The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 16, 1932, Page 4

a f tees by &., & Ving Geeygwocnsity w York Ott. N. ¥ SSdress and mati ali checks to the Daily ————— Télephone ALgo: 4-7956. Cable y Peditehing Co, Ine, defly exesgt Buséay, et 80 Bes! st 18th Street; New York, N. ¥ “DAIWORK. BOBSCRIPTION RATES: mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Daily, ZWorker -... Bronx, New York City. n and Foreign: one year, $8; six months, 84.50. | Par ty Recruiting Drive lanwery 11 - March 18, 1932 WISCONSIN SECTION, DISTRICT 8, CHALLENGES MINNEAPOLIS : ¥ good or- out of our two new shop nuclei, rowth of our Party 406 members is only e reached, t by the Lenin Memoria Our thusia to form four r where we e additiona’ k tries, and the Packing Plant. It was also decided t special atten- tion to members of the American Federation of Labor s the three weak px of our sec- tion—Neg and women workers. The Se rence decided to challenge the India: Section on the following four main poin 1. That 1 fill our quota of 200 sooner that you w you 2. To have 90 per cent up in dues 3. To March 18 4. To ha the end of The Conferen that at the of our members paid new formed by shop nuclei tioning buros in every unit by decided to recommend to you he recruiting drive, the win- A NUCLEUS MEETING—A LESSON the oldest in our organized our Party fr this time its have been drawn into in spite of the fact ty is quite good. ty,members and on the struggle ¢ labor bureaucrats JOIN THE PARTY OF YOUR CLASS! ygainst th “MINERS BUFFALO DISTRICT ACCEPTS CHALLENGE OF CONNECTICUT Dear Comrades:— The Plenum of District No. 4 accepted with ended to us f the Central Com- te with you com- ve aiming at the with forces, he represen Ve are ready to com the nine weeks Party s from big factories entrenchment of the al and railroad indus- tries. We are determined to establish during the drive five new shop nuclei and four new shop papers in these industries. We challenge you to meet this goal with similar efforts in your three most important industries: brass, ammuni- tion and railroad in new Our princip Party in the steel, ch | morial | section we are confident our quota will not | only be reached, but surpassed. ning section shell ssnd @ comrede to the other section te spend a few days in working with the comrades, and studying their work there in the shops and among the unemployed. ‘The reason we ehallenged your Section ts be- cause there are many similar features in Wis- consin and Indiana. We both occupy an. im- portant pert of the state, both seetions have | made fair progress in the past recruiting drive— | in fact, you have beaten us in so far as per~ ge is concerned. We are confident that your Section Committee will accept this chal- ge, and you will do your best to beat us, al- ugh you will have a tough job of it. With he coming spring elections, in which our Party | will participate, the preparations for Feb. 4, the support of the Kentucky strike, the Lenin Me- and other important campeigns, in our WISCONSIN SECTION COMMITTEE, | (From “A Letter to » Comrade on Our Prob- lems of Organization,” Lenin, written in September, 1902.) Not a word about the factory circles. They are of extreme importanes to us: the main strength of our movement les in the workers’ organizations in the large factories. For in the large factories (and works) are concen- trated that section of the working class which is not only predominant in numbers, but still more predominant in influence, development and fighting capacity. Every factory must be our stronghold. And that means that every “factory” workers’ organization must be as con- spiratorial internally and as “ramified” ex- ternally, and that its feelers be stretched as far and widespread as any revolutionary or- ganization. I emphasize that here again the center, the leader, must be a group of worker revolutionaries, The open meeting organized by this nucteus, to which sympathetic workers were invited, re- vealed the reason for this fact. The remarks | of these workers indicate the cause of stagna- tion Worker No. 1: “Why ts it that the Party members try to shift responsibility for the dally work on the shoulders of non-party members?” Worker No. 2: “Why is it that the Party members always quarrel among themselves, and do not show the lead to the workers as a unified whole?” Worker No, 3; “Why is # that the Party memi- bers separate themselves from the non-party wrekers and seem to act as @ clique?” Worker No. 4: “Why is it that we were never called to such a meeting or had discussed with us on other occasions the meeting and role of the Party and its relation to our struggles? This meeting comes to me as @ sort of surprise.” These remarks of the workers indicate the fact that our Party nucleus instead of being in the forefront and the driving force in the shop, was, in fact, at the tail-end. This condition made it impossible for the Party to grow. It also accounts for the fact that many oppor- tunistic errors were made in the conduct of the struggle against labor fakers, because we did not have the proper nucleus which can serve as a@ guarantee -for