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tege Four § ork City, all checks Corproai hing Co. inc., hone ALgonquin 4-7966. @elly except Bund Cabl <== Bs of Manhat mail eve; 4UBECRIPTION RATES: n and Bronx. New York City. where: One year, $6; siz months, $2; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Foreign: one year, $8; siz montha, $4.50, A MODERN CAPTAIN BLOOD The Hell That Is Venecueln ay J. ROMFEDER. vee tat has been 3 months In the notoncas prison “La Rotunda,”) Mia ING from Curacao, a Dutch Island, « da J ride from the Venezuelan Coast, one begins o hear lurid stories about “the regime.” One { the passengers on board from Curacao told about s famous ease where # Frenchman his beautiful wife landed in Marracairo, ne of the generals of Juan Vincento Gomez owner of two-thirds of the country and poli- neal d and master of tt all) took a liking to 1e Frenchman’s wife, arrested the Frenchman and nothing more has been ever heard of him. is wife still is in the general's harem. Taree years ago part oy I Venezuelans took yer the Dutch governor's palace in Curacao, possessed themselves of all arms and forced t the aptain of an American steamer to carry them over to Venexuela, in @ venture to overthrow the Gomez regime. It is with stories like this, based on facts, but woven into fiction that one zets introduced to Venezuela as one approaches Facmg the Land of Horrors Finally we are in front of Puerto Cabello. We ee men in convict clothes on shore, guarded by soldiers who hang all around in vagabond iashion. Some of the “convicts” clamber about the walls of an ancient Spanish shore fortress. Why up on a hill, there is an old Spanish castle, overlooking the sea. God, what a heat—what’s up there, I ask a passenger. Why man, don’t you know what that is? This is the infamous “El Castillo” where Gomez sends his political and personal enemier, there are about 1,200 of them up there right now. Anyone sent to this nlace may as well consider himself halfway in the hext world. I took a dislike to my informer, he gave me the shivers with all these storeis. Anyway, I went on shore, behind me some guys followed in an “innocent” way—I kept within sight of the, boat, however, and got back safely. In the next port called “La Guira” I was to get off definitely. I wrote some letters to my triends, that if they don’t hear of me weekly to search for me through the U. S. Consul. I had no wife—but who knows, a fellow like me, who vever lived in a place like this may say some~ thing and who mows what may happen next— a little bit of precaution might help. Well, we landed in "La Guira.” They took my passport and said I should look for it at the police headquarters. Coming there, an old sly | fox looked me over. I was asked for $20 for de pest for entry and $2 for consular fee of entry, although I paid $5 for the Venezuelan visa in Panama. Well, a little bit of graft, that's noth- ung after all the gruesome stories I heard. Then $3 more to grease the baggage examiner for speedy service, and I was through with formai- ities. Then—a fellow steps up to me and says I owe him a dollar. Like hell, I says, so he takes me to a shriveled up old cop to take me to the police station. Fine business, I thought—I gave him the dollar. Caracas, the Capital of Captain Blood. With a taxicab, traveling over one of the most magnificent roads I ever saw, I speeded to the capital. Fine road, I says to the chauffeur. All made by prisoners, he says. Well, there I am in @ pension in Caracas. Nice construction for a Latin; American town. Passing by the police headquarters, I see a squad of men seated there with rifles and fixed bayonets, others with un- sheathed swords—nothing to do but be in readi- ness. I see newspapers for sale, 1 buy them, 1, 2, 3, 4 different ones, but not a word in them about Veriezucla. There are some cable news about other countries, some write-ups about biology and ancient history, but nothing about doings inside th ecountry. There is nothing more omin- oysly impressive to a foreigner than just these almple facts, which is the outward sign of the complete muzzling of the prez After bumming around in all the movies in town; punk, censured stuff— and attending to some business. I see in one of the papers, some- thing about a session of Venezuelaan Senate and Congress, so, after all, there seems to be a Par- lament. I read the sessions were opened—pro- posed law so and so read unanimously approved, so\and so made # speech, that’s all that ap- peats—I am no wiser than before ‘Thus, I pass two weeks, day by day, business is rotten, ominous silence of everyone I try to talk to, but no one talks about politics or bad business. Around my hotel suspicious individuals hang around, it seems to be an “innocent” habit. I contract for my ticket to go back to New York, there fs nothing to do and no one will talk to me. Everybody seems to distrust every- one else, unless it is his bossom friend and I ‘at make them open up. Then one day, just by luck I met a New Yorker, a friend of mine, a Venezuelan (now in jail) by the name of \lariano Fortoul. He introduced me to his trlends, intellectuals, some