The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 11, 1932, Page 4

1 Publtehed by the Gompredafty Publtishing Co, Inc, daily exespt Sunday, at 69 Bast New York City. N. Y. 18th St. Address and mail Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956, atl checks to the Daily Worker, 60 Fast 13th Street, N Cable “DALWORK.® Yew York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mall everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, § excepting Boroughe Party Recruiting Drive | January 11 - March 18, 1932 | INTO THE SHOPS! THE BUILDING OF SHOP NUCLEI CLEVELAND EXPOSES “WE AK- | nad io bout is. We are now taking steps to NESSES IN CONNECTION WITH s as much guidance from the | SHOP WORK. The recruiting plan of Dis “In analyzing our shop activity eretely learn from the experiences rades inside the factories. Let us the : the experience of one shop nucleus, the FB in Clveland. This nuclus with a membership of ten was allowed to drop its activ: to two months when the factory October. Instead of utilizing plant was shut down to main finding mehods of reaching the w distributing the shop paper to ther the workers on days when they car ployment office for a job, this te neglected. “With the start of work, the nucleus has again begun activities, but we have not t methods of overcoming the- diff the factories where the workers are € on. different shifts. This lack of response shows an unsystematic study of conditions in each «par- ticular shop and the necessity, as pointed out in the Central Committee resolution, of adapting our activity to the particular characteristics each factory.” Another report from Cleveland states “I.wish to bring out one more fact in con- nection with the hesitance of some workers to join our shop nuclei and of the Party members to carry on work within the large plants, be- cause of a fear of being unprotected and losing their jobs. One of the workers in the FB nu- cleus joined the street unit in Collingwood After having attended two meetings of the street unit he was asked to attend he meeting of the shop nucleus. This he didn’t do. It is quite possible that he was more hesitant to attend the shop nucleus meeting than a street nucleus meeting.” Note: This report shows that on the one hand the worker who joined the street nucleus did so because the shop nucleus failed to become the leader of the struggles of the wo not particular shop by failing to raise actual de- was utterly found ployed Our immediate aim is to Portland and coordinate the two units with our main con- on on the textile mill. Quincy, Mass.: Here is a shipyard, a sub- sidiary of the Bethlehem Steel, employing about 4,000 w ‘Two of our Party members have worked there for many years. The composition f wor! in the shop is American, Irish, nian, Finnish, Negro. The composition of jay is not of the best. One com- ho was working there for seven years did single worker into the Party. How- succeeded in getting in two new we have now the basis for the ion of a nucleus there. We attached one the section organizer, to this nucleus. only a beginning. We have all the pos- s to develop a real fighting nucleus there This {s a good beginning. The District Com- mittee must now take every possible step to con- | sult with the comrades, to give them datly guid- ance, to see to that a shop paper is issued and to help the comrades to formulate the de- mands around which to mobilize the workers. Let us not have the past habit of organizing a nucleus and ing satisfied. It is the everyday work, the ev ay attention, the attention to detail which will help to make the nucleus 2, real | A question to the Distri { fighting organization. |. ‘ Did ‘we org: a political discussion on the | vole of the Par se new nuclei? | CHICAGO MAKES HEADWAY IN | THE SHOPS FOR CONCENTRATION, | ‘The Chicago district reports: “In g period of approximately six weeks, up | to November ist, 32 workers were recruited from 13 shops that we have for concentration. 15 of ers were recruited inside of Chicago | and 17 outside Chicago. Most were from basic industries. They were not recruited by shop | AS ANSWER TO THE CHICAGO CHALLENGE, PITTS- es BURGH MAKES OTHER PROPOSALS: * Pittsburgh proposes: ‘ That we will increase our than the Chicago District. 2. That at the end of the dri exempt stamps) for the months of be equivalent to 80 per cent of the quic 3. That we will gain our quota of coal miners (350) in District 5 before District 8 does likewise. 