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THE BOSSES PLAN A “HUNGER MARCH” By REBECCA GRECHT ITH the further deepening of the crisis, un- der pressure of the growing resistance of the working class to the capitalist offensive, the bourgeoisie is compelled to resort to all sorts of reformist maneuvers and demagogy in order to deceive the masses, prevent struggles against wage-cuts and unemployment and spread. illu- sions among the workers as to the ability and willingness of the capitalist class to lessen the burdens which the crisis has thrown upon the shoulders of the workers, and solve the evil of unemployment. ‘The increasing mass struggles for unemploy- ment relief and insurance in particular, leading to the National Hunger March to Washington, D. C., has Brought about an increased use of such methods in the bosses’ attempts to check the development of militant class actions under revolutionary leadership. Thus we find, in Pennsylvania, the spectacle of the arch-demagogue, Governor Pinchot, waging a sham legislative battle on unemploy- ment relief, appearing before the workers as the “lesser evil” among capitalist politicians, while in practice he carries through in full the starvation program of the bosses. We have had, in Wéstetn Pennsylvania, the organization of various charity relief drives, to - attempt through crumbs of charity to dampen the work- ers’ spirit’ of class battle on the basis of the program of the Unemployed Councils. And now, as the latest maneuver in this stronghold of coal and steel, we have “Father Cox’s Hunger March” to Washington, engineered by the bosses, supported by the church, widely advertised in the capitalist press. Recent months have seen increasing mass ac- tivity in the Pittsburgh district in the struggle against unemployment. Thousands of workers have been mobilized to fight for immediate re- lief through three county hunger marches in Western Pennsylvania, through numerous local demonstrations in mining and steel towns, led by the Communist Party, the revolutionary unions and the unemployed committees. Con- cessions have been forced from local govern- ments leading to increased distribution of relief. The Unemployed Council in Pittsburgh has been growing in influence, winning new masses for the fight for unemployed insurance. Over 130 delegates from the coal fields and the steel cen- ters were sent on the National Hunger March Dec. 7. In face of this developing movement, the capitalist class has brought forward James R. Cox, a Catholic. priest, to show the workers a “patriotic” way out for the unemployed, which wilh safeguard the interests of the employing class. Two years ago this tool of the bosses opened his church as a meeting place to the striking taxicab drivers of Pittsburgh only to worm his way into. their midst and assist in their betrayal “with prayer,” as the workérs tell. Today he is heading a movement openly directed against the working class in their battle for unemployed relief and unemployed insur- ance. This same Cox, who now pretends a tremen- dous solicitude for the starving unemployed masses, fights against any struggle for adequate housing for the homeless unemployed, demand- ing that they be content, for example, with the wooden makeshift shelters, scarcely large enough for a man to turn around in, looking like dog kennels, which he has allowed unemployed workers to set up in a lot near the church—the infamous “Shantytown” of Pittsburgh, object of amusement for curiosity seekers, but a striking testament to the degradation which capitalism forces upon the working class. Cox is oppoxed to unemployment insurance, to unemployment relief from the government. Such demands, he claims, are “unconstitutional,” “unpatriotic.” Instead, he is organizing a “hun- ger march” to Washington to ask Hoover for jobs. While factories and mines continue to close down, while industrial production sinks ever lower, Cox proposes to ask for jobs from the capitalist class which has thrown over 11 million workers out on the streets to starve! While the public works bubble exploded a long time ago with the complete collapse of Hoover's much advertised “prosperity” public works pro- gram, Cox now proposes to solve unemployment | by @ new public works scheme, which at best can give work only to a very small number of the millions of unemployed, serving most to en- rich the contractors and provide fat sources of graft for eapitalist government officials. The National Hunger March to Washington, led by the Unemployed Councils, brougnt to the forefront the struggle of the workers for un- employment insurance through taxing the rich. Cox’s fake “hunger march” proposes to fight against unemployment insurance, and is in- tended to delude the workers with promises capitalism cannot fulfill. Whe National Hunger March exposed the government, before broad masses of workers, as a tool’ of the capitalist class, Cox’s “hunger march” aims to maintain the wavering faith of masses of workers in the bosses’ government which, at the very time when it refuses to take any action to provide adequate funds for unemployment relief and insurance, presents the profit-swollen millionaires with an income tax refund