The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 14, 1932, Page 4

Page Four & We Cumprodaily Publishing Ce, Inc, delly except Sunday, at 60 East @t, New York City. N. Y. ‘AMAdress and mail ah checks to the Dally Worker, 60 Hast 18th Street, New York, N. Y. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. | | | Party Recruiting Drive January 11 - March 18, 1932 Cable “DAIWORK.* Dail orker’ Perty US.A SUBSCRIPTION RATES: New York City. Foreign: one year, By mati everywhere: One year, $6; siz months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs ef Manhatten and Bronx, 93; six months, 84. DRIVE— Deetwict 1@ challenges District 10 in to fulfill our quota in the Recruiting Drive. DENVER CHALLENGES KANSAS IN THE RECRUITING the spirit of revolutionary competition We have presented to the Central Committee a counter plan, increasing the quota assigned to us from 115 new members and 4 shop nuclei (new) to 200 new members and 6 new factory nuclei and 6 shop papers. Please inform us Mf you accept our challenge. Comradely yours, DISTRICT BUREAW, DEST. 19. MEMBERS IS TO DISCREDIT THE PARTY”. By 8 The success of the recruiting campeign wi) se determined By our ability to keep the nev members. Hundreds of workers have entered and left % ‘The fluctuation of the is responsible the very slow increase of the Party membership. for numerical What are some of the main reasons for the fluctuation of the membership? The recruiting is not based sufficiently on he shop workers. Shop workers have a greater ense of organization and discipline. But wh: 's most important—recruiting in the shops must ne carried through on the basis of a program of IMMEDIATE struggle in connection with the IMMEDIATE demands. To base our recruiting on the shops, especially n the basic industries, is to place our recruiting on the most strategic point in the class struggle. The shop is the main source from which the Party recruits the “pick of the working class.’ The more shop workers gained in the recruiting rive the smaller will be the fluctuation. 2. ‘The recruiting, in many instances, is sep- ORGANIZATION AS THE WEAPON OF THE PROLETARIAT. By Lenin, written in 1901) The proletariat has no other weapon in the jfight for power except organization. Disor ganized by the domination of anarchic com- |etition in th ecapitalist world, oppressed by labor for the capitalists, constantly ‘to the depths” of utter poverty, ignor- | | | | forced | j forced | lance and degeneracy, the proletariat can be- | |come and inevitably will become an indom- jitable force only because its intellectual unity created by the principles of Marxism is forti- | tied by the material unity of organization which | | welds millions of toilers into an army of the | working class. l arated from the MASS ACTIVITIES of the Party. Struggles in which the Party mobilizes thousands of workers, struggles in which the leadership of the Party 1s recognized and ap- preciated by the masses, yet no ORGANIZED and CONSCIOUS attempt is being made to re- cruit the militant workers who participated in struggles led by the Party. Workers recruited from struggles led by the Party are more convinced and conscious of the need and role of the Party. Such workers are nore apt to remain in the Party than those who } ome into the Party as @ result of chance and accidental contact. (Of course, not for one shall we underestimate the im eneral and personal agitation.) tion with this point we must remem- ver the following stateemnt of the |i Plenum r Party “THE BUUILDING OF THE PARTY MUST BECOME AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE PREPARATION AND LEADERSHIP OF MASS STRUGGLES.” 3. Workers join our Party, because they look up to the Party as 2 Party of ACTION, a Party of STRUGGLE, « Party of REVOLUTION. Yet hen a new member comes into the unit, he finds in most cases just the reverse of what he expected. The units of the Party in many cases are not POLITICAL ORGANS of STRUGGLE. A worker joined the Party because of the ggles the Party led, because he wanted to become an active participant in the class strug- gle. The life and the activities of most of the units is today of such @ nature that they do not reflect the struggles that the Party is lead- ing, nor does it enable the new member to be- come active. Without an immediate, decisive hange in the life and activities of the units, we annot speak seriously of recruiting and keeping new members. The problem of keeping new members Is also . problem of improving the inner life of the wits. Let us remember the words of the 13th Plenum “TO THIS END (that is, keeping the SECTION 4, DISTRICT 8 CHALLENGES SECTION 6. in the spirit of revolutionary compétition to timulate the Recruiting Drive; we challenge Section 6 that we will increase our quota of new members from shops and industries, from organizations and from among the unemployed, above the number set to us by the District. 1. That we recruit 200 instead of 115 new members during the Drive from January ll to March 18 follows: 20 metal workers, 10 Negro workers, 25 women, 45 miscellaneous industries, 15 members of the A, F. of L. locals, 40 from various organizations and 45 from among the unemployed. That we build at least one shop unit during the drive. And we challenge Section 6 to do likewise proportionately plus objective in industries and shop nuclei. 