The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 9, 1932, Page 6

Published by the Compredafily Publishing Co. Inc New York City. N. ¥. Address and mail sll ehec! 18th St. Telephone AL to the Daily Wo: nauin 4-7956. daily except Sunday, at 66 Bast Cable . 50 Hast 13th Street, New"York, N.Y. “DAIWORK.* Dail yorker’ chesdde USA x By mail everywhere: One year, nhatian and Bronx, * & SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $6; six months, $3; New York City, Foreign: twe months, $1; one year, $8; saath aren Sf excepting Boroughé six months, $4.50. Party Recruiting Drive January 11 - March 18, 1932 SHICAGO CHALLENGES PITTSBURGH DISTRICT As a part of our drive, the Chicago District challenges Pittsburgh dis- trict to the following during the two-month period of January and February: 1. To increase our present actual membership by 50 per cent quicker than Pittsburgh. @. That at the end of this drive, the average dues sales for the months of December, January and February must be equivalent to 90 per cent of the actual membership. 3. That Chicago district will double the present number of coal miners in the Party and challenges Pittsburgh to do likewise. 4, That we will organize 10 new shop nuclei in steel and metal indus- try and recruit at least 175 new Party members from steel and metal in- dustry. 5. To issue 7 Pittsburgh! Answer. new shop papers each month during this period. Do you accept the challenge? REMEMBER WHAT THE COMINTERN TOLD US MAY 10, 1930 However, the deta of this resolution as to the recruiting campaign does not show any great in- crease in the ability of the Party to consolidate its political influence in the most important points of Party work—among the workers of big factories in the most important industrial cen- ters of the country. But this is the most de- cisive matter at the present time when esti- mating the successes of the Party in solving the central problem of the moment—the winning over of the majority of the working class. The CC chose a good moment for its recruit- img campaign (the growth of the revolutionary mood of the mass of the working class in con- nection with the growth of unemployment). Under the leadership of the CC the Party car- tied on a successful agitation for joining the Party, and properly linked {t up with the March 6th campaign. But at the same time, the CC puts on record that: 1) most of the new mem- bers who joined the Party during the recruiting campaign were industrial workers who were un- employed at the moment of entering the Party (the CC points out that in some districts 75 per cent of the new members were unemployed), and thu e recruiting campaign did very little to strengthen the Party organization in the factories, i. e., in the places where this is most of all necessary; 2) the CC resolution states that 90 per cent of the new members were ac- cepted at meetings, i. e., that most of the new members spontaneously joined the Party and that the factory nuclei did not take an active part in the recruiting campaign. This is also true of the Negroes who joined the Party; 3) the resolution states that the district commit- tees, including those districts where the district committees reported the greatest success, have not ordered membership cards and dues stamps equivalent, to the reported new members, which Makes the CC doubt whether these claims of great recruiting successes are not bluff on the Part of the district committees. (We feil to understand how it could happen that the CC could sum up the campaign without investigat- ing the correctness of the information as to the results of the recruiting campaign, since it was in doubt on the matter); 4) in view of the general passivity of the Party organizations with Tegard to the organizational side of thé recruit- img campaign, we cannot underestimate the statement of the CC resolution of March 29 that tm Pittsburgh a portion of the members of the Party were opposed to the recruiting campaign, and that in all the districts only a part of the members took an active part in the campaign. The Convention must also give clear directives on the questions of work among the newly ac- cepted members, of carrying out educational work among them by means of schools and classes, and of attracting them immediately into the practical everyday work of the Party. As far as can be judged from the material we have received, including the Daily Worker, until very recently the work with the new members has been absolutely incompetent. This threatens that the majority of the newly accepted mem- bers will soon leave the Party again after the manner of previous recruiting campaigns, when the new members were also left without any at- tention. Let's remember these words in our present Recruiting Drive. THE PARTY AS THE HIGHEST FORM OF CLASS ORGAN- IZATION ‘The Party is the rallying point for the best @ements of the working class, elements which are intimately connected with the non-Party organizations of the proletariat and are very often the Jeading spirit in these organizations. As rallying point for these elements of the work- ing class, 1t is the best school for the training of leaders who shall be capable of guiding all the forms of organization thrown up in the course of the working class struggle. Further. the Party, as the best school for the training of leaders, and the most experienced and author- itative of working class