of $65,000,000. The National Hunger March to Washington was a march of workers’ delegates representing an organized militant working-class movement, supported by millions of employed and unem- ployed workers throughout the country. It was @ march initiated and led by workers, a march in which the workers acted as spokesmen all along the route of march, mobilizing the work- ers throughout the territory covered to rally be- hind the struggle for unemployment insurance. Cox's march belongs to Cox himself and the bosses whom he represents. The workers, who are forced to march under threat of being thrown out of “Shantytown” and having their relief withdrawn from various agencies, the workers who are misled into voluntarily joining the march, will be muzzled, guarded by spies, thugs, state police. “I will be the only speaker on the march,” declares Cox—fearing that the militant voice of the workers will be heard on the march raised in the demand for unemploy- ment insurance, and prepared to crush such voices. Cox’s “hunger march” is an attempt to smash the fighting program of the Unemployed Coun- cils, the Communist Party and the revolution- ary unions. Workers distributing leaflets around “Shantytown” at Cox’s meetings,. calling the masses to fight for adequate housing, for un- employment insurance, are arrested and thrown into jail. The entire plan of Cox is a maneuver backed by the bosses and the government to counteract the tremendous effects of the work- ers’ National Hunger March and to try to put a brake on the developing movement for unem- ployment relief and insurance. It is necessary in the Pittsburgh area to carry on a wide campaign to expose this maneuver. before the workers, through leaflets, mass meet- ings, through the organization of workers in “Shantytown” itself to fight for adequate hous- ing and relief. We must not underestimate the influence of such bourgeois reformist maneuvers upon the workers, but, on the contrary, must intensify our struggle against all forms of bour- geois ‘and social fascist demagogy.-_This must take the form not only of an agitational cam~ paign, but of definite organization of mass struggles on the basis of concrete demands for local relief, against evictoins, for free food and clothing for the children of unemployed work- ers, and so on. This applies not alone to the Pittsburgh district, but to the country as a whole. The National Hunger March to Washington on Dec. 7 has advanced the entire unemployed movement to a higher stage. We must. now continue the struggle for unemployment insur- ance through the widest campaign for signa- tures for the unemployment insurance bill, for adoption of the bill by workers’ organizations. As against the fake march of Cox, we must rally the masses of miners and steel workers in West- ern Pennsylvania behind the unemployed dem- onstrations on Feb. 4—national day of struggle for unemployment insurance. As against the unemployment “cures” of Cox and company, we must intensify our campaign to develop among the workers a clearer understanding of the in- ability of capitalism to solve unemployment, of the revolutionary way out of the crisis and the misery of unemployment through uncompromis- ing struggle against the capitalist system under the leadership of the Communist Party. - Our International Wagon By MYRA PAGE. (Foreign Correspondent of the American Dally Worker.) UR train, which our group of worker-dele- gates from many countries have christened “Our International Wagon,” rolls steadily south- ward. Baku, our next stop, is three days and three nights’ travel from Moscow. As brown rolling fields, partly covered with a fine drift- ing snow and dotted with ever-greens, give way to our first view of the Caucasion Mountains and Caspian’ Sea, we sing labor songs, and through jous interpreters make friends among ourselves, exchanging experiences on the crisis of capitalism in our respective countries, and the workers’ struggles there. All feel very happy. Why not? We have come from countries where the struggle and terror are fierce, From Germany, Spain, Eng- Jand, Austria, America, the Orient. We have tome to the..one country where the toiling marses have won their freedom. We feel at home, solidarity, by the comradeship and power of the Russian workers and peasants building socialism across the facé of this vast land. ‘The first morning on the train the delegation held its organization meeting. A committee of three was elected to draw up a general plan of our trip, what aspects of Soviet life we are most interested. in studying here, wha’ types of-fac- tories we especially want to visit, and so on. The A. F. of L. fakers and their “socialist” friends like to repeat the capitalist lie that foreign workers in the Soviet. Union have a chance to see the “show places” only. This is nonsense. ‘The Russian comrades traveling with us urge us to speak out what we want, it is up to us, they will help in every way possible. One dele- gate is anxious to see automobile workers and All right, either we will re-route our trip back to include the Trac- ag works at Kharkov or we will visit Amo auto int in Moscow, the first thing when we re- m. Another is interested in workers’ hous- relaxed, stimulated by our international’ ing, @ woman worker in conditions of toiling women. We hold several meetings, constantly enlarging, modifying our first plan until every- body feels satisfied. Each day we hold a dele- gation meeting to discuss the day’s work. Next we elect our wall paper editors. Just as the wall papers which one finds in all depart- ments of every shop. throughout’ the Soviet Union are written by the workers themselves just as shop papers are gotten together in the ‘Slates, so our wall paper, “The International Gazette,” will be written by the delegates them- selves. Today our first edition went up. Every- body gathered around, to read the . articles, laugh over the cartoons. Everybody feels he had a part.