the carrying out of the Party line. These remarks, however, will have a rejuven- ating effect on our Party members, and are sure to bring some results if the statements of these non-party workers are take nseriously. We can. record also the fact that one worker from the. shop has joined the Party in the last couple of. weeks, and more will be drawn in during the course of the drive. We further challenge you to @nliet at least 25 per cent of all recruits from the ranks of the oppressed Negro masses. In recent months we had important unem- ployment struggles with particular lessons as to how the jobless and employed workers should be united in joint action, You were involved in the meantime in strike struggles. Let us exchange our lessons and the plans how to consolidate the Party and the mobilization of the masses in the struggle against misery of unemployment, boss MONKEY BUSINESS By BURCK. WHAT WILL WE DO IN CASE OF WAR? By L AMTES. ; Part L = Party member and revolutionary work- er is determined, in case of war, to do his oc her duty by the working class. The slogan of “turning imperialist war into civil war” meets with immediate response from the workers, who still have the memories of the last war, and who through the movies, etc. have gained an idea of what modern war means. This has been in- tensified by publicity on the deadly means that the capitalis; governments have invented to destroy human life, and the frightfulness of the Methods that they will use. This has also been ingrained in the minds even of the younger workers by the attaoks on the workers in dem- onstrations, on the picket line—yes, even by the machine gun fire in the gang wars. Therefore, the workers do not want war—and only the most, frenzied nationalism that can be stirred up by fascist propaganda will make the workers eager for or accept war. ‘This is especially due to the present continued crisis, in which the workers are being starved, and yet are being steadily, stealthily prepared for war. The war machine is in operation and will soon engulf the entire working population of the world. ‘The Party and the Communist International have a definite program against imperialist war. Our organization and mobilization against im- perialist war, our reaching the workers in the shops and factories, our winning the workers against the fascist and socialist leaders of the unions and fraternal organizations—and our work in the armed forces of the capitalist class, are part of our political and organizational pro- gram. This appears clear to the Party members and the revolutionary workers, and each appeal to do his duty when war is declared against the Soviet Union, meets with the heartiest response from the militant workers. But do the Party members and the revolution- ary workers visualize what their task is today and will be on the day that war is declared against the Soviet Union? Will the slogan of converting the imperialist war into civil war become a reality or remain a slogan still to be realized? Will the Party be in a position to carry out this slogan? Surveying the situation soberly it Is obvious that the slogan will not be realizable unless every Party member coolly sits down and con- siders the question: What will be the task of the terror and war. Fraternally yours, DISTRICT COMMITTEE OF THE BUUFFALO DISTRICT. LENIN CORNER THE PRESENT WAR IS N IMPERIALIST WAE . . EARLY every one admits the present war to be an perialist war. nN mosts cases, however, this term is either distorted, or ap- plied to one side only, or a loophole is left for the assertion that the war is a bourgeois-progres- sive means for national liberation. Imperialism is the highest, the development of capi- talism, one that has be reached only in the twentieth century. Capitalism began to feel cramped within the old national states, without the formation of wh it could not overthrow feudalism. Capitalism has brought about such economic concentration that entire branches of industry are in the hands of syndicates, trusts or corporations of billionaires; almost the entire globe has been parceled out among the “giants of capital,” either in the form of colonies, or through the entangling of foreign countries by thousands of threads of financial exploitation, Pree trade and competition have been super- seded by tendencies towards monopoly, towards seizure of lands for the investment of capital for the export of raw materials, etc. Capital- ism, formerly a lberator of natioys, has now, ip pint | the productive forces to such an extent that its Imperialist stage, become the greatest op- pressor of nations. Formerly progressive, it has become ® reactionary force. It has developed humanity must either pass over to Socialism, or for years, nay, decades, witness armed conflicts of the “great” nations for an artificial main- tenance of capitalism by means of colonies, monopolies, privileges and all sorts of national oppression. (Excerpt from the chapter, “Socialism snd War,” from “The Imperialist War,” by Lenin, published by the International Publishers, New York.) Party the day that war is declared, and what must we do