of them Communists. \We have some friendly parties. Then one night about 11:30 p, mL, the police led by the prefect ‘himself swoops down on us and next thing we are in “Le Rotunds,” one of the most notorious yrisons in the world. “Le BRotends” A’ whole company of loyal mercenaries. ‘The ‘Ondince” guards the prison, fixed bayonets all the time. We are told to strip naked. Every seam snd nook and corner of pockets in our clothing ts examined for # hidden bit of @ pencil, also our ears end veetum, to prevent us from communicating. Watches, pens, pencils and belts, -Workers! Join the Party of. Your Class! O. Box 87 Station D. York Ctty. Please send me more information om the Com- tnteniat Party, P. eaoocrescccccoeccoascesocdcovsdoeeces Nene addr CRY ie seee Uccupelien .. » MBO ccers. Atel) this te Gee Centre Office, Communist Party U. &. 4. Communist ©. Bex M1 Htation P, Maw vary Oty | y or anything metalic is taken away to prevent us from having or making even the tiniest weapon, | we are not to know the time of the day. Through nhole in the door, guarded by two soldiers, e let into the interior of the prison. There large cell without chairs or bed in it, just | plain naked floor, no blankets or anything, I am locked up. No one except the guard inside (they make assassins as guards over the politicals) is allowed to talk to me, ‘The pot bellied “general” director of the pris- on with a skull size of a small cocoanut, looks me over in the morning, whip in hand. Later | on I found out that the “general” is a former | bandit chieftain who made peace with Gomez. From the pile of junk in the court yard my | guard picks a rusty can, this to serve me food and water with. There is no toilet in the cell, so they put a big open oil can, rusty on the edges. Thousands of insects crawl about in the cell. Order is given not to give me water and only half prison ration (even the full ration is slow starvation.) I feel I am getting introduced to Venenzuela, Cling, clang, ting, tang, 6 o'clock in the morn- ing. Sound of hundreds of dull cow-bells. But it’s not cows, it’s human beings with yard long steel bars, thickness of a man’s arm, fastened to their legs. The so-called “grillos” weigh trom | 50 to 200 pounds on their feet, as they move the hooks that fasten the bar to both legs make this metalic sound. Soon I see one crossing the yard, in order to walk they shift their immobilized body like a barrel with a hip movement, lifting the irons up with a string. The irons remain on them day and night. Most of them wear only panties. | Almost all have unshaven faces, beards of many | months. ‘The one that’s moving across the yard is being put into a dark cell on half rations. After two months he looked like a ghost, the skin clinging tightly to his bones. A group of prisoners among them another American by the name of Alfredo Mazuerra (Venezuelan by birth) committed the “horrible” | crime of trying to communicate with the out- side. Irons three times the weight are snapped on them. They protest. Their hands are tied behind their backs with the irons. on they. are | thus totally immobile. ‘The whip is: used, some | of them are strung up on the wall with their feet, tied. One of the guards says passing by my cell “this way they will die” the other says “tt don’t matter.” One of the prisoners, a rich farmer wl not want to give his land to Gomez at & “vol- | untary” price was kept as 7 “gentleman pris- oner” without chains. Too oid té stand it he got insane, so they snapped the irons on him, bound his hands backward, and gavé him the whip—Gomez's medicine for all, be they sane or insane, Why the Terror ‘The effects have their causes, and the causes are that about one of the thréé million of the total Venezuelan population live in a state of semi-slavery. They are not bought or sold but are bound to their master, can’t leave the plan- | tation without permission arid can be physically mistreated or even killed by their master with- out consequences. They receive no wages, just work for grub. About 800,000 of the agrarian population who live nearer the cities get paid in wages, but are obliged to buy from the com- misary stores of the owners at double prices and most of them never get out of the debts and are liable to arrest if they leave without paying it. Gomez started off as a middle sized landlord. He represented the land owning: class-~He re- cruited his followers from the guerilla bands | roaming about the country in his days, and the vagabonds of the countryside and playing one group of owners against the other, gradually | expropriated most of them so that today he has | two-thirds of all cultivated lands in his own hands. ‘The young bourgeotsie in the cities opposed him and tried to make the French revolution against Gomez's feudal rule, but lost. Gomez is now “partner” in almost all the important industrial undertakings of the bourgeoisie. Gomez gave himself various commercial monopolies like meat, butter, milk, river and coastwise traffic, etc. He gets two cents per barrel of all oil ex- tracted in Venezuela from the foreign capital- ists that run the oil fields, and Venezuela is the third