- Tt is indeed a mass, collective pro- duct. It took much work, too, as each article has: to appear in four languages!,, One of the cartoons drawn by: a Spanish - worker. . shows Spanish fascism ground-under the. heel..of the rising toilers, The one contributed by the Eng- lish seamen won many grins, It is entitled, “Equal Sacrifice for All.” Under this slogan the recent. Labor Government put through its pro- gram of wage and unemployment insurance cuts in the interests of the employers. King George is shown in the picture, making his “sacrifice” by pawning his one pair of trousers at West- minster Abbey! All of the delegates wish that the entire work- ing class in their countries could be along with us, on this International Wagon. ‘We agree, we shall report to them at once, through our press, our experiences on our ten thousand mile trip by land and by sea through the first Workers’ Republic. This is equivalent in distance to about two round trips from New York to Cali- fornia. Tomorrow morning we arrive at Baku, the City of Black Gold (oil). This is the capitol of one of the smaller Soviet Republics, inhabited by a brown-skinned Turko-man people who were ruthlessly exploited by the czar, but who now are busy developing their industries and own culture, “National in form, proletarian in con- tent.” lette Committee. Federal aid must be given to the unemployed in order not to endanger our American institutions, said Edward McGrady, representing the American Federation of Labor at the hearings on unemployment relief held by the La Fol- Pressmen’s Officials “Solve” the Unem- ploymentSituation By T. KETTLE. fal a special meeting of International Printing and Assistants’ Union, No. 51, the officials railroaded a proposition which was given them by the bosses. ‘The proposition is of considerable interest, not only to pressmen, but also to all workers, and particularly A. F. of L. members, who must fight every day against the agents of the bosses. within the union....To the workers, knowledge, no sim: ilar proposition has even been: submitted to a labor union, and we expect. such “solution” and propositions in many other A, F. of L. unions. The unemployment. situation in the union is quite serious. Out of 3400 members (about 400 not working at trade, being supply men, super- intendents, employers, etc.) only about 500 work full time;-the majority of the latter being work- ing foremen. About 700 members are totally un- employed, and about 1,800 work part time. Little has been done by the officials towards helping the unemployed and the benefit handed out is $9 per week, from which the unemployed worker has to return $2 as unemployment assessment. On January 1, 1932 the bosses as per contract, were to give a dollar a week raise, but their committee appeared before a union meeting and pleaded poverty, and asked that the dollar raise be- waived. The union officials went into con- ference with the bosses and finally hatched out the following scheme for helping the unemployed. Each boss is to deduct every week 15 per cent from the wages of those employed, and keep it in a special fund, and when he has enough money in the fund he is to hire an extra press- man, who is to be paid at the rate of $8 per day. (The union rate will be $10.90 after Jan. Ist.). These extras are not to do any productive work, but be at the disposal of the “cooperation” of the bosses, extras shall not receive 50c extra per day as at present, the $1 raise due on Jan. 1st, 1932 shail be waived, and the’ union further agrees that on April 1, 1932 it will reopen the existing contract, to run until Sept., 1932). The existing contract on the matter of wages expires and the union will then negotiate with the League Wage adjustments in line with con- ditions existing on that date, ‘The officials attempted to put over this bosses’ scheme at the union meeting and did not ac- cept any counter propositions but did not dare to vote upon it at the meeting by referendum, for which everything was already prepared at that meeting, Instead they railroaded through a mo- tion that this proposition go to a referendum of the entire membership on a day to be de- termined by the officials. They hoped by means of those practices which are common among the bureaucrats to put it over. They hope to set the unemployed, but in this they were un- cussessful, and are now compelled to withdraw the proposition on account of the workers’ in- dignation both among the