organizations, is special- ly fitted for the work ct eentralizing the leader- ship of the proletarian struggle and for convert- ing each and every non-Party organization of the working class into an auxiliary corps and Into a means for linking up the working class as a whole with the Party. The Party is the highest form of the class organization of the Proletariat. But this does not mean that the non-Party organizations should be formally subject to the Party. All that is requisite is that the Party members who belong to these organizations should use their influence and all their arts of persuasion to bring these non-Party organiza- tions into the closest proximity to the Party, and to lead them to place themselves of their own free will under the political guidance of the Party. It is from this point of view that Lenin de- seribes the Party as “the highest form of class | organization of the workers,” whose political | leadership should be exercised over all the other forms of proletarian organization. (From “Leninism” by Joseph Stalin.) FROM THE RESOLUTION OF THE 13TH PLENUM, PRINTED IN FULL IN THE COMMUNIST, OCTOBER, 1931 The 13th Plenum of the Central Commit- tee emphasizes that at the present time the entire Party must recognize the need for building up the Party (organization of nuclei im the factories, the increase of membership in the decisive industries im the factories, re- cruitment of large number of members, etc.) | as an important next step for the organiza- tion and leadership of the mass straggles. The building of the Party must become an in- tegral part of the preparation and leadership of mass struggles. The realization of the slo- gan of build the Party in mass struggles, means particularly strengthening the mass organization of the Party in the heavy indus- tries and big factories and In the districts In which these industries are located. HOW TO RECRUIT FROM SH OPS From recent experiences we know that not only can we recruit workers from shops, but once they are recruited they are more apt to remain in the Party. Of the large turnover of membership, those recruited from factories con- tribute proportionately a smaller percentage than those recruited from general meetings or even unemployed councils. Basically the section leadership must pay at- tention to individual comrades working in shop, take up with them the specific campaign con- ducted and how he or she can carry this cam- paign to the workers in the shop. It is there- fore essential for the section to know the posi- tion of the comrade in the shop; his department, the number of workers in his department, how many connections he has in his own depart- ment, in the shop, what are the basic and im- mediate grievances in the shop, and how these should be explained and classified to the work, by personal talk of the comrades inside without exposing themselves as Communists, and through leaflets and other means outside, to bring about the development of the issue in the shop. With existing shop nuclei the section commit- tee must take up the present campaign. of re- | eruiting, find out the connections the comrades have in the shop, the number of sympathizers and to what organization they belong. The Section Committee should call from time to time meetings on a section scale of comrades working in shops to take up with them their work in the shop, their task of building the revolutionary union in the shop, The last two months recruiting shows that recruiting from shops, where we have shop nuclei, is lowest. DISTRICT, SECTION AND LITERATURE AGENTS See that you are supplied with the following literature: For All Anti-War Activities Pacifism, by Alex. Bittelman.. vee 5 War in the Far East, by Henry Hall...... 10 Chemical Warfare, by Donald A. Cameron.. 10 ‘The War of Intervention Against the Soviet Union and the Second International, by P. R. Dietrich...... serescveccceveccse 10 War Preparations Against the Soviet Union, by Marce] Cachin.. p ae ee eee wae By BURCK. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People claims to have ceased its interference with the Scottsboro case but is keeping the money it has collected on the pretense of dfending the nine Negro boys. By MAX SALZMAN. is now necessary for us to take the proper steps to continue the fight and broaden and deepen the tremendous United Front movement of the masses from below which was expressed in the National Hunger March and the support it received throughout the country. This United Front was successful mainly because it was based on the concrete every-day needs of the masses and was therefore able to withstand the attempts of the capitalist class to divide the ranks of the workers and smash the Hunger March. Tt is necessary for us to guard our own speeches and actions s0 that we will not become & means of weakening this United Front. The Bosses Change Tactics. ‘The defeat of the maneuvers of the Hoover- Wall St. government in attempting to create a “red scare,” compelled them to retreat and adopt new methods to be used in smashing the movement for immediate relief and unemploy- ment insurance expressed In the Hunger March. ‘Their aim was to disperse this movement. See- ing they were not able to smash the movement. by force, they entered inte a campaign to win the leadership of the movement away from our party and to liquidate this movement. In this campaign, the newspapers played an important