largest oil producer in the world. Thus utilizing his pplitical power to grab off every- thing, he became from a large size kulak one of the richest men in the world. In the process of doing it he had to suppress and eliminate everybody in his way. About 30,000 political prisoners, thousands of them youths of the “best” families, passed through the prison. Hundreds of them were tortured to death for attempting to make the bourgeois revolution. Only lately | have we seen the working masses themselves organizing, and Communists among the prison- } rs. | A reign of this kind can’t tolerate any oppo- sition, the so-called Congress and Senate ,the governors, and all from top to bottom are ap- pointed by Gomez. His army is recruited in approved feudal fashion. They are caught lke dogs in the villages and in the army there is the regime of the whip. The soldiers are used as laborers on Gomez's farms and the poor devils picked up under any pretense and made pris- oners together with the politicals construct the roads and public buildings. ‘There is no judicial procedure, to be arrested means to be on the road gangs, or in the “gril- Jos,” if not worse in the case of politicals. There are no charges, no trials, no sentences. A prisoner never knows for how long he says in, nor what is next. No organization is permitted, be it parties, labor unions, societies; even chambers of com- merce are not in favor. And the Catholic Church has to accept as bishops those that Gomez wants. Anyone, be it a factory owner, priest or working man that protests is picked up in the dark of the moon and it is considered «@ favor if his relatives are informed or permitted to send in foot or clothing to him. Any number that dares to assemble in pubMe without Gomez's permission is shot at without warning. And this, my dear friends, is a government looked upon as friendly by Washington and recognized. everything to himself and bludgeons the people, this in the eyes of Washington does not violate property principles, as long as one robber has it all and shares it with those of Wall Street, but if as in the Soviet Union, the people own it, collectively, why that's impermissible and euch 1. Rameau ean be reqomyed. What matters is that a bandit appropriated | ANOTHER “RED” PLOT eeniro MU SSOLIVE PLEME WEL THE TOTTERING FASCIST Gov'y is TheRedCross--Their. _ Own Picture and — the Real Story “The Réd Gross Helped 2,765,000 in Drought” | atea was thé headlitié of an article’in the New | ‘York ‘Timés, “Suriday, October 18,"and probably | such headline wppeared in thousands of papers | throughout the country with the same story | under it of how thé Red Ofoss, capitalism's angel of “inercy’* went into the drought area, spent $10,894,000, how they helped 460,240 fam- ilies. “How they put through the “constructive rielf in the’ drought area” by “promoting ‘better food habits and better health among the’ schcol children in addition to the practical work of feeding and clothing the néedy and otherwise Stabilizing the farm house.” ‘This is what the Red Cross says, this is what the capitalists, the bankers and bosses want the workers and farmers to believe so that when they demand relief they are given the Red Cross type. What kind of relief is this Red Cross relief? Is this a true Picture they paint of themselves? ‘Let the “Ameritan” Medical Jourtial, * August 1931 answer. “Contagion and nutritition defi- | ciencies have increased in the drought area of Missouri. This is particularly true of typhoid. Seurvey, pellagra and rickets have been re- ported prevalent. Nutrition disturbances may lead to an increased prevalence of turberculosis.” More information sbout the drought area comes from two state health officials “concerning medical conditions in the drought stricken areas and suffering from lack of medical attention and supplies.” “There is evident already say, health officers” undernourishment of children and the menace of typhoid fever seems greater than for a number of years.” Hereafter when the Red Cross or any capitalist agency speaks of “better food habits and health” we will know it means the cultivation of the habit to starve. In some parts of the counrty, notubly Arkansas pellagra has increased.” And this is the state the Red Cross claimed to concentrate the most. As we read the report on what is going on in Arkansas where the Red Cross say they gave the greatest attention, then we can draw con- clusions as to what must be the condition in the states where the “concentration” was less, Pellagra in Arkansas! What is pellagra? The report points out thet a “Dr. Goldberger ex- plained the revelance of peliagra to what he | called the M, M. M. diet” that is nothing to | eat except mollasses. meal or meat (the meat usually consisting of pork, fat wack). This doc- tor in investigating pellagra in the United States had “found many people with the disease in the farming sections of the South, and he attributed: the increase of the disease to the Mississippi flood a few years ago. Here, now we have # historic evidence of what Red Cross- | Hoover relief means, because, remember it was during the Mississippi flood thet the