’ the rapidly declining faith of the American workers in the Hoover hunger govern- ment of Wall Street. Join and fight under the banner of the Unem- ployed Councils. On to Feb. 4 Conference on “Cause and Cure” of, War Hides Real Cause ot War By PAULINE ROGERS 7 mal Conference on the Cause and Cure,of War is being held in Washington Jan- vary 1 x At this conference will be presented the thousands of women’s signatures for & disarmament petition which are being col- ected in the United States by eleven organiza~- tions connected with the National Committee on the Cause and Cure of War. This petition to- gether with similar European petitions contain- ing millions of signatures (England, one and half inillions; Holland two and_a half millions, etc.) will be presented at the World Disarmament Conference which will be held in Geneva in Feb- ruary 1932 (with the U. S. participating) The National Committee on the Cause and Cure of War consists of eleven women’s organ- izations. While the majority of these organiza- tions consist of housewives and professional wo- men, two of the affiliated organizations, the Women’s Trade Union League and the Young Women’s Christian Association reach and influ- ence thousands of working women with their dangerous, pacifist, anti-working class teachings. Chis National Committee for the Cause and Cure of War, whose chairman is Carrie Chapman Catt, is supposed to educate women to the causes and cure of war by holding national conferences, oy circulating literature, by settir sroups in women’s nizations. But what doe: this organization teach women about the cau of war? The first Committee stated that ere “'s] political, social, etc.” But not one word about the real cause of war—the constant conflict between imperialist powers for more markets, for more eolonies, for greater profits, for more means of exploiting the working class. As long as the talist system exists, imperialist wars w And what, according to this organization, is cure of war? They say that the road to lasting peace is the road of disarmament and peace con- ferences, and so they are presenting petitions with millions of signatures to the Geneva Con- ference for the reduction and limitation of arma- ments, and try to convince women that this is the way to bring about universal peace. zi PACIFISTS AID WAR MAKERS ‘These false teachings sbout imperialist wars mre very dangerous to working women, because they blind the working class to the fact thst be- hind all this peace talk, preparations for war are going ehead full speed. These very organizations, which talk about peace and disarmament giving full support to the Huover-Wall Btreet government which spends three billion dollars iF tor wae preparations, These very organire~- ety colieoding stymwarrens Ne ae i s armament were among the first to come out in support of the World War. The Women’s Trade Union League, one of the organizations now connected with this National Committee for the Cause and Cure of War, fully supported the lasi war, in spite of the fact that it spread pacifist ideas among working women before the war broke out. The Y.W.C.A. which is also preaching dis- armament and peace is at the same time teach- ing young girls, in its clubs, to shoot and to take military training of one sort or another, and is already training working women to take part in the coming war. ‘The Cause and Cure of War Committee has ben rallying support for the Kellogg Peace Pact, the Washington Conference, the London Naval Conference, teh League of Nations, the World Court and 1932 Disarmament Conference. The working class has already seen that all of these fake peace conferences turned out to be ‘a race for armaments and not for peace among the imperialist powers. The farce known as the League of Nations was seen in action only re- cently in the war between China and Japan in Manchuria. In this situation the League of Na- tions not only could not stop the war, but was a battle ground on which the capitalist powers were fighting for the best position in Asia. The one issue that the capitalist countries do unite upon is an attack on the Soviet Union. On the agenda of this coming conference in Wash- ington there is one point listed as “The Un- known Quantity—Russia.” This is how the Soviet Union is presented by thees pacifist organizations in spite of the fact that the policy of the Soviet Union on wars is well known to the working class of the world. The Soviet Union was the only country to propose complete disarmament, and this was turned down by the imperialist powers of the League of Nations. ‘The Russian workers today have better work- ing conditions than they have ever had in the past, while the workers in capitalist countries are bowed down under the burdens of past and pres- ent wars, and are suffering starvation and mis- ery. Billions of dollars are being spent by the Hoover government on war preparations but they refuse to grant one cent for unemployment in- surance. In the richest imperialist country in the world twelve million workers and their families must starve, many of them to death because they cannot find jobs. FIGHT THE PACIF: Working women must not be fooled by this fake peace and disarmament conference of these paci- fist organizations which are the agents of the capitalist system. In every country, working wo- men are being prepared for astasl participation the meet wen, Type eye Lanes angie a9 oe) WHAT WILL WE DO IN CASE OP WAR? By I. AMTER. PART 2 (Conclusion) To fight against imperialist war and for de- fense of the Soviet Union means the organ- ization of the