today in order to realize this pro- gram? No comrade wants to be called emotional—to be told that he is not doing that which is nec- essary to present maximum resistance to the onrushing imperialist war and for defense of the Soviet Union. No comrade wishes to be called a utopian—one not facing reality—and yet’ it is clear that few comrades have considered what the Party must do to fulfill its duty to the Soviet ‘Union and the workers all over the world. Few comrades have thought what their duty is in fighting against the fascist terror in the Euro- pean and Asiatic countries. Few comrades have stopped to think that demonstrations on the squares and streets of the cities, even in in- creasing dimensions, will not stop war—that more basic work has to be done, if the Party is to fulfill its duty. To shirk this duty is merely to be an emotionalist regarding war—and thus objectively to render service to the enemies of the working class. S Point blank: What must each member of the Party and each revioutionary worker do to fur- DISTRICT, SECTION AND UNIT LITERATURE AGENTS See that you are supplied with the following literature: For All Anti-War Activities Pacifism, by Alex. Bittelman.. 5 War in the Far East, by Henry Hall 10 Chemical Warfare, by Donald.A, Cameron.. 10 The War of Intervention Against the Soviet Union and the Second International, by P. R. Dietrich Pe ee SE pete an |) War Preparations Against the Soviet Union, by Marcel Cachin. wow » nish the maximum defense of the Soviet Union —not when war is declared, but today, tomor- row? What will be our task when war is de- clared? This is a question of tremendous im- portance that the Party must face clearly, so that knowing what our goal is, every Party member will be able to do his duty. ‘War is rushing headlong on the working class. ‘The crisis is getting deeper. The auto industry does not talk of “pick-up” eny more even in 1932, but postpones the date to 1933. The steel industry 1s reducing production. The high pro- tective tariff walls in foreign countries are ex- cluding more products of the United States and not easing the situation in the other capitalist ——— ys countries. A rapidly radicalizing working class and peasantry in all capitalist and colonial countries is the record. Unemployment is in- creasing in all capitalist countries, with momen- tary recessions in England. Misery is increasing —while , the governments are spending ever huger funds for war. $5,000,000,000 is being spent for war—and more men are under arms, more efficient navies, airfleets and chemical de- partments exist in every country. The capital- ists are finding no way out of the crisis—not even through their “ten year plans,” “twenty year plans,” etc. War is their only way out and they are feverishly preparing for it. Fascist re- pression of the working class, lynch terror pre- vail. Unemployed workers are clubbed and shot down. Workers fighting against wage cuts are beaten up and flung into jail. Even that coun- try of boasted “democracy” and police without batons, England, now has police who club the workers; the British government adopts the most drastic measures against the Indian revo- lution. American “democracy” is dropping {ts mask. The League of Nations, the Kellogg- Briand peace pact are a joke. Whoever can- not see that the coming of war is not a dream, but a reality, is remote from life. What, then, will the Party do when war is officially declared? How will we do our reyolu- tionary duty? Will we be in a position to de- clare civil war against imperialist war? Is the slogan that we place before the workers TODAY realizable with our present methods of work? Are or can we be sincere in proclaiming this slogan if we do not take the necessary steps to place ourselves in a position to lead the workers in civil war against imperialist war? It is obvious that, were war to be declared tomorrow, turning imperialist war into civil war would be merely a slogan—an unrealizable slo- gan. Communists are not utopians, not phan- tasists: they base their actions on reality—and reality tells us today that our declaration of civil war in the United States would be a revolution- ary gesture, but only a gesture. We would not have the forces to declare such a war. OUR DUTY IS TO PREPARE THESE FORCES— AND FAILING THIS, OUR SENTIMENT WILL REMAIN PRAISEWORTHY, BUT IMPOTENT. The tasks that are incumbent upon us there- fore must be clearly discussed. What will be our first task as the war becomes a reality? TO STOP THE WHEELS OF INDUSTRY. This will not be such a sitnple task, for the capital- ists, through propaganda of nationalist hatred, will be able to whip up war hysteria. “Patriot- ism” will run rampant, fear of death will de- cline, the hope of plenty of work and wages will increase. Attacks on the revolutionary organ- izations, and their complete suppression will be the order of the day. The capitalists will have full sway and their organs of hate will sweep the country. At a moment of this nature to be able to stop production of war material, to DE- _ CLARE STRIKES, TO BROADEN THE STRIKES AND RAISE THEM TO A POLI- TICAL LEVEL, TO