Red Cross and Hoover wes supposed to have done its greatest work as the saviors of the American people in distress and remember this was played up hervically for Hoover in the last election. ‘The results of ‘their relief in Mississippi, during 1926 or 1927 is that thousands have pellegra. Most of these are among the Negroes, who didn't even receive the measly relief of the white workers and farmers but were rounded up into concentration camps and made to do forced labor. And the conditions in the drought area, today compared with the conditions that existed in the Mississippi flood area “is much the same though perhaps exaggerated” says the report. ‘That is considerably worse. “Matters have been made ‘worse by lack of food for animals and there 1s practically certainty of depletion of an already deficlent milk supply. The citizens to | a great extent are unable to help themselves | through loss of crops, failure’ of banks and | tying up of public funds. “Tying up of public | funds” in cimpler | of the farmers by banks, | Quite 2 different picture than the Red Cross | | patnts of tteelt, tsn't ft? AM over the country fine, bcauviful stores aboyt the Hoovers “mer- | etful anther” and all | capitalists in their attacks on the | ald them in propaganda for war on the Soviet languages means the robbing | | “corporation” for their “work” the eowniey ieder i- eslery hook, ‘ By BURCK. WHAT IS GOING ON IN THE SOCIALIST PARTY? By 1. AMTER. P&RT 2 (Conctucion) ©Oné of the major reasons for the ferment within the socialist party is the development of socialism in the Soviet Union. While Matthew Woli, Hamilton Fish, and ali counter-revolution- ary fascist elements are spewing forth their hatred of the Workers’ Republic; while Morris Hillquit becomes a lawyer for the Russian white guards; while the crisis is driving the workers in the capitalist and colonial countries to despera- tion; and while the Five Year Plan is building up in the Soviet Union—Abramovich and Dan prepare their counter-revolutionary attempt to overthtow the Soviet Government, and the In- dustrial Party and the Mensheviks work openly with the socialists in Europe and America for armed invasion of the Soviet Union—while these things take place, ihe socialist parties aid the workers and Union. Not even Hamilton Fish or Woll carry on more venemous propagan the Soviet Union than the Jewish Da’ For- ward, or the Vorwaerts of Berlin. None advo- cate more openly invasion of the Soviet Union than the social democrats of Poland. No won- der then that the militant elements in the so- celalist party get into conflict with the leader- ship of the patry, Matthew against And as against this, in ideologically disarming the workers against the war that is being pre- pared against the Soviet Union, the socialist and labor international, through the socialist’ par- ties, 1s appealing to the League of Nations, by petition, to disarm, The socialists are carrying on pacifist propaganda, which leaves the workers unprepared before the imperialist war machine. Prof. Einstein is a child when he talks about “2 per cent of the people being able to stop war.” These 2 per cent will be driven along in the mad sweep of the war machine, thrown into the armies, into the labor battalions, into the fac- tories or into the internment camps—while the war, in its present form, will go on with all ferocity. The workers are learning that the only way | to overthrow capitalism is by opposing in organ- ized form the organived violence represented. by the capitalist state. They are learning this from the picket line, from demonstrations for unom- Ployment insurance—in every struggle of the workers. ‘They are learning from the Russian Revolution that its only safeguard was the fact that it was established on the PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIP. | Therefore the slogan and policy of the socialist party against ALL dic- tatorship is a dire menace, a direct challenge to the Working class. Against the Imperialist, fascist dictatorship the revolutionary workers pet forward the Proletarian Dictatorship, This | is the only method—the only goal. ‘This contradiction between the policy of the | socialist party, which pretends to stand for so- cialism, for the overthrow of capitalism and the. establishment of the power of the working class—and its real program and practice of sup- porting capitalism—for which it has been given —and correctly—the name of the third party of cepitalism—is causing the conflict in the social- ist party. It is both the elaboration of a program of co- operative” unemployment insurance, and its practice in refusing to fight for uncmployment insurance that makes it merély a shield for the capitalists. It is not a statement of neath’ the fine picture and beautiful stories, disease, pellagra, typhoid, rickets tuberculosis, starvation, This is Red Cross relief, this is cap- italist relief, this is what the bosses use as an excuse not to clive real relief and unemployment insurance, By the way, the sataries of the Red Cross, amounts to @ million dollars s yeer as bic tae in their own’ ~ tye, ; a Norman Thomas who goes on thé