2, That we establish functioning Unit Buros in every unit by the first of March. 3. That our dues average for January, Feb- ruary and March be at least 90 per cent of the actual membership by the culmination of the recruiting drive, 4. That we issue two shop papers regularly each, month during the drive, January, Feb- ruary and March with the objective of in- < g this number to four shop papers as our 1 grows. 5, That we establish 6 YCL units in the Section with an actual membership of 50—b: he eighteenth of March. PROPOSALS: 1, 'To send « specie) ronresenveriye from See hh ne { t new members) THE LIFE OF THE UNITS MUST BE MADE POLITICALLY INTEREST- ING AND VALUABLE FOR NEW MEMBERS. ROUTINE AND BUROCRATIC METHODS MUST BE LIQUIDATED.” 4. To educate the new members means to help them to remain in the Party. The en- thusiasm of the new member, which is so valu- able, his militancy, must be backed up by polit- ical training. This will help us to keep the new members. The unit meetings, the unit, must become the main center for the training of the | new members. In this connection it is well to | recall the statement of the last Plenum that | “THE PROBLEM OF KEEPING NEW MEM- | BERS IS THE PROBLEM OF THE INNER | LIFE OF THE UNIT AND PARTICULARLY | THE EDUCATIONAL WORK.” | ‘The statement of the Org. and Agitprop Depis. which was printed in this column outlines the | methods for making the units the center for political education, | The problem of educating the new .members means that special measures for the political | training of the new members must be developed. | The six weeks’ training courses for new mem- | bers, as outlined in the Daily Worker on Dec. 22, should immediately be initiated. | ‘The reading of simple propaganda literature is an important part in the political training of the new members. Assistance should be given to the new members in the selection and reading of the material. The reading of the Daily Worker must be encouraged. Personal approach, personal guidance, must be the key method in training the new members. Formalism, burocratic metheds, an air of superiority, is detrimental in the training and keeping of new members. ‘The Party has had a number of recruiting drives. The drives increased the influence of the Party. Many workers joined our Party. The outstanding lesson of our previous drives is the need for learning how to KEEP THE NEW MEMBERS. The Communist International called it sharply to our attention, when it stated that “TO LOSE NEW MEMBERS IS TO DIS- CREDIT THE PARTY.” At the very beginning of the recruiting drive—let us remember the words of the C. I., and take the necessary steps which will stop the fluctuation. tion Committee to tion 6. present challenge to Sec- challenging one another and send representatives to respective units to convey challenge and stimulate revolutionary competition. S. ‘That we issue weekly bulletin—during the | | 3% That units be urged to do likewise in | | Recruiting Drive showing progress unit by unit. LENGES BAYONNE AND JERSEY CITY. In line with the national recruiting drive for new members into the ranks of the Communist Party USA from Jan. 11 to March 18, 1932, a period of nine weeks; = UNIT, DISTRICT 2, CHAL- The Communist Party of USA in this city de- cided to challenge the units of the Communist Party in Bayonne and Jersey City on the fal- Jowing basis: The Hoboken unit of the Communist Party agrees to recruit the minimum of 38 new mem- bers, of these 5 to be Negroes and § to be women workers into the Party, hoping that the above mentioned two city units will accept our challenge on the basis of 13 and 12 new mem- bers per unit ‘The Conimunist Party of this city agrees to challenge any city Communist Party unit in Section 10 where there is no shop nucleus of the Communist Party in existence in their ter- ritory, that the untt in this city will build one in the above designated period. = By BURCK. Bork, By HARRY GANNES,. [ARTIAL law is about to be declared in the Hawaiian Islands in order to back up the | lynch law started by the United States navy. | Why at this particular moment is there such a | | | sharp clash in Hawaii? Why does the Hoover government,. which slaughters workers here, starves 12,000,000 and, their families, condones lynching of Negroes in the South, suddenly or~ dain lynch law for Hawaii? In preparation for war against Japan, Ameri- can imperialism has always wondered how to cow the 139,631 Japanese residents of Hawaii. There is an entire literature on this question. Hawaii is the most powerful naval base the United States has in the Pacific. War maneu- vers are now going on, partly directed against Japan, with American imperialism preparing its military and naval arm in order to get its share of the loot in Manchuria and the rest of China. It is only in this light that the lynching of the Hawaiian, Joseph Kahahawai can be un- derstood, | The present flare-up grew out of the murder of Joseph Kahahawai, who had been accused and tried on the charge of raping Mrs. Massie, wife of Lieut. Thomas Massie of the U. S. Navy. Four other men, one of whom was an American citizen of Japanese origin, were accused along with Kahahawai, The men were tried by a jury of American citizens, in which the prosecuting attorney fought vigorously to have the men | jailed. The jury disagreed. Massie, his mother-in-law, Mrs. Granville