LIF’ THEM INTO POLI- TICAL STRIKES AND BROADEN THEM IN- TO POLITICAL DEMONSTRATIONS, DE- MANDS CONTROL AND LEADERSHIP OF MASSES READY TO FIGHT. AND TO FIGHT UNDER, DIFFICULT CONDITIONS. It is cor- rect to say that the masses will have guns in their hands, guns placed there by the capitalist government, which cannot make war without the workers. But these workers will not be OURS, unless much work is done, not merely of propa- ganda and agitation, not merely through dem- onstrations and meetings, but through ORGAN- IZATION AND STRUGGLE—which are the best teachers of the working class. How can this organization and experience be gained? How will we be able to lead the msases upon the outbreak of war—if we have not this control and organization today? If our Party members do not perform their daily duty in mobilizing the workers for the struggle which will make them OURS—ours gained through the struggle on the basis of their most pressing needs, and in fighting for which, they will learn where their interests lie and who their enemies are? ‘This means concretely that WE MUST PER- FORM OUR DUTY IN THE SHOPS AND FAG. Farmers of Upper Mich. Are Beginning to Fight Starvation 'HE farmers of the Upper Peninsula of Michi- gan are facing the crisis in a determined mood to fight for their rights rather than to submit to attempts of the bankers and rich farmers to force them into tenantry and off farms they have spent the best part of their lives in making into homes for themselves and their families. Throughout this part of the state farmers’ taxes have gone up in many cases as much as 500 per cent in the last three years. Mortgages are threatening to drive the majority out into the cities to swell the army of unem- ployed. In South Ontonagon county the Fed- eral Land Bank officials at a banquet for the mortgaged farmers openly told them that 37 farms are to be sold for mortgages during the month of Noy. and that they need expect no leniency from them. In every county the same situation is to be found. In answer to this action of the bankers the farmers are beginning to realize that they can- not go on any longer in this way. In Pelkie, Mich., 150 farmers at meeting passed a resolu- tion demanding: cancellation of mortgage and interest payments, tax exemption for poor farmers, lower wages for county and township Officials as the main demands for which they are going to fight. At Nisula about the same number adopted a similar resolution. At these meetings committees were elected for carrying on the work further. Other sections are also starting the same movement following the example of these small farmers, One farmer there mentioned that his farm while worth $5,000 will be sold for a mortgage of $800 hecause he cannot beg nor borrow the money for its payment. These farmers are not going to take this challenge of the bankers and the rich farmers without fighting and they are already building their committees which will bring the demands of the farmers to the county officials and then carry on the fight to the end where a few bankers will not be able to drive the farmers’ off their homesteads. The farmets here do not yet know about the United Farmers League and its program of struggle for the poor farmers but they know that only by struggle can they expect to get anything for themselves. The struggle must be a united struggle where the poor farmers and the workers get together to in a real finish fight against the system that breeds these conditions until they wipe it from the face of the earth. -Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! P. O. Box 87 Station D. — New York City. Please send me more information on the Cum- munist Party. NAME ..cssccosenccscorcocssssccesccessessccsece -Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Communist Party 0. 5. A P. O. Box 87 Station D. New York City. TORIES TODAY, WE MUST ORGANIZE AND MOBILIZE THE UNEMPLOYED FOR STRUG- GLE FOR UNEMPLOYMENT RELIEF AND INSURANCE, WE MUST ORGANIZE WHITE AND NEGRO WORKERS AGAINST LYNCH- ING, DISCRIMINATION—OTHERWISE OUR PROCLAMATION OF CIVIL WAR WILL RE- MAIN EMPTY WORDS. It means that if we are sincere—each Party member and revolution- ary worker—we must face the tasks frankly and take them up. ff sie be Consluded.) wee x : | | to Too Goed to Be Recognized A comrade in Section 4, of the New York | district, has remarked to us upon the astonish~ | ment of the Section Organization Secretary 2 the report made by one, just one, unit in that Section. Looking over the unit reports in the Section Bureau meeting, the Org. Secy., growled about one, this phenomenal one, something to this | effect: * “Look here! This one sends me even the {report of the members on fraction activity! What have I to-do with this?” Evidently neither he nor anyone else in the Section Bureau knew. Not that we can blame | this altogether on them. Because, after all, there is a district Org. Dept. and Fraction Director that might have been interested enough in what the Party members are doing to have clarified this point in advance. Of course, they, too, will doubtless pass the buck somewhere. It is an art: acquired