employed and un- employed. The acceptance of this scheme by the offi- cials of No. 51 was a rank sell-out, and was most likely accompanied by an actual cash pay- ment. What this scheme is in essence: That a cer- tain amount of work would be done, but at 15 per cent less wages. No nfore work would be created, and as the leaflet issued by the rank and file committee of Pressmens Union No, 51, correctly pointed out ‘‘can you imagine an extra being given a job for three days at $8 a day and told not to produce—just stick around and be a good fellow and get paid for it? The extra would, of course, have d6ne productive work and here is where the scheming bosses and their agents wanted to kill two birds with one stone. The whole tendency in the pressroom is to- wards mechanization and speed-up, and the em- ployers want that the feeders handle more press- es. The previous officials of Local 23 (the feed- ers local) which gives the right to the bosses to reopen the whole question about more press es per man. The feeders vigorously objected to being eliminated and to being speeded-up more than now. But the officials of No. 51 saw in this, “unem- ployment solution”, proposition an opportunity to help the employers, and so the extras would actually have been used to watch presses and The Reign of Terror in Ireland By SEAN MURRAY (Dublin) 'AUGHT in the throes of the economic crisis and confronted with a revolutionary upsurge among the toiling masses, the Free State Gov- ernment has dropped its constitutional mantle and donned the Steel Jacket of military Dicta- torship. The Coercion Act passed through the Dail abrogates every vestige of bourgeoisie democracy so far as the toiling masses are concerned. Military Tribunals—No- Appeal The new act abolishes trial by jury for poli- tical offenses. A military tribunal of five army officers is set up, from whose sentences there is no appeal, and whose trials may be held in secret. Coroners inquests are even abolished over “Political” corpses. The police have power to arrest any person on suspicion of committing, having committed, or being about to commit an unlawful act. The military tribunal cannot be criticized in the press. It has power to inflict the death sen- tence on anyone who is a member of an un- lawful association. An unlawful association is any body which advocates or encourages the overthrow of the State by force or promotes or encourages “the attainment of any object of a treasonable or seditious character” or promotes, etc. “The non- payment of monies payable to the central fund or any other public fund,” or the non-p&yment of local taxation. The issuance of literature of every descrip- tion on behalf of an illegal organization is pro- hibited, drastic penalties including imprison- ment and confiscation are made against Pub- lishers and Printers. Power is given for the suppression of public meetings. The Governor General is given power to suspend Parliament for a month at a time and to appoint deputies without election, etc. Since the passing of the act the government has proclaimed as illegal 12 organizations, amongst which are the Revolutionary Workers Groups, the forerunners of the Communist Par- ty, the Working Farmers Committee Movement, the Friends of the Soviet Union, and the Irish Labor Defense League. The new Republican Workers and Peasants Party, Saoire Eire and the LR.A. (Republican Army) are put under the ban. The Government has got down in earnest to the work of suppression. Arrests and raids have been carried out all over the country. Meet- ings are being y@oclaimed wholesale, the first to be banned being that of the celebration of the anniversary of the Russian Revolution. The Deep Economic Crisis ‘The bourgeoisie explains its terror legislation by its concern for the sanctity of life and the protection of religion and morals,” but these vestments fail to hide the cioven hoof of the economic crisis. The trade returns for the nine months ended Sept. Inst reveal a fall in exports calculated in money of over 20% compared with last year to eliminate the feeders. The bosses put one group of workers against the others and due to the crafty sell-out tactics of the officials were rather successful in the pest. But the men are beginning to see that bosses are licking them one group et a time. There have been several un-uce2ssful revolts against that Fascist Berry (the International President) and he would like the check-off sys- tem introduced) making him independent of the membership, and this bosses’ proposition would have guaranteed it. The bocses feel that wages in the printing industry are entirely too high. ‘This 15 per cent wage cut would have been an entering wedge to force down wages all along the line in the or- ganized crafts. In the unorganized shops wages have been slashed from 30 to 50 per cent. In the company union (Edition bookbinders shop) the bosses want 10 per cent wages cut now in spite of the fact thal men earn as little as $20 a week and girls $10 a week. Trore is only one way for priniing workers to fight against their worsened conditions, by joining with the Printing Workers nternational League, section of the Trade Union Unity League, which organizes against