4. That we organize 15 new shop nuclei in coal, steel and metal and | recruit at least 150 new Party members from the steel and metal in- | dustry. | 5. To achieve our quota of shop papers before District 8 does like- | ‘wise. \ | Chicago what is your opinion? Answer | present membership by 50 per cent ve the average dues sales (including January, February and March must actual membership. mands and grievances of the workers, develop- ing struggles and doing everything in its power to politicalize these struggles, The shop nu- cleus was divorced from the shop. Also because imsufficient attention is being given to the ques- ton of safeguarding our Party comrades who are working in big shops. Neither in the nucleus itself nor the Party functionaries pay sufficient. attention to this question. This must be changed. ‘The CC resolution.of the XIII Plenum on this question states: “The task of the districts and sections is to develop the work in the shop units individually, with individual approach to each unit; to dis- cuss with the members of the shop units, or with one or two Communists in the shop, the concrete possibilities for work in a short period, working out the special tasks that can be ac- complished in the given circumstances during | @ week or two and developing this plan of work gradually and systematically. We cannot help the situation by declarations that Communists in the shops are poisoned with opportunism and with unwillingness to work in the shops, nor by the conception that our weaknesses can be over- come by disciplinary measures, exclusions, etc. ‘The most dangerous form of opportunism in ‘practice that hinders us from building the shop nuclei is not in the Communists working in the shop, but in the approach of our functionaries to them. The fear of difficulties of shop work by the Communist workers is because of the fact that we do not know how to carry out this work. All the attention of he Party must be concen- trated on helping our comrades in the shops to solve their problems.” (Our emphasis.) ‘ BOSTON MAKES PROGRESS In a report from Boston they write “We have organized two shop nuclei, one in Quincy and one in Lewiston. Here is how each one of them wes organized: “Lewiston, Maine, is a city of some 35,000 population. Up to now the Party has had no contacts there. We never bothered with entering this territory, but it happened that about 15 miles from there, in Portland, Maine, we had one Party member. This Party member succeeded in getting a new recruit in Portland only about weeks ago, Having strengthened his posi- 4m Portland, he began to plan work. They Yearned that in Lewiston there are quite a few workers who read the Lithuanian Communist daily, and are members of the Lithuanien Work- ers.Club. The two Portland comrades went down to visit some of the contacts, discussed with them the problems in Lewiston. Three of those visited were workers in the BY mill which employs more than 2,000 workers, Alb three were found willing to organize and to even sign up for the CP, since they were all pre- pared for it through the Communist press. And was formed in one fo the biggest walls im that state where up to now we ii nuclei already existing, but from shops where we have no shop nuclei. In the city of Chicago, from all the shops, only the stockyards recruit- ed new members out of the 15. Outside of Chi- cago only 3 were recruited from existing shop nuclei—two from railroad in St. Louis and one from Illinois Steel “There was not @ serious enough approach to shop work. Section 2 is an example. They are given four applications a month ago from Com~- monwealth Edison. Have talked to the com- rades in Section 2 but no meeting has been | called yet. “In the ten sections which sent in plans of work, there are forty factories for concentration. These will have to be followed up more per- sonally than up to now. We will have to | coordinate the unions with the shop committees, | also link up the shop work with th ebuilding of the unions “Relation between the unemployed councils | and work in the shop: We have not taken ad- | | vantage of our opportunities. We should utilize | the 10,000 members of the unemployed councils in our shop work. The same in the sections. For example section 4: in the German Fraction there are 14 members of the Nature Friends working in Deering. There will be a registra- tion of all mass organizations. This is to be linked up with an ideolgical campaign. “There is a tendency in the Party where we say the most important campaign is shop work. Shop work is not a campaign. The basis of all other campaigms must be in the shop, but shop work is not a campaign that we will concentrate on for four months and then stop, We will have bad results if we do not change this outlook.” | This is correct. Shop work is not a separate | campaign. It is the basic daily work of our Party. It is in the shop where we bring in ail our campaigns of the Party and through these campaigns in the shop strengthen our Party | organization, € AGAINST THE LINE OF LEAST RESISTANCE IN THE RECRUITING DRIVE. | Pittsburgh writes: “We must resolve that during this recruiting campsign we shall establish the Pittsburgh dis- trict a sa basic district of mine and steel nuclei. A systematic, planned drive must be organized and carried through in every section to recruit War Is Not An | Accident By Y. I. LENIN. (Excerpts from an article written November 1, 1914.) 