role. First they ridiculed the march, then attempted to minimize its results and break up the ranks of the unemployed through a careful campaign of social demagogy. This was expressed not only in speeches of politicians, but also in the maneuvers made by police in many cities in pretending friendship with the march in a number of cities. In Conn., this was expressed in the “friendly” attitude of the police toward the Hunger March in Norwalk, Stamford and Portchester. In Stamford, for ex- Do Not Permit “Leftist” Errors to Liquidate the Results of the Hunger March! ample, thé Chief of Police gave orders riot to arrest anyone connected with the Hunger March, and on two occasions he ordered the release of workers arrested for activities in con- nection with the Hunger March. Undoubtedly similar instances took place in various parts of the country. Editorial in Capitalist Paper Demands Change in Tactics. An open demand for the change in tactics was expressed in an editorial appearing in the Port- chester (N. Y.) Item of Dec. 9th. This editorial ¢alled on the police to refrain from interfering with the Hunger March parac= and demonstra~ tion arranged for that city and states that care- ful methods must be used to win the unem- ployed workers from the influence of “radicals whom they follow because in them is the only Jeadership which has actively and directly en- deavored to capture their interest.” The bosses will intensify their efforts to win the leadership of the unemployed masses from the Party and smash the United Front move- ment for immediate relief and Unemployment Insurance. In this they rely, not only on their own maneuvers, but on the hope that our own shortcomings will weaken the movement. They rely on (1) that we will allow the movement to die down, and (2) that leftist actions of the Party will aid in isolating it from the mass of the workers, In its statement published in the Daily Worker of Dec. 15th, the CC shows the determination of the Party not to allow the movement for unemployment insurance and im- mediate relief to lessen, but to use the Hunger March to broaden the fight for the demands of the unemployed. Many of our comrades are playing directly into the hands of the ruling class by the nature of the speeches made on the return from Wash- On January 3, in the, village of Epila, Spain, a town of 6,000 people, three strikers from 2 sugar factory were killed outright by the mur- derous “Civil Guard,” and ten more wounded, when, according to the Associated Press, a crowd of strikers tried to storm a gambling hall where the rich men of the town were amusing themselves, Cia we = ‘This is just one of the incidents daily hap- pening in Spain, where the masses are engaged in continual struggle, shedding the illusion that the end of the monarchy meant a better life under the republic. Rarely if ever do the American capitalist papers print anything at all of these events which, in their totality, reflect the rising revolutionary wave of the Spanish masses, These masses are finding that, with the bour- geoisie in power, even the return of the mon- archy is possible, since across the border, in France, Alfonso the Bloody is plotting, together with the Catholic Church, for restoration to the throne from which he never abdicated. Also, from the beginning of the republic, the bourgeois politicians like Zamora and Lerroux, aided by the “socialists” whose chief figure is Largo Ca- ballero, have persistently defended the monarch- ists, the feudal landholders and the church (the last two are practically one, as the church is the biggest landlord) from the revolutionary masses. These bourgeois and “socialist” politicians ac- tually aided the king to escape unpunished for his crimes and with much of his great wealth, to France. The “socialists” have held leading cabinet posts, have aided and ordered the many massacres and continual persecution of the workers and peasants, have ruthlessly repressed the anger of the masses against the reactionary clericals, the landlords and the capitalists. Recently, the bourgeois “republican radicals,” headed by Lerroux, and the “liberals,” headed by Melquiades Alvarez, have openly advanced a proposal to collaborate with the monarchists in @ new government to take the place of the one recently formed—it being clear that it, as the ones before it, is far from solid, The Voice of Revolution in Spain This shows two things. One, that the bour- geoisie finds it difficult to consolidate its rule in the face of the fiercely revolutionary up- heaval of the masses. Second, it shows that the bourgeoisie, rather than yield to the revolution- ary masses, is ready to come to terms with the monarchists and the church it pretends to “fight” in order to consolidate all forces of re- action against the masses. One thing more it shows, is that in order to carry the» bourgeois-democratic revolution through, to carry out the agrarian revolution first of all, and to prepare thus the path to the socialist revolution, the Communist Party must attain leadership of the decisive majority of the masses, first of all the proletariat. Indications are that the Communist Party of Spain, repressed savagely under the monarchy and the fascist regimes of De Rivera and Beren- guer, weakened as well by some years of oppor- tunism of all shades, is clearing out these latter obstacles, and is fast growing in influence and Positive fighting