R. Fortescue, and two enlisted men, E. J. Lord and Albert, Jones, deliberately seized Kahahawai, took him to the home of Mrs. Fortescue, where all evidence shows the most brutal torture was inflicted on Kahahawai, who was later shot through the heart. This lynching was not denied by the perpetrators. ‘They gloried in it. They called on the naval authorities to back them up. They called on thé Hoovér government for support. Though the murder was committed in Hawaii, the navy, with the help of the Hoover govern- ment which deports thousands of workers with- out trial, will probably insist that the trial be held in the United States, where the murderers will be whitewashed. So raw was the appeal of Admiral Pratt, chief of Naval Operations, the highest officer in the U. S. navy, for wholesale lynching, that two American preachers in Hawaii were forced to make a statement of protest. Leaving aside the guff about falsity to the constitution, we have this violent attack made by Rey. Horace Leavitt against Admiral Pratt: “A high service official in Washington, who is reported as justifying this resort to lynch law, ‘because the courts have failed, puts hun- self and the forte he represents abov ethe law, which is anarchy and utterly false to the Con- stitution he is sworn to uphold.” Another preacher, Rey, Galen R. Weaver, pas- tor of the Church of the Crossroads, added his protest, fearing the anger of the masses which | After the disagreement, Lieut. | By BEN GRAY PART 2. (Conclusion), The struggle in the flophouses must be closely linked up with the fight for Unemployment In- surance and immediate cash relief for each worker, and, as the struggle develops here, this must become the central slogan, linked up with the slogan of the abolition of flophouses and the | right of youth and single workers to live in | empty apartment houses, hotels, Y.M.C.A’s, etc., | and to eat in restaurants, etc. Our concrete de- | mand here is for a $5 weekly meal ticket for youth and single men and $3 room rent to be paid weekly. How to Develop the Fight. ‘There is a danger that our committees in the flophouses will become mere appendages to the official administration (through co-operation and collaboration), as has become the case with some of our neighborhood branch committees and the United Charities. The racketeering of- ficlals of the Emmerson Relief Commission know very well how to use demagogy, and give all kinds of excuses for existing conditions, Our committees must fling their promises and ex- cuses back at them and speaking in the name of the workers, who elected them, demand a direct answer. Their answer must be brought back to the masses of workers for further ac- tion. The workers will then understand that these committees are their true representatives— they will decide what steps to take through mass discussions and voting. The action decided on will be their decision, and they will back it up en masse. Mass picketing must be developed in front of the governor's relief stations, the hun- ger houses, etc. Demonstrations must be or- ganized in front of the central clearing house of the flophouses, in front of the alderman’s home in that neighborhood and around the flophouse itself on the basis of local demands, especially after a worker has been carried out a victim of slow starvation (an average of 3 to 6 workers are carried out dead from Wrigley’s flophouse every night—i. ¢., ref. Dr. Cowan). ‘The governor and his hirelings must be held to account for every death that occurrs in the flophouse. They must be clearly exposed to the masses as the murderers oof the unemployed. Form of Organization. Branches of the Unemployed Council must be established !n every flophouse (already the basis has been laid in three places) and a Neighbor- | hood Council set up in that district with dele- ! gates from working-class organizations and neighborhood branches and block committees, ‘The Fight for Better Food in the Flop Houses of Chicago from which the struggle can be centralized. Regular mass meetings of workers must take Place in the flophouse, where the demands can be popularized to all the workers inside. Al- ready steps have been taken to establish these things and the full support of the neighborhood branches and working-class organizations must. be given to carry on the fight. The main point of the concentration must be the flophouse at 222 S. Morgan St., where they are mostly youth, and at 3lst and Indiana, where 50 per cent of the workers are Negro youth. The question of recreational facilities becomes an immediate de- mand for the youth in the flophouses. We must initiate the fight for the free use of the gymna- siams and swimming pools in the local “Y’s” and fight to house homeless youth in the “Y's” free of charge. ‘The developing movement in the ilophouses is an important one for our Party and Y.C.L. We have here the most oppressed section of the un- employed, both Negto and white, the youth and the single men. The fact that they are herded together makes the organization of mass ac- tion a comparatively easy task—with the raising of the proper demands. This has already proven itself in the last few days. The struggle against the miserable conditions in the flophouses must be linked up with the struggle in the neighbor- hoods against the discrimination policies of the charities and Emmerson’s