'HE bourgeoisie is fooling the masses by spreading the cloak of the-old ideology of “national war” over the imperialist plunder. The proletariat exposes this swindle in that it raises the slogan of transforming the imperialist war into civil war. This very slogan was suggested by the Stuttgart and Besle resolutions, which had in mind not War in genera] but precisely the present war, and which spoke not of the “defense of the fatherland” but of “hastening the collapse of capitalism,” of utilizing for th’: aim the crisis created by the war, and of the ex- ample of the Comimune. The Commune was a transformation of war between peoples into civil war, Such a transformation, of course, is not easy, and cannot be accomplished by the individual parties at will. Such a transformation, however, is inherent in the objective conditions of capi- talism in particular. In this, and only in this direction, must the Socialists eonduct their work, | To refrain from voting for military appropria- tions, to refrain from aiding and abetting the chauvinism of “our” country (end its allied na- tions), to fight, in the first place, against the chauvinism of “our” bourgeoisie without being confined to the legal forms of struggle when the crisis has set im and the bourgeoisie itself has done away with the legality created by it—this | is the line of; work that leads to civil war, and that will bring it about at this or that moment of the all-European conflagration. ‘The war is not an accident, not a “sin,” as is the idea of the Christian ministers (who preach Ppairiotism, humanitarianism and peace no less eloquently than the opportunists); it is an in- evitable stage of capitalism, it is a form of capl- talist life as natural as peace. The war of our days is a people’s war. It does not follow from this truth that one must swim with the “popu- lar” current of chauvinism; on the contrary, even in war times, in the war itcelf the same class antagonisms that rend the peoples will continue to exist and will manifest themselves in a military way. The idea of refusing to serve in the army, of strikes against the war, etc., is mere foolishness, it is the miserable and cowardly dream of an unarmed struggle against an armed hourgeoisie, it is a weak yearning for the abolition of capitalism without a desperate civil war or a series of wars. Propaganda of class struggle even in the midst of war is the | duty of a Socialist; work directed toward trans- | forming the war of the peoples intg @ civil war is the only Socialist work in the epoch of an imperialist armed conflict ‘of bourgeoisie of all nations. Down with the sentimental and foolish preacher's yearnings for a “peace at any price!” Let us raise the banner of civil war! Imperial- ism has put the fate of European civilization at stake; this war, if there does not follow a series of successful revolutions, will soon be fol- lowed by other wars; the fable of the “last war” is an empty, harmful fable, a philistine “myth” (to use the correct expression of the Golos). If not today, then certainly tomorrow, if not dur- ing the present war, then after it; if not in this war, then in the following one, the proletarian * banner of civil war wili rally not only hundreds of thousands of enlightened workers, but also millions of semi-proletarians and peity bourgeois who are now belng fooled by chauvinism and who, besides being frightened and benumbed by the horrors of the war, will also be enlightened, taught, aroused, organized, hardened and pre- pared for @ war against the bourgeoisie both of “their own” and of the “foreign” countries. Overwhelmed by opportunism, the Second In- | ternational has died. Down with opportunism, and long live the Third International, purged not only of “deserters” (as the Golos would wish it) but also of opportunism! The Second Internationa) did its full share of employed workers from the mines and mills. | We must guard against the line of lease resist- ance, of recruiting only from the ranks of, the unemployed. While we must make energetic efforts to win the best, elements of these workers for our Party, we must place special emphasrs on those still employed in the mines and mills, concentrating on the Pittsburgh Coal, Pittsburgh Terminal, Vesta Mine, Jones & Laughian. This must be done through establishing new mine and steel nuclei, strengthening the existing nucelt and activizing our members.” useful preparatory work in the preliminary or- ganization of the proletarian meses during the long “peaceful” epoch of most cruel capitalist slavery and most rapid capitalist progress in the last, third ‘of the nineteenth and in the be- finning of the twentieth century. The Third Tnternational is confronted with the ask of or- ganizing the forces of the proletariat for a rev- olutionary onslaught on the capitalist govern- ments, for civil war against the bourgeoisie of all countries, for political power, for the victory of Sovielism, a ef Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreign: one year, $8; siz montha, $4.50. ee HELP YOU.” | itll i padl KILLING MINERS IN By LABOR RESEARCH ASSOCIATION. y bare U. 8. Boreau of Mines has announced the official estimate of death and injuries in American mines during 1929. Coal mines had the highest fatal accident rate, with 45 deaths | among every 10,000 full time workers. Death rates are based not on the total num- | ber of men employed but on an adjusted figure | which the Bureau of Mines calls “300-day work- ers.” In coal mines, for example, 654,949 men Averae days active | Coal mines ... at 1 All metal mines o 292 Copper ....... . 