picket tine and talks of militancy that affects the policy | oc the socialist party—but it is the practice of the socialist party and socialists in the trade unions that show the line. “It is not the talk of a “socialist commonwealth” that shows the position of the socialist party ,but its efforts t6 cleanse capitalism (Thomas, Waldman against municipal graft), the proposal of plans to save capitalism, that give their line. It is not the empty phrase of “recognition of the Soviet Gov- ernment” in the program of the socialist party which counts—but Hillquit’s being a lawyer of the Russian white guards, the writings in the Daily Forward, the attacks on the Soviet Union in every sphere, the open and tacit support of the attacks of Woll and ¥ish on the Soviet Union, which count. It is not the talk of peace and disarmament that count, but support @f the war-making League of Nations and the Kellogg- Briand peace treaty which show the line. It is nut the idle chatter about the necessity of the capitalists preparing 10 and 20 year plans, with the aid of a Stuart Chase and other socialist engineers, but the open, provocative aitacks on the Five Year Plan with heralds that it is fail- ing, and the concealment of the fact that eapi- talism cannot be organized—that show the line of the socialist party as an upholder of te present system, fighting against its overthrow and leading in the fight against the revolution- ary workers who everywhere are organized and led by the Communist Party. Hence the growing ferment in the socialist party. Hence the growing talk jabout splits. Hence the attempts to stem the discontent within the socialist party through conferences of the “mi¥tants,” who finally accept the pro- gram of the open fascists, Hillquit, Oneal and Lee. Hence the “militancy” of Norman Thomas, because he sees the growing radicalization of the working class. Hence the occasional protests and offers to “investigate” conditions in the unions (the offer of the socialist party to set up an “impartial committee” to “investigate” the struggle between the two fascist gangster leaders, Hillman and Orlofsky). Hence the ef- forts to head off the sharp movement of the inside and outside the socialist party. The Conference for Progressive Labor Action (Musieites) is an expreseion of this discontent. The necessity of the CPLA differentiating it- self from the socialist party with a “more radi- cal” program is the outcome (which we will treat in a later article). The militant working class elements in the socialist party must leaim that there is only one party that is leading the struggle against capi- talism, for its overthrow and for the establish- States through # Workers’ and Farmiers’ Gov- ernment, as the only goal and guarantee of the Working Class Revolution in this as in all coun- tries—and that is the Communist Party. The only answer that James Oneal can give to @ group of workers of Cambridge, Mass., to a ques- tion as to the difference between the Commu- nist and the socialist parties is to slander the Communist Party. This is no answer to the sharpening of the class struggle; this is the fas- cist way out of the conflict, The honest working class elements must pose all these questions in the light of their own ex- periences, of the experiences of the’ Russian Revolution, the growing fascism throughout the world, the fascization of the trade unions, the need of unity of the working class-NOT AS SUCH, BUT WITH A REVOLUTIONARY AIM AND REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP. Then they will see that only the leadership of the Communist Party and the Communist Interna- tional guarantees the reaching of the goal. Not splits like that of the socialist labor party in ; Germany, which will lead back to the social | democratic party—but the road of the revolu- tionary workers to the Proletarian Dic! is the ONLY REVOLUTIONARY PATH~THE rank and file working class socialist elements ment of a Proletarian Dictatorship in the United © er ets eet a a — et How Must the Party Combat White Chauvinism? By H. N. iP Chicago a few weeks ago gangsters invaded the premises of the Polish Club at 4848 Ashe land Ave. white one of our organizations was heving a dance. As usual Negro and. white workers were dancing together. This aroused, the ire of the gangsters, They began to insult the mixed couples. These insults grew more numerous and more threatening as More gang- stersy poured into the hall. The atmésphers was charged. Something was going to happen— just what, nobody knew. At this point members of our mass orgentse- tions, among them Party members, eased them~ selves out of the hall leaving the Negro com- | rades and a few League members to face the | gangsters followed. fire alone! A white comrade sensing the danger of the situation, volunteered to take some Negre comrades home in his car. This comrade and some Negro workers left the hall, As they dé, They tried to prevent the car from starting. Only the timely interferenes of some League members enabled these comrades to escape unscathed. But three Negro workers still remained in the hall. And the gangsters still hovered srownd. To make