workers in the shops against wage cuts and speed-up. This means that in every shop in which there are Party members and revolutionary workers, the revolutionary union must be established and the workers be led in fight. It means that the revolutionary work of our Party cannot be only on the squares and streets, but mainly in the shops. .The struggle for the masses must be in the shops and fac~- tories, so that the workers will learn how to fight in an organized manner, who their lead- ers are, what the struggle means—not only against starvation, but against war, both of which are part of the present system. Fight against starvation is preparation for struggle against war. Led in struggle by the revolution- ary party of the working class, taught the meaning of the struggle by the Communist Party, the workers will fight against imper- jalist war as against wage cuts. Organized against hunger in the uneinployed councils, the workers will learn that the fight for unemploy- ment insurance is part of the fight for the over- throw of the capitalist system of exploitation. Only thus will we prepare the armies for turn- ing imperialist wer into civil war. ‘What does this mean for every Party mem- ber? It means to come down to the base of reality—to turn the slogans of the Party into concrete work. Are you sincere in your deter- mination to defend the Soviet Union? Then practical work—and that alone will defend the Soviet Union. You work in a factory—whether | large or small. Your duty is to build a griev- ance committee, to win the workers for the Communist Party. Your duty is to draw these workers into the revolutionary unions. Your duty is to.lead the workers in. struggle. Let us not talk about heroism on the barricade—this will be an illusion if today we fear the loss of our jobs—if we continually complain that we cannot organize the workers for struggle. Let us not merely talk about the unemployed being part of the revolutionary forces. They are po- tentially such—but if we do not organize them into the unemployed councils and lead them in struggle for unemployment insurance, then they remain a disorganized mass, subject to the fluence of the dominating force. Let us not talk about the Negroes awakening and willing to fight. This awakening will mean nothing, unless through joint struggle of white and Negro workers for Negro rights, against discrimination and lynching, we convince the Negroes of our sincerity. Let us not talk aout a fight against guns and rifles, to drive army planes, to handle machine guns and ammunition, to drive ambu- lances. Working women must fight against wers by joining the revolutionary unions of the Trade Union Unity League and the Communist Party, the leader of the working class in the struggle Working class organizations throughout the country should send in resolutions of protest to the National Conference on the Cause and Cure o? War, Hotel Washington, Washington, D. ©., unmasking their pacifist activities as an aid in the war preparations of the imperialists, and ex- posing them as enemies of the working class; de- manding that all war funds be turned over to the unemployed; that all American gunboats be re- moved from Chinese waters; that U. S. govern ment keeps hands off the Soviet Union. Conferences and delegate meetings of working women, mass meetings in women’s organizations, ‘Unemployed Councils, unions, etc., should be held. between January 18 and 21 to expose these paci« fist organizations to the brondest masses of work- ing women and to show how these organizations are helping the Hoover government to prepare for the coming war and to maintain the starvation program for millions of workers in this coun- try. After the last peace conference, the impe- tialist powers appropriated more money for war preparations than ever more. These “peace” con~ ferences which the pacifiste hat! as the cure for wer axe the very ineqruments by whieh the work i ae fascism, unless through organization and strug- gle we conduct a real fight. ‘These struggles are basie for struggle against imperialist war and for defense of the Soviet Union, They are basic for ibulding and mob- ilizing the forces against imperialist war. With- out them we will remain isolated and open to the smashing assaults of the capitalist govern- ment, With them we can go into political struggles which will lead to the overthrow of the capitalist power, ‘The complaints, therefore, of the Party mem- bers of their inability to organize in the shops, of the unwillingness of the workers to listen, must cease. PREPARATIONS AGAINST IM- PERIALIST WAR MEAN PREPARATIONS AND ORGANIZATION OF STRUGGLE TO- DAY ON THE BASIS OF THE HUNGER AND STARVATION OF THE MASSES. This means a shop nucleus in every shop; a grievance and shop committee in every shop and factory and on every ship; the organization of struggle everywhere; the organization of powerful unem- ployed councjls and the carrying on of militant struggles; intense work in the armed forces; the mobilization of the small farmers against hun- ger. This means preparing the forces for stop- ping production on the «‘tbreak of war. It means the organization of strike struggles stretching from coast to coast, which must be linked up in general strikes, in political strikes, political demonstrations—BASED UPON THE Jacob Burck--Graphic Historian of the Class Struggle By EDWIN ROLFE. his introduction to “Red Cartoons—i929,” Joseph Freeman writes: “The cartoon is an important political weapon. A few bold pencil strokes by an imaginative artist may convey a message more vividly than an editorial