capacity, One indication of this is the establishment of numerous papers of the Party, well rooted in and gaining enormous support from the masses. Foremost in these is the new daily paper, central organ of the Communist Party of Spain, the “Mundo Obrero” (Workers’ World). Published in Madrid, the “Mundo Obrero,” be- ginning on November 17, has been a thorn in the side of the bourgeoisie and its servants, the “socialists.” But the workers have responded with devoted defense and support of their Com- munist daily. style, and, exposing every move of the class enemy, it counters with the proposals of the Communist Party. The Daily Worker feels that it expresses the solidarity of every revolutionary worker of the United States in wishing the “Mundo Obrero” success in rallying the toiling masses of Spain to victorious revolutionary struggle. From time to time the Daily Worker will translate significant articles from our brother paper, “Mundo Obrero,” so that American work- ers may know something of the stormy revolu- tionary advance of the Spanish masses, It is written in vigorous rebel ington and in reports made on the Hunger March. I will cite a few examples of these errors. Leftist and Adventurist Errors Harmful. In Portchester, one of the marchers. in speak- ing on the Hunger March forgot to mention the purpose of the march, but devoted his speech to talk about blood being shed in the past in the struggles for freedom of an oppressed class, and that it may be shed again. The comrade making the main report in Bridgeport spent 30 minutes describing the line of march and stating that the workers had prac- tically captured the city of Washington, and that next year the workers would march back to Washington’ to take over the capital in the name of the working class. During his entire speech this comrade forgot to mention a word about the fieht for unem- ployment insurance and immediate relief. He even went so far as to state that if the leaders of the march had ordered the workers to dis- arm the police. they would have done so with- out any difficulty. In the city of Stamford, another comrade making a report on the march devoted the ma- jor portion of his sveech to describing the Hun- ger March as the “advance guard of the future red army.” Needless to say he also forgot to deal with the demands raised by the Hunger March, ‘There were many less. glaring examples of this leftism, which was quite general among Party comrades who were delegates. Many of our comrades still insist on referring to the Huneer March as a “Communist Hunger March”; taking up the slogans of the ruling class, instead of explaining to the workers that this was a march of unemployed workers in which the Communist Party played the leading and decisive role. Which? Revolutionary Vanity or a Mass Movement? ‘These statements apparently satisfy the revo- lutionary vanity of some comrades, but they fail to see that in satisfying this vanity they are unwittinely aiding the bosses in their efforts to destroy the United Front movement which was built up as a result of the Hunger March and the préparations for it. Such exoressions can have no other effect if not combatted, than to weaken the mass movement ard turn the Party into an isolated sect. The movement amonz the unemployed which is now under the leader- ship of the Party is a broad United Front movement of workers having different political, social and religious beliefs. If we were to allow the attitude of these comrades expressing this leftism to prevail, the bosses and their hire- Ungs would easily be able to smash the United Front movement and lead the masses away from the struggle for Unemployment Insurance and immediate relief, By continuing this they open the road for the socialists and other demagogues to step in and take over leadership of large sections of workers whom we-have involved in the fight for these demands. Must Overcome Leftist Tendencies. Our task is to overcome these leftist ten- dencies, to broaden and deepen the movement for the demands put forward by the Hunger March and especially to intensify the building of groups of the unemployed council on the basis of local demands. This means demands which affect a single block, bread line, relief station, a section of the city, and demands which affect the city itself—also to develop de- mands on a state scale—uniting the struggle for demands for immediate relief and Unemploy- ment Insurance from the federal government with similar demands, but of a more local char- acter ,on the state, city and county governments. On to Feb. 4th—National Unemployment In- surance Day. The national drive for signatures decided on by the Hunger Marchers and the preparation- for National Unemployment Insurance Day or Feb. 4th, offer a splendid means to broaden an” deepen the movement among the workers. Ou” job is not merely to rétain the leadership we have won but to broaden this influence over ever greater numbers of workers. At the same serve the purpose of weakening our movement, Big Hearted, Wasn’t He! avcusember, 10iKS, Ow” tue capitalist news- Papers said that Major Glassford, superintendent of the Washington, D, C., police, was “big hearted” in his treatment of the National Hun- ger Marchers? True, after it was over, the samé newspapers boasted how Glassford had tried to tire the Marchers out by making them walk the longest. way possible every time they wanted to go