with due persistence and nowhere does this ert flourish as in New York. However, in conversing with the Nationa] Org. Dept., the comrades there suggest thot we nominate in Section 4, which did such an unusual thing as having its members report their fraction activities, for the Order of the Red Banner. ‘The only trouble was, apparently, that it was such an ideal piece of work that it was not recognized as part of the work at all by those so accustomed to mediocrity—and worse, ca pee “X” Marks the Snot “Say, Paw,” asks the young hopeful of the editor of the N. Y. “Mirror,” “what caused the depression, paw?” “Aw, @ bunch of red agitators from all over the world met at Moscow in July, 1928, at what they call the Sixth Congress of the Communist International, and decided that capitalism should have a crisis, a thundering big crisis, Se we got a crisis. See?” “Gosh, Paw; but them reds must be clever. How did you‘find it out, about them making the crisis in Moscow?” “Oh, a Jesuit priest, Father Walsh, he found it out and told the Fish Committee.” “But, Paw... How did Father Walsh find it out? Did God tell him?” “Shucks, no. The Communist International printed it in what it calls the “Thesis on the World Situation and Tasks of the Communist Parties.” “Then the Communists printed the crisis an@ sent it all over the world?” Is that why Jimmy Walker can’t pay the cops? It that why Johnny Smacker’s boss laid him off, Paw? How do the Teds publish a crisis, Paw?” “Oh, dry up! Not even the reds can print # crisis. What they did was to print the news that a crisis was coming before it came.” “Gee, whillikins! That's more than you can do in the Mirror, eh, Paw? But what did they say? { “Oh, a lot of things; that capitalism was on the down-grade, with ‘another big war coming for colomies and markets, war on Soviet Russia, unempleyment, busted banks, and so on; and what the Communists should do about it. But why don’t you read the Mirror and quit both- ering me?” “Aw, Paw! I've been reading it. That’s why I’m all mixed up. You didn’t say anything about raping women. Was raping women in that ‘Thesis and Tasks,’ Paw?” “What the devil are you talking about, son? Who's been raped? A good rape will sell a hun- dred thousand papers! A gang rape will sell two hundred and fifty, properly headlined! Who's been raped?” vd “Hold yourself, Paw! It’s already in the Mtr- ror. The Tuesday, January 12, edition. That’s @ bum headline, though. And the story’s played down like as if you didn’t believe it yourself, Paw. Did that navy officer's wife really rape all them Hawaiians, paw?” “Well, maybe, son. Navy officers wives in the tropics. . . . But, confound you, you brat! You're getting me all twisted up. No matter what navy officers or their wives do, our policy is always to say the ‘natives’ did it.” “Uh, uh. But this story says the ‘red’ did tt. No, not exactly. . . . Let’s see... . It says that ‘Japanese Communists, imbued with the doc- trines of Leningrad, incited Hawaiians to attacks on white women.’ Gosh, that’s worse than the ‘House that Jack Built!’ Why not the doctrines of Stalingrad, Paw? Do only Leningraders rape women?” “Kid, you don’t know newspaper work. Why don’t you. ss “But, Paw; here it says that the Communists went to all that trouble to export doctrines from Leningrad to the Japanese. The Japanese reds handed them around in Hawaiian, and a white woman who never was raped before was “at= tacked.’ In order to, let’s see. . . it says ‘until warfare between the two dominant. races is precipitated.’ Gosh what a lot of trouble to go to. Ain’t them reds got any better way of stire ring up trouble? Strikes? Unemployment? Paw, did Father Walsh tell you that one, too? I thought you said the Communists think war f% coming for colonies and markets, not for vite women? Did their Sixth Congress... .” Leok here, you young scoundrel. Don’t you know that ‘X’ marks the spot? The spot where ‘Soviet agents’ and ‘Bolshevik agitators’ were seen by somebody, anybody. What if it IS all hooey? When the Japanese troops raped Man« churia, didn’t we say that the Soviet was ‘back ing up the Japs.” Then when the Chinese fought back, didn’t we say, ‘The Reds Supply Chinese with Arms?’ The Reds simly HAVE to be be- hind it. And if some navy officers’ wives rape Hawaiians. . Dang it, I mean if some Hawaiians are raped by navy officers... , For the love of heaven leave me slone! Just re« member ONE thing ... THE REDS DID IT! No matter what it is, THE REDS DIDIT! Now get out!” Cee yak \ “AN ENGLAND FIT FOR HEROES”: ‘That was what Lloyd George, war time premier, pro« mised the British workers. But that during the war. Now, after it’s past, and a new one is come ing along, the following incident, told in a Uni- ted Press dispatch of Jan. 5, shows what kind of England the soldiers really got. Near Weymouth, a motor-cyclist, riding along the main road, heard a voice calling from a ditch: “Can you oil my knee-joints?” ‘The cyclist stopped, hunted around and found an ex-soldier, who apologetically told him: “I've got artificial legs, and they've got so stiff ; sleeping out in the rain that I cams well," wid