or an article. For this reason cartoons have some- times been more feared than comment.” Free- man goes on to cite the story told about Boss Tweed, a former Tammany chief, who, “smart- ing under the savage drawings of Thomas Nast, sald: ‘Let’s stop them damned pictures; I don’t care so much what the papers write about me— my constituents can’t read—but damn it, they can see the pictures!” } ‘The 1929 cartoon book contained drawings by Jacob Burck, and Fred Ellis, his predecessor as staff cartoonist of the Daily Worker. When Ellis left the Daily, almost wto years ago, Burck as- sumed full responsibility for the cartoon feature, ‘without even a Burck to help him (as Ellis had had) on off-days. How well he has succeeded can be seen in the two-man exhibit of draw- ings by Jacob Burck and Reginald Marsh, at the John Reed Club Gallery. Burck is represented by about 25 drawings, all of which appéared originally in the Daily Worker. They are the work of a mature artist —more, a class-conscious proletarian artist. Whatever his subject, his drawings are always’ consciously proletarian, combining revolutionary fire and an understanding which is prerequisite to any good work as a revolutionist. There is the deep, symp~hetie understanding of the worker—his problems, his struggles, his hopes— disclosed in a few deft lines of a bent back that still, despite pain, reveals his underlying and unconquerable determination ot struggle. And there is also the bitter understanding of the roles of the fascist, the jingo and, worst of all, the “socialist” footman of decaying capitalism. 3. P. Morgan, Ramsay MacDonald, Gandhi, ‘Hoover, Norman Thomas, Henderson, Hillquit— all are made to feel the acid hate and ridicule contained in Burck’s social satire. And several of them have probably often revcatcd Boss Tweed’s words: “Dumn it, they cam see the pictures!” ‘Taken alone, the Burck drawings present on |, admirably graphic account of the happenings in | | MASSES OF WORKERS IN THE SHOPS AND ‘THE UNEMPLOYED. This the bosses know—and FEAR. They know the program of the Communist Party and do everything to frustrate it. The Party members | know the program—lut see too many difficul- ties in carrying it out. There is no short-cut to realization of the program; no short-cut to de- | fense of the Soviet Union. Organization begins today—our sincerity will be tested by our work today. In the shop, union, among the unemployed, in the struggle for Negro rights, we wlil be tested. Barricades are for to- | morrow; hard plugging work is for today. Bar- vicades can follow only on the hard routine work of organization today. In this the revo- | lution is tested—not in outbursts of enthusiasm. Revolutions are not built on emotion—but on hard organizaitonal work, built on struggle, soli- dified by experience. What we will do in case of war depends on | what we do today. Each factory must become | a bulwark of Communism. This places revolu- tionary tasks upon every Party member that | cannot be shirked or postponed, This and this alone will build the Party and the revolutionary unions, unite the workers in the struggle and “uild the forces with which alone we can de- fend the Soviet Union and turn the imperial- ist war into civil war. ‘That is our revolutionary job—and the Party must organize its work to this end, This means an immediate and intense orientation to the shop—to the masses—to struggle. This means a real test of our leadership, revolutionary under- standing and discipline. No postponement is permissible—the imperialist war is close upon us. Each Party member must accept his or her duty or be found wanting in revolutionary un- derstanding and therefore not fit for member- ship in the Communist Party. so. (If more drawings were on exhibit, this history might go back for several years.) There | is Gandhi, whose bald head forms the body of a spider suspended from a web; it is called, sig- nificantly, “The Spinner.” There is MacDonald, driver of the British coach of capitalism, with Henderson in knee-breeches, performing as foot- man. The Red Cross, an overgrown, fat, whorish wench, lifts her skirt to salt away an “ernergency fund” of $44,000,000. There are records of struggles in the mines, the textile mills led by the revolutionary unions: cartoons depicting the role of the betrayers, the militar- ists, the A. F. of L, reactionaries; others call the workers to action, to fight for the freedom of class-war prisoners, to carry on against race- hatred, against the attackers of the Soviet Union, and for the establishment of a prole- tarian dictatorship in the United States. ‘This list of subjects might be extended indefi- nitely. But no words can serve as adequate sub- stitutes for the cartoons themselves, which, in their own panoramic medium, present these problems and these struggles as clearly and powerfully as they can be presented. Reginald Marsh’s contribution to the show is tar slighter: four well-executed drawings in lithographic crayon and ink: a court scene, the lawyer haranguing the jury; a catholic church choir, and @ picture suction sale. All are ex- cellent and witty carfeatures, though slightly be- low Marsh's own best work. Their inclusion adds little to the distinction of the entire exhibit. But they ere significant, in contrast to the Burck drawings, of the difference between a proletarian satirist and a satirist who, though his sympathies and his work have often been extended to the revolutionary movement, still keeps himself personally aloof from the strug- gles of the working class. There is a lack of fire, a feebleness almost, in