relief—against single men and youth and the demands for a $5 meal ticket and $3 room rent for youth and single workers must be made a fighting demand throughout the entire city. Through carrying on the fight consistently for relief for starving youth and single men—and through establishing youth committees in the branches and unem- ployed youth groups in the block committees we can develop a strong unemployed youth move- ment that will be @ real factor in the struggles of the unemployed in Chicago. Through con- sistent work and the proper mobilization of our forces, and through developing the struggle in the proper channels, the Unemployed Council in Chicago can win over the biggest portion of and maintain control over 25,000 to 30,000 workers who are now forced to stay in the flophouses. ‘The entire Party and the Young Communist League must be mobilized behind this fight. Through this struggle certainly the Y.C.L. and the Party can be built through recruiting the best and most militant fighters. Already a unit of the ¥.C.L. has been established in this terri- tory a5 & result of the struggle, . HOOVER ORDERS LYNCH LAW IN HAWAIL would be intensified by a wholesale wave of lynching against Hawaiians and Japanese on the Islands, Rev. Weaver said: a “Of all the public statements made in rela- tion to the present situation this is the most dangerous and devilish to come ont of the mouth of an intelligent man. “It iy an indorsement of lynch procedure from one of our highest officials sworn to ap- hold the Constitution, Ii directly incites fur- ther acts of violence.” In his lynch provocation, Admiral Pratt de- clared that 40 women has been raped in Hawail in the year 1931. This statement was denied by a 100 per cent American, a government offi- cial in Hawaii, a man whose capacity it was to record such matters. Dr. Thomas M. Mossman, government physician, declared that his records showed only two rapes took place during the year 1931, ‘The American capitalist press took up the lynch cry of the navy and the Hoover govern- ment. A heinous campaign against the native masses of Hawaii was set into motion. Hoover hi S ate and the House ordered an investigation. ‘The fact that when the imperialists first came to Hawaii there were 200,000 Hawaiians on the Islands, and thanks to the disease-infested in- vaders, and to the policy of wholesale slaughter and rape, there are today only 22,000 Hawalians left of course means nothing to the imperialista who were able to coin gold out of the Islands’ rich soil, But the real issue now is concerned with war preparations. Out of the 350,000 residents in Hawaii, the largest single group, 139,631, is of Japanese descent. Of these 87,748, again the largest group, are American citizens. In order at one fell swoop to deprive these American citi- zens of their rights as citizens, and to subject them to the lynch law of the army and navy, the Hoover government is preparing martial law in Hawaii. By this means, in carrying on its war prepara- tions, American imperialism is preparing a whole- sale internment of the entire Japanese popula- tion, and, to bolster this up, is fostering lynch law against 'the other natives sympathetic with the Japanese. The severity of the atiacks against the na- tives of the Hawaiian Islands, the preponder- ating majority of whom ave American citizens, is an indication of how sharp are the war prep- arations, This is a step vo war, Imperialism, which starves millions of work- ers in the homeland. driving countless thousands to suicide, to prostitution, to crime and degreda- tion, repeatedly slaughters the colonial masses. When the Philippines were invaded by the United States in 1898, over 400,000 Fillipino men, women and children were slain, Thousands were tortured in the most cruel manner. A viler page cannot be written than the cruelty against the Filipino masses by the American invaders. It sickened even hard-boiled army officers. The American tortures of the Haitian masses will never be forgotten by the Haitian workers and peasants. Only a Ramsay MacDonald, with his action in India, can exceed the refined torture of the American military forces. ‘The great mass of American workers, now feeling the blessings ot American imperialism, faced with hunger, jailings, their children racked with disease, can understand and fight with the colonial masses againsi their double oppression. American impericlism is war in: or- der to preserve its whole rotten system at the expense of obtaining more colonies to exploit, greater colonial masses to torture. This is the road of Wall Street. It is the path that leads to greater misery for the American workers. Only the unity of the American workers and poor farmers, with their colonial brothers in all the lands in which the iron heel of American imperialism is now being stamped down with insane fury, can end the whole torturous system of capitalist exploitation and the brutality which PROUD crus Of Me, if referred the matter to the cabinet. The | | by sidestepped him for awhile. By Jones This Did Not Happen In Moscow About a month ago, the N. Y. Times said: one in New York will go hungry or cold.’ It was bitter cold the other day, when Bene jamin Strater, 44 years old, sank slowly to the sidewalk at 132nd Street and Lexington Aves nue, up in Harlem. There he lay, and passers- Finally an ame bulance came from the Harlem Hospital An ambulance doctor, named Owens, revived him, and a cop asked him his address. Strater mumbled the number of « place he once lived, when he had a job. “Go home and Set something to eat,” said the cop. And the doctor wrote on his report card: “Starvation.” But Strater had no home, and, logically, noth- ing to eat at home. He staggered away. But two hours later, the same ambulance with the same doctor was called to a man lying on th¢ stoop of a house a block away. That was as in| as Strater got. This time, tor Owens wrote) on his report card: “D.O.A.”—which means “Dead on arrival.” We picked up Monday's paper and saw that, among New York’s Sunday sermons: 1, “Dr. Bagley forecasts advance tion.” in educa. 3. Father Gillis attacked the theory that ene vironment determines 2 man’s conduct. 3. Father Casey made a plea for the support of Catholic missionaries. 4. Rev. Minot Simons said; “We have confi.” | dence in our country.” 5. Rev. George Luther said that, in Spite of sex films and eteers—‘There ig, thank God, a sweet and pure and noble Amer~ iea, permeated with the spirit of Jesus Chrict.” 6. Dr. Samuel Schulman asserted: “Our na- tion has something very definite to give to the world.” 7. Rey. Dr, Geapman “praised the Alaskan Indians.” 8 Dr. Robert Norwood asserted that: “The clergy of the United States have more Intellec® than any other group in America,” my 9. Dr. Henry’ 8. Coftin “urged a simple life. And + at last... 10. Dr. Toffman said: ‘BUNE’ is a symbol of the “The day in ugly wordd which ¥e ; live.” Wanted: Orderly Meetings We don’t know just what can be done about it, but every time there is a big meeti>g in New York City, poor old Krock has to go into hiding to escape a torrent of complaints about the disorder and general bum management of it. “Evidently,” said Krock, looking over the core respondence about the Daily Worker Anniver- saty Celebration, “the Party and League come rades conducted themselves like it was one vast and awful unit meeting.” Says one letter signed by three comrades: “We were to the 8th Anniversary of the Daily Worker, and it sounded like Luna Park. Only Luna Park is better, because each amusement does not interfere with another.” Says another letter, signed by two comrades: “The results of the affair are surely catas~ trophic. It will take sympathetic workers quite some time until they forget those disgusting four and « half hours which they spent at the !', Coliseom. Our friends we took slong laugh at‘ us if we ask them to come to other affairs, They refuse to be bored for hours. We try our best to bring along new clements, but we hear the same story about picnics, hikee and other affairs.” Again, says @ letter: “We were also to the Pioneer Buriesqae. They had a wonderful program, but spoiled it them- selves. We went home disgusted, yet not dis- couraged, because we know that in time it will be efficient. But why not NOW?” Correct! Why not now? Some letters contain suggestions: “Elect a capable committee . . .” No, it says, “Elect a MORE CAPABLE com- mittee.” Then: “No more than three or four speakers.” The crocodile is inclined to agree with that; for why in the name of common sense do we have to have a parade of speakers? Each speaker has to make the meeting and stop all other work, but he or she never gets to say anything of importance. No speaker makes a real speech, one that might teach the thousands of new workers | something, just one important and definite thing, about the-movement. No, it is all a hash and. if a worker can get anything out of it but con! fusion he’s s wonder. But while this persistent absurdity might rest on the management, the comrades in the at~ dience might also sit still, even under such punishment as bad management inflicts on them, instead of making mass meetings into a bedlam of a thousand private debates, discussions and exchange of personal experiences with their neighbors. If that disorder were absent, the non-party workers who have come under the impression that they might learn something from the speakers, and the speakers who have come in hope that they might sneak some particular point across in the few minutes allotted time, might get to first base. But, as the crocodile suggests, the Party and League comrades think that a mass meeting is just a big unit meeting, and since everyone talks at once, and at the top of their voice, at unit meetings—why not at-mass meetings, too? Oh, yes, one more suggestion says: “Elect cap~ able comrades, not mechanical bureaucrats.” “Astonishing!” remarked the crocodile. “I thought that bureaucracy had been wiped out, exterminated, in New York; that it was all “kaput”—by a resolution and a couple of speeches.” c Salat Sami ' The Truth Is Enough: “I have friends that insist that the Daily Worker is a lying sheet, like the capitalist press, but on the other aide. Of course, they have never read the Daily Worker, but they claim it ‘tears down’ things,” says a letter from San Francisco, Well, we “tear down” capitalism the best we are able, all right. And it needs tearing down. But also, the truth about it is damning enough to justify its tearing down to any worker. And we don’t care what the capitalists think about it, We have al- ready said in this column that the Daily Worker does wot want its correspondents to exaggerate. hey wrsdy, do mo, in Sack