323 } Gold, silver & misc. » 282 Lead and zinc (Miss. valley) ... 245 Non-metallic mineral . « 278 All quarries ........... 268 Metallurgical plants: Ore-dressing . 312 Smelter ......... 358 Auxiliary works . 340 Coke ovens ....... 344 Total | No general figures on non-fatal injuries in | coal mines are available, but the Bureau of Mines gives an estimate based on figures from | opetators taking part in the National Safety | Contest. How this understates the problem is Non-fotal ipjuries s per 10,000 Number 300-day workers Coal mines . A 4! | Metal mines 23,092 2,001 | Copper . 8,941 2,238 | Gold, etc. 7,810 2,694 Iron ..... 2,404 896 Lead, ete. . 2,173 ~ 2,383 Nonmetallic ...., 1,764 1,680 ee ee Make Use of Labor Research Material! tion, printed in the Daily three or four times a week, must be utilized by our comrades in the districts much more than hitherto, These articles are full of facts and figures on wage-cuts speed-up, unemployment, hazards in industry, war preparations, etc. etc. | the most burning questions of the day: wage~ justified) have @ standing cry: “MATERIAL NECESSARY! We must have material to pro- vide our speakers with to make speeches, de- liver lectures and develop our campaigns gen- erally.” It is obviously necessary for the Agit- prop Department directly to provide the districts with as much material as necessary. Labor Re- search articles, if utilized, certainly can fill the bill of the much-needed material in the dis- tricts. But are these articles and material made full use of? Not in so far as we know. The Agitprop Department, ©.C., has called to the attention of the districts, through a special communication, the need of making use suggested methods how to do this. We have also made arrangements with the Daily Worker so that every district can obtain @ special bundle of Dailies when these articles are printed, and use them as “facts for speakers” for their lec~ turers and speakers, But only one district, Chi-, cago, has taken note of this communication and made the necessary arrangements. The rest of the districts were not heard from! And the dis- tricts still “need material!” Let every district immediately make arrange- ments with their sections and units, and let every district at once make arrangements, through the Agitprop Department, C.C., to get special bundles of the Daily Worker when these articles are printed. Preserve these articles in a snecial file to which you can refer whenever necessary and use the material. Labor Research articles must be made real use of in our daily work! AGITPROP DEPARTMENT, C. 6. ‘The articles of the Labor Research Associa- | THE US. of L. R. A, material. In this communication we | A were employed in 1929 an average of 221 days. Multiplying the number of men by the number of days, they arrive at the number of man-shifts worked, which is then divided by 300 days to arrive at the number of “300-day workers.” This is necessary for comparison of rates in a series of years or in several different industries. The unadjusted figure would understate the hazard of coal miners (giving a death rate of only 33 per 10,000 workers), The adjusted figure— 481,545 “300-day workers’—gives the official estimate of 45 deaths per 10,000 workers. Equivalent Deaths raie in 300-day Namber per 10,000 workers 300-day workers 854,494 481,545 2,187 45 118,735 115,394 350 30 37,147 39,946 121 30 30,861 28,995 106 7 28,219 26,837 80 30 1,177 9,119 19 a 11,331 10,497 24 23 85,561 16,559 126 16 13,721 14,266 a] 2 18,603 22,222 19 9 15,075 17,099 3 4 22,459 25,724 22 9 928,648 2,128 discussed in Labor and Coal, by Anna Rochester (especially pages 147 and 237). The number of non-fatal injuries in coal mines in 1929 was certainly between 150,000 and 200,000, instead of the 120,000 given below. - ‘Non-fatal injuries Rate per 10,000 Number 300-day workers +. 9,810 Metallurgical 1,023 156 340 527 Warning Against Spies Alexander Schuwalow (alias John Brovel), of. Pittsburgh, Pa. whose photograph appears herewith, has been exposed and expelled by the i} - Comrades as a rule (and in many respects | Pittsburgh District organization of the Commun. nist Party as a spy. He came to Pittsburgh from Buffalo, N. Y., in the beginning of 1930, and was investigated Alexander Schuwalow (alias John Brovel) upon information that his wife in Buffalo was receiving checks drawn by @ detective agency, and it was definitely established that he is a traitor and @ spy, who plies his despicable trade especially. against the foreign-born workers and had appleid to take a course toward becoming an Immigration Inspector for the U. 8. govern- ment. He is about 43 years old, of Russian birth; about 5 feet 7 inches in height, about 140 pounds ad | fact that they are inseperable from it. Wy FORCE creme, Sunday Magazine Section Fascism Many workers are not aware, perhaps, that ‘the colorful pages of the magazine sections of capitalist papers appear in scores of other papers) in