wage cuts, and which .creates opposition groups to fight aganist the betrayals by A.F.L, bureaucrats, who in league with the bosses are trying to still further worsen. the conditions of the printing industry. and in imports of 15¢;. A’ fall of aver 30% is shown on the total external trade figures. The share of the agrarian crisis in this position is revealed by the live stock exports for, the month of Sept. These figures show a fall in volume and value of 239 and 25% respectively. For the first time since 1926 the adverse trade balance figures have made a right-about-wheel. By its policy of protective tariffs and its drive against the standard of living of the working masses the Free State Government was able to progressively reduce the adverse balance from £19 millions in 1925-26 to £10 millions in 1929- 30 or nearly 50%. But the slump in agricultural exports has given the death blow to this pro- cess in 1931; an increase of 214 million or 25% is now recorded. ‘The trade slump has brought about the sever- est crisis on the railways where the companies are engaged in the most terrific drive against the workers. In Dublin’a third of the railway shopmen were recently laid off while the traffic grades are suffering wholesale dismissa’s through the closing down of branch lines and rationali- zation generally. The government has not been slow to respond to the cry of the railway mag- nates—they are given a derating bill and a new traffic Act will favor their position at the ex- pense of the workers and the smaller competing road concerns. “armed with the new dictatorial powers the Cosgrave government has lost no time in inter- preting the economic meaning of its terror act to the workers and peasants. A farmers deputa- tion called to see the Free State President. The deputation assured Cosgrave that they were as near to Rome and as far from Moscow as he, and if only he could give them a moratorium on Land Annuities, or alternatively a derating bill, there would be no danger of their drop- ping their religion or taking to Communism. With withering bluntness the representative’ of Trish Capitalism told them they “must pay their debts” and that derating was out of the ques- tion. A still worse fate overtook the Civil Ser- vice depuiation representing 10,000 signatories. Cosgrave point blank refused to see them. But the bourgeoisie are not relying solely on their police, jails, military and bailiffs in the battle. for the maintenance of their rule of hunger and oppression over the toiling masses. The Church is moved into the -front trenches of the class fight. “The ruin o fall that is dear to us in history, religion and. country” is threat- ened.’ The wildest anti-Soviet orgy of propa- ganda streams forth from press pulpit and plat- form. The fury of the crusade is a measure of the nervousness. of the bourgeoisie and the ex- tent o* the crisis. Britic 1 Imperialism {s also, obliged to come di- rectly to the ald of the Cosgrave dictatorship. A sham aitack is made in the Imperial pa*lia- ment on: the powers of the Free State Cousti- tuticn and a “victory” 1s staged for the Free State Government. The, “Statute of Westminster” ‘Through the “Statute of Westminster” the im- poverished Irish workers and: peasants learn that they are ‘nationally free with “full Dominion Status." Small wonder that the only bonfires to gréct the new “Deciaration’ of Independence” was the burning of a Union Jack and a copy of the Free State Constitution by, the Dublin. workers. The forces of the Free State Government, the catholic priecthood and the British imperialists are reinforced by the Fianna Fail and Labor parties. The class organizations of the workers and peasants are declared outside the pale of the conctitution. It is at this juncture the Fian- na Fail Party declares iiself completely con- verted to the constitution. For several years DeValera’s Party declared the Free State Con- stitution as the main obstacle to Independence. Now that it has been abrogated for the workers and peasants it has become the majn instru- ment of Independence! The outlawry of the workers ani peasants by the Free State Government is supplemented by the ex-communication edicts of the priécts. This is the, moment chosen by De.Valera to-de- clare for an “Irish and Catholic way of solving our difficulties” for invoking the Pope's En- cyclical and setting his new daily paper the task of popularizing Papal “Social Theories” as an alternative to the policy of a revolutionary class struggle for national and social freedom, ‘New Important Struggle ‘These pronouncements, made at the Fianna | ~ me lf Ways and Means eh } New York folks who want to push the Dafly Worker along, have no end of chance to do that, ‘hese days. First off, do you know that there’s a. two veeks’ exhibition on at the John Reed Club, 63 West 15th Street, of the originals of the best of Jake Burck’s cartoons and drawings. They're there to be shown—and sold, and they're dandy tor framing or just tacking up on the wall of the old tepce. The proceeds go to the Daily | Worker. | Then .on Sunday, Jan. 3, you don’t want to miss that big blowout at the Bronx Coliseum, in celébration’of the Daily Worker's eighth bitth- day. The