somewhere in Washington, But the Marchers didn’t mind that much, as they got a better chance that way to bring their message to the Washington workers.” Which shows that some- times a major of the U, S. Army falls a bit short in intelligence, However, Glassford was said to have been | United States Army, “very considerate” of the needs of the Hunger Marchers. They hungered—and he fed them, And so forth. Also, he voted against turning machine guns on them. Yet it turned out that this was not from kindness, but from having seen with his own eyes how the Czar got messed up by such tactic, Still, he was “big hearted.” And doubtless many figured out that Major Glassford was just one of those kindly, fatherly old men that re- cruiting posters picturé army officers to be, and that he simply couldn’t bear to see the Hunger Marchers go hungry, so he gave them to eat (this IS beginning to sound biblical), But it came to pass, that on the morning of Jan. 4, the Washington Daily News set forth that His Nibs, Major Glassford, walking through Judiciary Square on the way to what passeth ” was halted by the plea of some poor “How about a dime for a bite to eat, budey™™ Whereupon, the “big-hearted” Major of the acting however as the Superintendent of the police of the District of Columbia, pinched him, and filed a charge of “soliciting alms.” Moral: Army officers and superintendents of Police, severally and collectively, or, as is the case, jointly are “big hearted” when solicited for something to eat, only when the solicitation is accompanied by something like a national demonstration of the masses. 4 Another Moral: When big enough masses get into action—-and see that you do it, boys and girls, on February 4th—and afterward—they will not only give you something to eat, but un- employment insurance. And when still bigger masses get into Still more action, all these ma- jors and police superintendents will be chucked into the garbage can of history. The Olympic Games --A Prelude to the Next World War By FRANK } HENDERSON, Srone associations of all capitalist countries arg being rapidly transformed into mass schoci8 of militarism. They form the reserve forces for imperialist war. In countries of fas- cist dictatorship (Yugoslavia, Hungary) the sport organizations are under the direct contro? of the war department of the government. Com- pulsory sport training goes on side by side with forced military training and army service. In the United States, where capitalism still wears the mask of democracy, we find sport gather- ‘ngs surrounded with an atmosphere of jingo~ ism. Special sport events are introduced, such as races in full military dress. Exhibition base- ball games are played with the players wear ing gas masks, etc. This throws a color of black militarism on the international gathering of bourgeois athletes at the Los Angeles Olympic Games next summer, The Olympic Games will be a miniature sete. ting of the serious world economic and political situation. The Olympic Games, hidden behind: the smoke-screen of sports, must be pointed out: as a prelude to the next World War! Capitalist nations will compete with each other on the: field of sport, but are at the same time united against the Soviet Union. One-sixth of the world will be absent from the “world” Olympic: Games. The Sovie} Union has not been in- vited. ‘This sport blockadé must be looked wecn as an actual mobilization of the youth, the tight- ing forces in imperialist armies, against the Workers’ Republic. The sport blockade against the Soviet Union must be smashed! The Olympic Games and the whole sham of physical culture under capitalism must be exposed! Too serious consideration, therefore, cannot be given the present campaign of the Labor Sports Union against the Olympte Games. But the sport comrades must not be left alone in this campaign. It must be made the concern of the whole working class. A united front of the workers must be organized against the bosses’ Olympics. This campaign must find its expression in huge sport gatherings of worker athletes in all sections of the country. The In- ternational Workers’ Athletic Meet in the United States next summer must rally the fighting forces of the American youth and the worker athletes into a mass demonstration against the Olympics and bosses’ sport. Against the bosses’ Olympics! For the Inter= national Workers’ Athletic Meet! Against the use of ve for bosses’ militarism and war! : Smash the sport ‘blockade against the Soviet Union! Unity with the Soviet athletes! Support the United Front anti-Olymple cam< paign! / The issues raised: by the Hunger March were the fight for Unemployment Insurance and ime mediate relief. We must cc” inue to mobilize the workers in support of ti:ese demands and other demands that will arise in the course of the struggle. Naturally, out. of the events that will in connection with this struggle, as well as other struggles, greater numbers of workers will be brought closer.to the Party. Thousands can be brought into the Party. - The working class as a whole will become more revolutionary and the struggles will reach # higher plane. But to talk es though this period . is here now merely means to take the attention of the workers away from the struggle for ime mediate demands and in this way liquidate the os Seew { 4 » 4 * i mass movement, We must burn out these leftiag’ deviations with the red hot tron of Bolshevilt