other cities in the exact duplicate of the they read. They are gotten up wholesale and local dope sheets gets them from a syndicates} fiction, romance, tall tales, everything. In a recent number of this sort of an article by the fathous romancer, Raft Sabatini appeared, calling for “A Great Man.” “Periods of great strife and great national upheaval demand the appearance of heroes romantic figures,” says Sabatini, and he pre« ceeds to enumarate the qualities necessary: “He must be willing to live dangerously. He must have a sense of drama. He must be strong and handsome. He must have a flair for life, vigor, @ commanding presence,” and so on. Such preposterous nonsense! Yes, c But nonsense is the only sense a bourgeois kn To a bourgeois the masses are but dust to be trodden on; but the stairs by which the “gress man” mounts to command. And the bourgeois, bewildered by the falling pillars of his bourgeois world, especially in_a crisis prays for a saviour, @ hero, to appear and redeem the bourgeois world from revolution by these masses, | This fits nicely into the plans of fascism, which always has at hand some Mussolini of Hitler to offer as THE GREAT MAN. No man, of course, is or can be separated from the class interests he represents. Essentially, therefore, Sabatint’s nonsense is not accidental, but a ree flection of and propaganda jor, fascism, the capitalist dictatorship in its open, ruthless form against the rising revolutionary masses. The revolutionary movement produces grea’ men; but they are great only because they are intimately a part of the mass, bone of its bone and flesh of its flesh. Their strength and greate ness is their mass support; their class and the And tWey lose that greatness and that strength the, moment they assume the qualities which the bourgeois “great man” esteems as virtues, f The Communist Party acquires influence and strength because it maintains itself as a part, the most conscious farseeing, courageous and— take note—selt-sacrificing part—but a part of the toiling masses. Representing the wide masses as it does, the Party rightly assumes the role of leader which the bourgeois can cone ceive only as “a great man.” The workers who come to the Party look to it, to the whole Party as a living entity, and not to this or that person= ality, however worthy as their leader, a The Party leader must of necessity hold the Same attitude toward the masses as does the Party as a whole. Because’ the masses hold the Party responsible for what the leader says and does. And the leader, just as the Party, learns trom the masses. Whenever a leader gets what Comrade Stalin calls that “vile disease,” 9 fear of or distrust of the masses, it usually appears in the form of just such attitudes toward the - workers as the bourgeois Sabatini hails as virtues of @ “great man.” Every Party functionary who conducts himself or herself as a bureaucrat who cherishes his or her (Yes, the females too!) dignity above the demands of the Party Policy that necessarily must harmonize with the re- volutionary Will of the masses, is patterning’ himself or herself after bourgeois “great men” and not after the real leaders of the revolution, In short, he is defiling himself with fascist ten- dencies rather than developing as a bolshevik. SS ow Eee Hoover Dam Damns Hoover Now and then some squirt of 2 member in the Hoover cabinet spouts off something about the “terrible sacrifices” the Russian workers are making to complete the Five Year Plan, They are making sacrifices, too, but the cabinet mem- bers and the boss press which talk about it go on from that to outright lies about “forced lac bor” and “20 cents a day,” and all such rubbish. ‘Well, how does socialist construction match up with capitalist construction on, let’s say, the Hoover Dam? The Hoover government ig boss of that job, you know. And Dnieperstroi is lots bigger, but it got started about twenty years after the Hoover Dam, which was “begun” back in Rooseyvelt’s administration, Dnieperstroi will be finished this year. The Hooyer Dum—atter the revolution, maybe. : i ‘Then, while the Dnieperstroi workers are cer- tainly working hard, they are getting pay raises and, when not volunteering to work longer, have the 7-hour day. The Hoover Dam is being built by government contractors, a gang called “the Six Companies” just like the Chinese tongs, and fully as villianous. Wage cuts and no safety provisions that cost workers their lives brought a strike not long ago that was ruthlessly crushed. Not long ago a worker wrote us about the territle conditions of the workers, sleeping like hogs on dirt floors without bedding, and the | Now, in # paper of that locality, we see that there ig also no provision for schools for 300 He is about 45 years of age, heavy set, of about 200 pounds in weight and about 5 feet 6 inches. in height. He has a flabby, bloated face, shifty, look and & whining approach, All workers and working-class organiza’ are warned against these stool pigeons. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION, » « COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE VU.