matters worse, cops arrived upon: the scene. In accordance with the usual procedure! they ignored the gangsters and began searching for the Negro comrades, who escaped only by hiding in the attic. Finally the cops left. Tie. comrade with the car returned, and all Negro workers were taken home safely. As the League members, however, were on the way to the street car, they were brutally at- tacked by the gangsters. Some comrades were | so badly beaten that they are suffering from their injuries even now. ‘Two days later at a forum held by the Une employed Council which consist mostly of Negro workers, the scheduled program was kicked overboard, and one point was discussed: “How Can Negro Workers Defend Themselves?” During the discussion it was recalled that Negro work~ ers were deliberately picked out by the police for murder in the August Third massacre. It was also pointed out that at the Dec, 7th dem- onstration white Workers ran away when Negro workers were attacked. The conclusion arrived at was, that white workers will not defend Negro workers, that Negro workers can only rely upon tnnemselves, and thai\ they must defend theme reer by any means whatsoever. What does this case show? It shows first that the Party in that section does not understand its tasks in relation to the Negro question: on. oné hand, thé white Party members refuse to defend Negroes, on the other, Negro comrades siiccumb to the ideology of the vacciliating wavering Negro petty bourgeoisie. In the second place, it shows that almost no ideology struggle against white chauvanism has taken place in the mass organizations and among the workers of the neighborhood. In the third place ite shows that the failure to continue the struggle for Negro rights, will inevitably result in » loss of prestige for the Communist Party. The splendid reaction of the Party to the August ‘Third Massacre brought thousands into the re~ volutionary movement. But the lack of proper’ follow-up resulis in the continual loss ef the influence of the Party. What must be done? The Party must (1) conduct an ideological struggle against white chauvanism inside and outside the Party, (2) organize militant mass demonstrations around concrete cases of discrimination, (3) form de~ fense corps in the Party and in the leading mass organizations, and (4) draw the Workers’ Ex- Servicemen’s League and the Labor Sports Union into active defense of Negro workers. ‘The first steps in the ideological struggle have already begun. Before this article is printed a Mass meeting against the terror will have taken place in the very hall where the attack begat. In addition, white workers will stand guard, side by side with Negro workers, over the body of & stockyards worker whom the bosses starved to death, A workers’ mass trial is also being prepared, to try a worker who fell victim te the | bosses’ superiority bunk. Coupled with necessary organizational meas- ures, this ideological campaign will go a long way towards rooting white chauvanism out of our Party. Without leading the masses in struggle against Jim Crow practices, however, even these steps would be insufficient. ‘The masses must be rallied to the defense of Hegre rights. In this fight the white comradss must Uterally: “jump at the throat of the 100 per cent American bandit who strikes a Negro in the face.” This is the real test of the, international Solidarity of white workers. ‘The Negro comrades, on the other hand, must vigorously combat all tendencies among the Negro masses to fall victims to the wavering doubts, uncertainties, and skepticism of the Negro petty bourgeois intelligentsia. BIG MINES AND BIG MINK COMPANIES PRODUCE AN. INCREASING SHARE OF: THE TOTAL ; By LABOR RESEARCH AS8N. BS mines are producing a steadily larger pef- centage of the total bituminous output. Ai Jeast 3,440 coal mines were shut down jn the United States between 1923 and 109, leaving 5,891 sj] in operation. In 1923, with @ total output of 563,000,000 tons, 47 per cent came from Class I mines—those producing 200,000 tons and over. In 1930, with a total output of 468,000,000 tons, 63 per cent came from these large Class nines. In terms of mining companies rather than mines, figures from the U. S. Bureau of Mines (for 1929) show that 87 companies produced over 1,000,000 tons apiece and together had 478 Per cent of the total bituminous tonnage of that year. In 1920 there were 80. companies in this 1,000,000-ton group, Producing 34.5 per cent of the tonnage. Deliberate concentration by the companies themselves was responsible for closing some of the mines, for the 80 companies operated 975 mines in 1920, producing 194,000,000 tons. But te BT, Comp aHiee Coated Cal eet) cae 1929 and produced 229,000,000 tons. . Concentration is much greater than these figures indicate, for the Bureau of Mines counts 8s four separate companies the chief coal-min< ing subsidiaries of U. S. Steel, It counts as separate companies the many subsidiaries of the Koppers Co. (Mellon). Black Mountain Corp. in Harlan County would be reckoned separately from Peabody Coal Co. No totals are ayailabie but many mere companies than im 1920 Are now E} se