Marsh, where Burck is dynamic and pulsating. Marsh draws intel- lectually; Burck, on the other hand, adds to the power of his drawings by an emotional as well 2s an intellectual awareness of his sub- ject; it is the reaction of a ciass-conscious revo- lutionist. ‘The John Reed Club has done & needed bit of work in presenting Burck’s drawings, which have been allowed to go uncollected for almost In between it is set forth that the Communist | Party would profit much from making use of the | fact that the “Mammon worshippers violate the Christian religion more than they do the Cone stitution:” And the propaganda value of pointe | ing to the fact or supported fact, that Jesu drove the money changers from the temple, mentioned as a worthy example to sanctify persumably, Communist propaganda. With all due regard to the comrade’s sincerity we must say that she is in need of some serious reading before she understands what is the dife ference between being a revolutionary and being @ “radical.” Of course, the capitalists violate their Christian religion, But would the workers or the political party of the workers, get any further by ap- pealing to the capitalists to obey their Christian code, any more than they would attain anything by appealing to capitalist law against the cap- italist who break it? Shall we, for example, iry to convince the pastor of Rockefeller’s church that he should drive John D. from the temple, because Christ did something like that? As a practical matter, we have no special use for temples anyhow. But would we get any further than if we appealed to Commissioner Mulrooney to obey the law against Police brutality? No doubt Comrade Helen intends, Lowever, that we should appeal to the workers, not to the Preachers. But why flee from the present and its realities to the mythical figures of ancient Judea? Does a worker who has had a wage cut need to be cited to the umpiy-umpth chapter of Genesis or Revelations to convince him that he could be sore about it and organize a strike? Hardly. Do the majority of the starving jobless require biblical precedent to inform them that they are hungry a snould have unemploy= ment insurance? Not likely Of course, here and there 4 individual, hyp- lay be won to the skillful agitator erence between Father Cox of Pittsburgh and iho reputed Nazae rene carpenter, Lenin suid, and correctly, that 16 all depends on whether you are ag'tating workers already religious to from. its paralyzing influence and take up class struggle, or whether you are attempting to smuggie this paralyzing dope into the already clear-heeded movement of the revolutionary workers under the guise that it is “revelutiona which it is NOT. From Comrade Helen's lett we muct say that she scems bent upon the latter, though with honest intentions that it would do the Party a favor. But the working-class is not a child to be deluded with fairy tales (indeed, why delude a child?) Especially as it is not necessary, since our appeal to the workers is for them to act in their own clear and obvious interest, and not for another class, as was the case when, in the | early bourgeois revolutions the bourgeoisie ap= Pealed to the proletariat to help the bourgeoisie against the feudalists. And we, unlike the bour= geoisie, have no use for deceitful generalities, such & the 1789 slogan: “Liberty, eouality and fraternity.” No, the proletarian revolution hews out its own precedents and does not rely upon borrowed symbols, It has nothing to gain from Chrise tianity, which any pulpit-pounder can interpret in as many ways as there are preachers, It has a far better, a really scientific base for itself, a base which Christianity does not have, in dia- letical materialism, which Comrade Helen and others of like mind should study before going further. i In closing, we must quote the following bit of Karl Marx (from his “Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte”) who, as his translators, Eden and Cedar Paul, point out, looked forward to the working-class revolutiog. “which will not, like the English revolution in the days of the Par- liamentary Wars, deck itself in Old Testament trappings, nor, like the French revulution, don the toga and prate of Brutus and Gracchus.” Marx said: “The social revolution . . . cannot draw its figurative embellishments from the past; it must create them anew out of the future. It cannot begin its work until it has rid itself of all the ancient superstitions. Earlier re- volutions had need of the reminiscences of his-~ toric pageantry, for thus only could they be-~ muse themselves as to their own significance. + » « In those earlier revolutions, there was more phrase than substance; in the revolution that is to come, there will be more substance than phrase.” Why, in short, cite the obvious failure of Christ driving the money changers from the temple, when we have the real victory of the Russian workers in driving capitalism out of one+ sixth of the earth? rece how ow THE WEEK’S PRIZE STUPIDITY: “Berlin, Jan. 9.—Chancellor Bruening’s emergency decree practically suspended, temporarily, the capital~ ist system in Germany.”’— From the American Federation of Labor's Weekly News Service, of Jan, 9. jeer erin -Workers! Join the Party of. _ Your Class! P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. Please send me more information on the Come munist Party. R Name Ade eeeeeeescseeeeceescerevees Address see ee eee neceneeeeceoescesees will agree) would be for the Daily Worker to resuscitate the old Red Cartoon Books, publish» ing ® special edition devoted eqiqgly. te. Son ged