shooting is SUPPOSED to begin at 2 p.m. But you know these New York Com- munists, they seem to think it’s a right deévia- tion to begin anything on time. And that reminds us of a third thing. You might subscribe to the Daily instead of grabbing it off mews-stands—and sometimes missing: it, It’s cheaper for you and better for the. Daily. ‘The reason we were reminded of this by that notion that everything must be begun late, is that the Circulation Manager was all steamed up because the comrades who have charge of the Daily in the District here, sort of let the campaign get started first before they thought it was necessary to do something about it. _ And the-said C. M. rudely states that it’s be- cause they are firmly convinced that- nobody will subscribe, so they got the idea that there was no use bothering to try to get subscriptions. Won't you put a crimp in that notion by sub- scribing? Hop to it. Surprised Without Reason Comrade Boris S. writes us:—“Surprised to see your appeal for physicians to help the un- employed.’ Are you not informed of our docter who consults workers who cannot afford to pay free of charge? Whenever New York comrades, unemployed or strikers, are ill, they always go to our comrade. He is poor himself, but he is a saint, a modern revolutionary saint. No need of giving his name—he would be angry at me if I did. We all know him. A living and splendid example of solidarity with the proletariat.” Well, this is interesting, but scarcely informa- tive. We, personally, know off-hand at least three of such saints. But this is a Communist movement, and that means ORGANIZATION. And all these saints should be organized, or else their kindness is just so much hidden gold, accessible only to the few who know them. What we approved of was the proposal of Dr. Maximil Cohen, that dentists and doctors who sympathize with the revolutionary move- ment should make themselves known to the lo¢al secretary of the Unemployed Councils (Carl Winter, 5 East 19th St. in New York) so the services they give to unemployed (who must bring a note from their Unemployed Branch or Council) be organized sensibly, so that @ jobless worker in the Bronx don’t have to go to a Brooklyn dentist, or vice versa; and also so no one “saint” is over-taxed. Further, it breaks monopoly of those who “all know” this particular devoted comrade. We are kind’ of skeery of saints; but we think Comrade Boris is sadly lacking in organiza- tional sense and is doing his medical comrade no good by this somewhat ‘slushy panegyric (that’s a $2 word, but it just fits). A Little Late for Homans ‘The local New York papers the ‘cst week havé taken up a hue and cry bumming ‘olks for their old clothes “for the needy”. Of coi ‘se a “dole” would degrade the unemployed but if the boss who fired you will be kind enough ‘9 leave ‘his old pants at a police station the 1. Y, papers tell us that the cops will soon give you the de- lightful feeling of presenting you with your ex- boss’ trousers, Strange to say this idea only occurred to our “humanitarian” bosses about New Year's day. but on our desk is a clipping from one of our’ local papers of back in October, It is headed: “Blankets for Horses” and says: “Blankets for horses of owners too poor to supply them will be furnished before cold wea- ther sets in Mrs. Jacob M. Ehrlich president and founder of the eHorse Aid Society of New York, announced today.” How Solicitous our capitalists and their newa- papers are for dumb animals! Fall Congress, show the political differentiation now developing as a result of the sharpening of the class issues. ‘The Congress marks an important stage in the evolution of Parliamentary Republicanism to= wards more definite forms of collaboration with the natlonal-imperialist counter-revolutionary bice. It also marks a stage in the break of this perty with the militant republican elements with-. in the LR.A.. where De Valera’s influence was hitherto strong. The Republican Leader makes clear his reasons for his present line of policy: “Everyone must realize that there would be a serious danger if men with arms in their hands were to attack themselves to a special class movement to uce them for class against another section of the community.” Thus do the workers and peasants find them- selves deserted by their ‘national heroes” the moment they take up their own class fight. A general election is now being prepared. in the Free State. Cosgrave, De Valera and Labor ~ will urge, the respective merits of their different forms of capitalist rule. The forthcoming all-in workers Conference in Dublin will raise the class reply to the capital- ists and difeir national and social ini agents. The fight for the demands of the employed, resistance to economy and red in wages, will not be shuffled out of the by the psalm singing altar boys of the bourge= oisie and their jucgling with oaths of ese and Constitutional trappings. The Revolutionary Workers Groups will ‘chal lenge the class enemy in the election and th put forward the political alterngtiye to the ties of Capitalism—the organization of the munist Party as the successor of My leader of the Irish toilers in the battle for ,ation from Irish capitalism and British